[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [General history and culture](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general) › [A History of the Mahrattas](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826) › v2.c41 # A History of the Mahrattas v2.c41: Chapter XXXIII A History of the Mahrattas v2.c41 - **Language:** English ### Chapter XXXIII ### [v2.c41.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.1) A.D. 1785.—The resources of the provinces which Sindia had acquired in Hindoostan were from their exhausted state totally inadequate to meet the great additional disbursements which his late success, more brilliant than lucrative, had entailed. Pressed by pecuniary embarrassments, he was driven to acts equally impolitic and unjust. Against foreign adversaries he might have prevailed, but domestic enemies soon became too strong for his newly established power. The principal cause of discontent arose from his sequestrating the Jagheers of many of the Mahomedan chiefs,¹ and from being suspected of entertaining like designs towards all of them. The most considerable of these chiefs, whom he had not yet dispossessed, was Mohummud Beg Humadanee, whom Sindia had recalled from Raghoogurh to Delhi, and endeavoured, without success, to prevail upon him to disband a portion of his troops. Mohummud Beg, suspecting that Sindia intended to enforce compliance, ever after harboured a secret enmity against him, which the course of events soon afforded an opportunity of declaring. ### [v2.c41.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.2) ¹ \[The sequestration of the jāgīrs was a necessary result of Sindia's determination to organize a regular standing army, for the jāgīrs were fiefs bestowed for military service, and their maintenance was incompatible with the new system. (Keene, Mughal Empire, p. 145.)\] ### [v2.c41.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.3) A.D. 1786.—Under the sanction of the Emperor's name, Sindia had not only preferred a claim for tribute on the Rajpoots, but at the head of his army at the gates of Jeypoor had fixed the first payment at sixty lacks of rupees, of which a part was received and the balance promised in a given time. When the period expired, Sindia sent Ryajee Patell to recover the remainder; but the Rajpoots having prepared for resistance, and being secretly assured of support from Mohummud Beg and the disaffected Mahomedan nobles, refused to pay the amount, derided the authority of Ryajee Patell, attacked his troops and routed them. The faction at Delhi opposed to Sindia was much strengthened by this revolt; even the imbecile monarch, whose stipend was irregularly paid, and who readily became the tool of any new party, joined in the increasing murmurs: complained of the invaded rights of imperial dignity, and of the arbitrary acts and uncourteous manner of the Mahratta chiefs. Sindia, though sensible of these discontents, though his funds were exhausted, his own and the imperial troops in arrears, and his fortunes depending on the issue of a very doubtful campaign, was obliged to take the field against the Rajpoots. He ordered his troops under Appa Khunde Rao, with the two battalions of De Boigne lately returned from Bundelcund, to join him; but, to add to his difficulties, he was obliged to detach two separate bodies of troops to the northward of Delhi, under two of his own officers, Hybut Rao Phalkay and Ambajee Inglia, to repel an incursion of the Seiks. ### [v2.c41.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.4) A.D. 1787.—On approaching Jeypoor, Sindia endeavoured to negotiate, but his overtures were disregarded. The Raja of Joudpoor, with several Rajpoot chiefs of less note, united with Pertaub Sing, the Raja of Jeypoor, who had succeeded his father Jey Sing, and their army was already very formidable.¹ The greater part of Sindia’s troops being very different from those of an army wholly Mahratta, the Rajpoots by acting on the supplies, and cutting off the foragers, soon rendered their situation critical. Both Mahrattas and Moghuls, irritated by privation, became dissatisfied; and Mohummud Beg Humadanee, together with his nephew, Ismael Beg, chose this moment for deserting Sindia and joining the Rajpoots. Lest the disaffection should spread to the whole of the Emperor’s troops, Sindia took the earliest opportunity of leading them into action. An obstinate battle took place—Mohummud Beg fell by a cannon shot, and his troops were on the point of flying, when they were rallied by Ismael Beg, who retrieved the day and forced the Mahrattas to retire. Sindia was preparing to renew the contest, when, on the third day after the battle, the whole of the Emperor’s regular infantry, with eighty pieces of cannon, went off in a body to join Ismael Beg.