[Pramāṇa](https://indike.org/pramana/) › [Studies](https://indike.org/pramana/ins) › [General history and culture](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general) › [A History of the Mahrattas](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826) › v2.c55 # A History of the Mahrattas v2.c55: Chapter XLVII A History of the Mahrattas v2.c55 - **Language:** English ## Contents - [v2.c55.57](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.57) — 3 parts - [v2.c55.110](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.110) — 5 parts ### Chapter XLVII ### [v2.c55.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.1) A.D. 1803.—BAJEE RAO was scarcely re-established on his musnud, when he evinced the distrust and duplicity of his character towards his new allies; and openly avowed, in regard to many persons subject to his authority, that in entering on the alliance with the English a principal inducement was a motive of revenge. ### [v2.c55.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.2) He kept up a correspondence with the chiefs confederated against the British power,¹ and ascribed his connexion with that Government, which to them he reprobated and deplored, to necessity occasioned by their absence, and to the treachery of the southern Jagheerdars. He withheld the services of his troops as much as possible, and prevented the Putwurdhuns from accompanying General Wellesley, by secretly inciting the Raja of Kolapoor to invade their Jagheer; thereby hoping to make a merit with Sindia and afford to himself an opportunity of wreaking his vengeance on the family of Pureshram Bhow, by making it appear that they were enemies to the alliance with the British Government, and had forfeited their Jagheer by disobedience to him. ### [v2.c55.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.3) ¹ After Bajee Rao's deposal, it was found that Sindia's villages within the Peishwa's boundary, ceded by the treaty of Surjee Anjengaom, were all secretly continued to Sindia by