¹ ### [v2.c41.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.5) ¹ \[The Rājpūt forces comprised 100,000 horse and foot, and 400 pieces of artillery. The battle was fought about forty-three miles east of Jaipur (Keene, Mughal Empire, p. 146). For the campaigns in Northern India, Tod should be consulted.\] ### [v2.c41.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.6) ¹ Mahratta MS. and letters. Bengal Records, &c. \[About 14,000 infantry thus deserted, after sending a message to the Rājā of Jaipur that they would join him if he paid them two lakhs of rupees. The Rājā accepted these terms. It should be noted that the author, writing from Marāthā sources, places Ismail Beg’s defection prior to the battle. In the Musalmān accounts this action of Ismail Beg is slurred over. ‘Perhaps,’ writes Keene, ‘we shall not be far wrong in supposing that Ismail Beg went off after his uncle’s death, when the mutinous corps deserted.’ (Mughal Empire, p. 149.)\] ### [v2.c41.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.7) At no period of his life did Sindia evince greater fortitude and conduct than at this alarming crisis.² He immediately sent off his heavy baggage and many of his followers to Gwalior, by the route of Kooshalgurh; he then made a rapid retreat to Deeg, recalled his detachments, and restored Deeg, with several other places, to the Jhats, in order to preserve an interest with that people. He also deposited his heavy guns in their fort of Bhurtpoor, and strengthened his garrisons in Aligurh and Agra.³ ### [v2.c41.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.8) ² From the oral information of General De Boigne. ### [v2.c41.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.9) ³ Sindia’s letters to the Peishwa, confirmed by General De Boigne. ### [v2.c41.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.10) To effect these and other contingent arrangements required some time, and had the Rajpoots pressed the war with vigour, they might probably have confined the Mahrattas to the southern bank of the Chumbul; but they only sought to suppress the ambitious pretensions of Sindia, not to annihilate the Mahratta ascendancy in Hindoostan. They therefore returned to their respective capitals when Sindia retreated, and left Ismael Beg to recover the imperial districts.⁴ Ismael first proceeded towards Agra; in the neighbourhood of which Sindia was still hovering, but he was determined to avoid another general action. At that time, however, skirmishes took place for eight successive days, and one village was repeatedly taken and retaken; but it being reported that Gholam Kawdir,⁵ the son of Zabita Khan Rohilla, was on his march to assist Ismael Beg, Sindia made a rapid retreat towards Gwalior, on which occasion many of his men perished, by losing themselves in the ravines contiguous to the Jumna.¹ Sindia had made repeated applications to the Peishwa for troops, and now wrote to Nana Furnuwees, representing that although he by no means considered his own affairs desperate, yet as he had reason to believe the English were about to form an alliance with the Emperor and the Rajpoots, he submitted to his consideration the danger that must ensue to the whole Mahratta empire, by allowing the English to establish their sway over the provinces of Hindoostan and to gain such an influence as they must acquire, if assisted by the weight of the imperial name. He strongly disavowed every feeling of jealousy, and called on Nana, if such did exist towards himself, to erase it from his mind; to ask Holkar, Hurry Punt, and Pureshram Bhow, if he (Sindia) had ever interfered with their views, and if they had not seen that all his endeavours tended to the aggrandizement of the empire: ‘we serve,’ continued Sindia, ‘a common master; let our exertions be directed to the common cause: if you personally entertain jealousy of me, ask yourself who supported you against the faction of Moraba, and put your rival Sukaram Bappoo into your power; who suppressed the insurrection of the pretended Sewdasheo Rao Bhow; beat the English at Tullygaom, maintained a great share of the war against them, and concluded an advantageous peace?—Think of these services, banish suspicion, and silence calumniators, who are our mutual enemies—let the cause of the Mahratta nation be upheld in Hindoostan, and prevent our empire from being disunited and overthrown.’² ### [v2.c41.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.11) ⁴ Scott’s History. Mahratta MS.; original letters, and English Records. ### [v2.c41.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.12) ⁵ \[Ghūlām Kādir’s object was probably to renew his father’s claims upon the Mughal Emperor and to obtain for himself the dignity of Amīr-ul-Umrā, or Premier Noble. He is supposed to have been acting under the direction of Mansūr Alī Khān (Safdar Jang), Controller of the Imperial Household, who hoped to secure valuable support for Islam by introducing the young Pathān chief into the administration.\] ### [v2.c41.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.13) ¹ General De Boigne. ### [v2.c41.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.14) ² Original letter from Mahadajee Sindia to Nana Furnuwees. ### [v2.c41.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.15) These observations, though incorrect with regard to any alliance then meditated by the English, carried much of truth in them; but the grand aim of Nana Furnuwees was to cement the Mahratta confederacy under the authority of the Peishwa, and the whole conduct of Sindia had so fully proved that his views were directed to independence if not to supremacy in the empire, that Nana, however unwilling to relinquish Mahratta claims in Hindoostan, hesitated as to the extent and mode of reinforcing Sindia’s army. ### [v2.c41.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.16) A body of troops had been held in readiness under Ali Buhadur,³ even prior to Sindia's retreat; but Nana wished to employ them in making a distinct settlement with the Rajpoot states in the name of the Peishwa, for the purpose of extending the Mahratta influence, without confirming the power of a rival of such inordinate ambition. It is supposed by some of his countrymen that Nana had some communications with the Raja of Jeypoor for the purpose of preserving the Hindoo power, but with a view also of controlling Sindia; the moderation shown by the Rajpoots in not molesting Sindia's retreat is adduced as a proof of this conjecture, but without an absolute rupture with Sindia, which was justly considered ruinous to the empire, Nana saw no means of attaining the ascendancy he desired. Besides the difficulties arising from these considerations, some fresh acts of hostility on the part of Tippoo rendered him averse to detach troops from the Deccan. Sindia, however, whilst he urged these applications at Poona, was using every exertion to retrieve his affairs by his own resources. His most active enemy was Ismael Beg, who, after the retreat of the Mahratta army, invested Agra, which was vigorously defended by Luckwa Dada, a Mahratta Bramin of the Shenwee tribe. At this time appeared Gholam Kawdir, who on the death of his father, Zabita Khan, which happened in January, 1785, succeeded to the Jagheer. His disposition, equally cruel and turbulent, was kept in check whilst the power of Sindia, his hereditary enemy, was predominant; but no sooner did he see a field open to his view, by the reverses which befell that chief, than he collected troops and rushed on a scene which promised ample gratification to his inclinations. Instead of proceeding to join Ismael Beg, as was reported to be his intention, he in the first instance drove the Mahratta garrison from the city of Delhi, where he placed his own troops, but left the Emperor unmolested in the citadel. He next besieged Aligurh which he reduced, and then proceeded to assist Ismael Beg, who was still engaged in the siege of Agra. The Jhats, whom Ismael Beg might have conciliated by confirming the cessions made to them by Sindia, took every opportunity of obstructing his operations and encouraging the besieged in the fort, till at last Sindia determined to support them. For this purpose he sent forward Rannay Khan¹ and Appa Khunde Rao with a body of horse supported by the two regular battalions of De Boigne, and some other infantry. As the junction of Gholam Kawdir with Ismael Beg was known at Gwalior before the march of these troops, it was deemed an imprudent measure on the part of Sindia. Rannay Khan, however, united his forces with those of the Jhats at Bhurtpoor, when the whole marched towards Agra; but they had only proceeded sixteen miles, when they met Ismael Beg and Gholam Kawdir, who had raised the siege in order to give them battle. ### [v2.c41.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.17) ³ The son of Shumsher Buhadur and grandson of the great Bajee Rao. ### [v2.c41.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.18) ¹ Rannay Khan, says Sir John Malcolm, was originally a Bihishtee, or water-carrier, who saved Mahadajee Sindia's life by carrying him ### [v2.c41.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.19) The cavalry of the Jhats was commanded by Sew Sing Foujdar, their infantry, chiefly regulars, was under M. Listeneaux, a Frenchman, and two Mahomedan officers, each commanding separate bodies; but one of these Mahomedan officers, named Jehangeer Khan, with his three battalions, deserted to Ismael Beg without firing a shot. The action commenced by a cannonade from the guns of Ismael Beg. The Jhats were on the right, the Mahrattas on the left: Gholam Kawdir made a furious attack upon the infantry of the right wing, which soon put them all to rout, excepting those under M. Listeneaux,¹ who for some time maintained his ground. Ismael Beg, opposed to the infantry on the left, advanced with all the energy of his character, but found himself received with remarkable steadiness and intrepidity by the infantry of De Boigne. All parties admitted that had De Boigne and Listeneaux been properly supported by ### [v2.c41.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.20) ¹ \[Keene thinks this may be ‘a mistake for some such word as Lestonneaux.’ Compton (Military Adventurers of Hindustan, pp. 368–9) spells the name Lestineau, and states that he commanded a corps in the service of Ranjīt Singh, Rājā of Bharatpur, about 1788. After the battle of Lālsot in 1787, Sindia was allied with Ranjīt Singh, and Lestineau’s corps acted in conjunction with the Marāthās at Chaksāna and Agra. It is stated that when Ghulām Kādir Rohilla fled from Meerut, his jewels, which he carried with him in his saddlebags, fell into Lestineau’s hands, and that with these and the stolen pay of his own battalions Lestineau absconded, and found his way to Europe. John Hessing (see infra, p. 219) was also in this campaign, as may be gathered from the epitaph on his tomb at Agra (Keene, p. 157). The battle described by the author took place near Fathpur Sikrī on the Bharatpur (Bhurtpoor) road.\] ### [v2.c41.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.21) (April 24th.) ### [v2.c41.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.22) off when wounded at Panniput, and in gratitude for this service Sindia raised him to high command.—Whatever may have been Rannay Khan’s origin, its conduct proved that he was worthy of his master’s confidence. The escape of Mahadajee Sindia, however, is generally attributed with more probability to Trimbukjee Inglia, one of his Sillidars, who is said to have carried him off behind him on his horse. ### [v2.c41.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.23) the cavalry, the issue of the day might have been very different ; but, after a heavy loss, the regular troops at last gave way, and the whole, favoured by the night, effected their retreat to Bhurt-poor. Ismael Beg and Gholam Kawdir called upon Runjeet Sing, the Jhat chief, to renounce his connexion with the Mahrattas, otherwise they would, after the reduction of Agra, besiege him in his capital. But their triumph was of short duration ; Luckwa Dada, the Killidar of the fort of Agra, persevered in his gallant and successful defence ; the Mahomedan chiefs soon evinced a distrust of each other, and Rannay Khan, hearing of an incursion of the Seiks, sent a body of Mahrattas and Jhats to join and encourage them to fall on the Jagheer of Gholam Kawdir. This diversion had the desired effect : Gholam Kawdir immediately set off to repel the invaders, and Sindia, having reinforced the division of Rannay Khan, the Mahrattas and Jhats once more advanced towards Agra, at which place an obstinate battle was fought, in which De Boigne and his battalions greatly signalized themselves. The army of Ismael Beg was defeated and dispersed ; that chief himself, after receiving two severe wounds, escaped from the field by the swiftness of his horse, plunged into the Jumna, gained the opposite bank, and with a few followers reached the camp of Gholam Kawdir, by whom he was courteously received. His dispersed army flocked to Delhi, whither, in hopes of again collecting them, he immediately repaired. Gholam Kawdir followed him to the capital. The Emperor refused to admit either the one or the other into the citadel ; but Gholam Kawdir, having corrupted one of the confidential servants, not only gained admittance, but seized the gates, occupied every part of the palace and citadel with his own troops, and commenced a systematic train of violence, rapine, and barbarity, almost without example in the annals of the world. These enormities continued for two months ; at the end of that time, when the unhappy monarch had been plundered, insulted, and dethroned, his eyes destroyed in their sockets, by the point of a dagger in the hand of the merciless Gholam Kawdir ; when his wives, daughters, sons, and relatives had been exposed, dishonoured, degraded, and some of them starved to death, the Mahratta army at last marched to his relief. Ismael Beg, who at first had so far concurred in the views of Gholam Kawdir as to agree to plunder the imperial palace, for the purpose of procuring the means of ### [v2.c41.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.24) (June 18th.) ### [v2.c41.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.25) subsistence to their troops, turned with abhorrence from the commission of the cruelties exercised by his colleague; and, on the promise of a Jagheer from Sindia, joined with the Mahrattas against him. Gholam Kawdir retired from Delhi upon their approach, carrying with him Bedar Bukht, the son of Ahmed Shah, whom, on the dethronement of Shah Alum, he had proclaimed Emperor of the Moghuls. ### [v2.c41.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.26) Mahadajee Sindia was severely censured for not immediately proceeding to the capital, but he probably foresaw that Gholam Kawdir and Ismael Beg, if left for a time to themselves, could not remain united, and, as the result proved, that he should soon be able to secure one party in his interests.¹ Besides these reasons, he was assured that reinforcements under Ali Buhadur, followed by Tookajee Holkar, were on their march from Poona to join him. These troops were granted by Nana Furnuwees, on condition that all territory acquired north of the Chumbul should be equally shared by the Peishwa, Sindia, and Holkar. ### [v2.c41.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.27) ¹ \[Sindia, however, did urge the Bēgam Samru to hasten to the Emperor’s assistance, and also dispatched a messenger to his relative Rāyāji (Ryajee), who arrived at Delhi in the middle of July with a force of 2,000 horse. The Jāts also furnished a small contingent. (Keene, Mughal Empire, p. 167.)\] ### [v2.c41.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.28) The Mahratta army which advanced from Agra was under three principal officers, Rannay Khan, Ali Buhadur, and Appa Khunde Rao, accompanied by the two battalions of De Boigne. Rannay Khan, who was chief in command, on taking possession of Delhi, did everything which humanity dictated for the relief of the unfortunate Emperor. The arrival of the Mahrattas in the Moghul capital was, on this occasion, hailed with the greatest joy. A large body immediately pursued Gholam Kawdir, and forced him to take shelter in the fort of Meerut, where he defended himself vigorously; but the place being destitute of provisions, and his capture, if he continued, inevitable, he mounted a swift horse and fled alone. But after he had proceeded some distance, the horse fell, and his rider being completely stunned lay senseless on the ground. In this situation he was at daylight discovered and recognized by some of the peasantry, and by them carried to the Mahratta camp, where he was closely guarded, and shortly after, by Sindia’s orders, he suffered a dreadful mutilation which he did not survive.² The prince Bedar Bukht was retaken at Meerut; and at first, without any harshness, was remanded into confinement, but he was afterwards put to death by order of Shah Alum.¹ ### [v2.c41.29](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.29) ² \[Keene describes his punishment as follows: ‘On his arrival at ### [v2.c41.30](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.30) ¹ Bengal Records. Francklin, Scott, and Mahratta MS. ### [v2.c41.31](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.31) A.D. 1789.—Mahadajee Sindia arrived in Delhi a short time after the success of Rannay Khan. Shah Alum was reseated on his throne with much pomp, and the honours of Wukeel-i-Mootluq, formerly conferred on the Peishwa, and those of his deputy on Sindia, were renewed with formal solemnity.² ### [v2.c41.32](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.32) ² \[An annual allowance of nine lakhs of rupees was assigned for the support of the Emperor’s family and court; but the amount was not regularly paid, and during Sindia’s frequent absences the royal family was often reduced to absolute indigence. All that Shāh Ālam had in his old age for the support of his thirty children and numerous retainers was a monthly allowance of Rs. 2,000, together with the fees paid by persons desirous of being presented. (Keene, Mughal Empire, p. 186.) The full narrative of the events at Agra and Delhi will be found in Keene, bk. ii, chs. v and vi.\] ### [v2.c41.33](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.33) Meanwhile the Jagheer of Gholam Kawdir was reduced, and the greater part of the Dooab, with the provinces of Delhi and Agra, was annexed to the Mahratta dominions. The situation of Sindia, however, was by no means secure; he for some time dreaded an invasion of the Abdallee, who under their King, Timoor Shah, were in the field in great force, and he well knew, although the Moghul faction was broken and Ismael Beg had received his stipulated Jagheer in the province of Meywat, that in the event of the appearance of the Afghans, the Mahomedans would unite against him. He had also powerful enemies in the Rajpoots; and his coadjutors, Holkar and Ali Buhadur, were more solicitous to share his acquisitions and obstruct his measures than to unite in upholding his cause. He at the same time experienced some inquietude from the escape of one of the sons of the Emperor, who ### [v2.c41.34](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.34) Muttra, Sindeea inflicted upon him the punishment of Tushheer, sending him round the bazaar on a jackass, with his face to the tail, and a guard instructed to stop at every considerable shop and beg a cowree, in the name of the Nuwab of the Bawunee. The wretched man becoming abusive under this contemptuous treatment, his tongue was torn out of his mouth. Gradually he was mutilated further; being first blinded, as a retribution for his treatment of the Emperor, and subsequently deprived of his nose, ears, hands and feet, and sent to Delhi. Death came to his relief upon the road, it is believed by his being hanged upon a tree, March 3, 1789; and the mangled trunk was sent to Delhi where it was laid before the sightless monarch, the most ghastly Nuzzur that ever was presented in the Deewan Khas.' (Mughal Empire, p. 184.)\] ### [v2.c41.35](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.35) fled to the court of Nizam Ally at Hyderabad. Little notice being taken of him, he repaired to Poona where he was received with attention, but more to excite Sindia’s jealousy than with any intention of affording to the fugitive assistance or relief. ### [v2.c41.36](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.36) These obstacles did not deter Mahadajee Sindia from pursuing his plans of independence. In detailing his political schemes and the progress of his conquests, we must not omit to notice the changes which he introduced in the constitution of his army. Amongst the minor innovations of Sindia may be enumerated the great proportion of Rajpoots and Mahomedans whom he enlisted; the alteration of the dress of his horsemen, who, from the short breeches worn by the Mahrattas, adopted the long trowsers covering the heel,¹ and lastly, the large bodies of Gosaeens, whom he entertained, and who, until introduced by Sindia, had rarely appeared as soldiers in the Mahratta armies.² The Gosaeens were kept distinct by Sindia from his other troops, and were attached to the division of Ambajee Inglia, principally under a leader named Himmut Buhadur, who was both their military commander and their spiritual director, and whose history merits some digression. ### [v2.c41.37](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.37) ¹ This to the mere European reader may appear unimportant, but though now quite common among all Mahrattas, it tended at that time to make a difference between Sindia’s horse and those of the Deccan; and, as the act of a Hindoo prince, was an important innovation. ### [v2.c41.38](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.38) ² For some account of the Gosaeens the reader may revert to Preliminary Observations, vol. i. \[Keene describes the Gosāins as ‘a kind of fighting friars who were then beginning to be found useful as mercenaries.’ The name is strictly, he adds, ‘the denomination of the lay brother or apprentice, who is allowed to hold property and to mingle in the world’ (Mughal Empire, p. 162). Yule, Hobson-Jobson, states succinctly that the name is ‘applied in various parts of India to different kinds of persons, not necessarily celibates, but professing a life of religious mendicancy, and including some who dwell together in convents under a superior, and others who engage in trade and hardly pretend to lead a religious life’ (see footnote to page 16, vol. i). The most famous of these fighting priests were the Nāga Gosāins of Jaipur, Rājputanā, who are said to have been under an obligation from their guru, or spiritual chief, to fight for the Rājā of Jaipur, whenever required. For this service they received rent-free lands and pay of two pice (½d.) a day, the latter being put into a common treasury and spent, as occasion required, on the purchase of arms. The 7,000 Nāga Gosāins, armed with bow, arrow, shield, spear and discus, were placed in the vanguard of the Jaipur army in battle. (Russell, T. and C.C.P., iii. 156–7.)\] ### [v2.c41.39](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.39) Himmut Buhadur accompanied Sindia on his first advance to Delhi in 1784: he was left in charge of Muttra when Sindia retreated to Gwalior, and by means of a secret understanding, which he contrived to establish with Ismael Beg and Gholam Kawdir, he continued unmolested. Sindia, who knew that the sole object of Himmut Buhadur was to obtain a Jagheer for himself from either of the contending parties, had, on a former occasion, in consequence of the Gosaeen’s misconduct, resumed, and afterwards on promised amendment restored, the lands granted for the support of his followers; and although he pretended, on his return, to be highly satisfied with the Gosaeen for retaining possession of the Jagheer, he determined to deprive him of it on the first opportunity. Sindia’s chief causes of displeasure arose from finding that he was engaged in secret intrigues with Holkar and Ali Buhadur, the partisans of Nana Furnuwees; and that he persisted in an intercourse he had long kept up with the Nabob Vizier, in whose dominions he had at a former period sought refuge, when apprehensive of Sindia’s enmity. At length, on pretence that the Gosaeen was employed in magical arts to take away his life, Sindia sent a party of troops who seized Himmut Buhadur at Muttra, and were conveying him to their master; but the camp of Ali Buhadur being contiguous to the road by which the prisoner was brought, he contrived to elude his guards and gain the tent of Ali Buhadur, before they could secure him. It was in vain that Sindia remonstrated; Ali Buhadur declared he could not surrender the person of Himmut Buhadur without an order from the Peishwa; and in the meantime, before any answer could be obtained from Poona, he connived at his escape to Lucknow. ### [v2.c41.40](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.40) The departure of the leader did not affect the great body of Gosaeens, as might have been the case at an earlier period; they remained with Sindia, and, being attached to his service by habit, became intermingled with the rest of his irregular infantry. ### [v2.c41.41](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.41) But the most important of all the changes introduced by Sindia was the well-organized, regular force, which he about this time raised, by augmenting the two battalions of De Boigne into a brigade, which was subsequently at different periods increased to three brigades. A brigade consisted of eight battalions of seven hundred men each. Attached to every brigade there were five hundred horse; and to each battalion five pieces of artillery, two six-pounders, two three-pounders, and a howitzer. To provide for the regular payment of these troops, he made over assignments of land to the charge and management of De Boigne; to whom he allowed two per cent. upon the net revenue, independent of his regular pay, which was ten thousand rupees a month. A select body of irregular infantry was attached to De Boigne's force, to whose efficiency that officer greatly contributed by adding a bayonet to their matchlocks. The augmentation of De Boigne's army was gradual, as was his train of artillery, which consisted at last of upwards of two hundred pieces of cannon of different calibres. Sixty of his best guns were cast by Mr. Sangster, the officer already mentioned, who quitted the service of the Rana of Gohud, and entered that of Sindia under De Boigne. His officers were Europeans of all nations; many of them British, and men very respectable by birth, education, and character.¹ ### [v2.c41.42](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.42) ¹ Palmer's dispatches. General De Boigne. ### [v2.c41.43](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.43) A.D. 1790.—At the present conjuncture, in the commencement of the year 1790, Sindia had only raised one regular brigade. His immediate views were directed to conciliate Holkar and Ali Buhadur, with the hope of obtaining their assistance in checking the incursions of the Seiks; in humbling the Rajpoots, who continued in opposition to his authority; and in securing the dependence of Ismael Beg, who, it was apprehended, had serious intentions of joining the Rajpoots. His reason for contemplating this fresh desertion are partly ascribable to the artifice of Holkar, who, in order to occasion a rupture between him and Sindia, plundered some of the villages in his new Jagheer, which, though expressly contrary to Sindia's wishes and injunctions, was attributed by Ismael Beg to some inimical design on the part of that chief.² We shall, for the present however, leave Mahratta affairs in Hindoostan, and return to those of the Deccan. ### [v2.c41.44](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41.44) ² Sindia's letters. ## Linked texts (1) - [Agra](https://indike.org/pramana/inp.site.agra) --- Source: [https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c41) · Pramāṇa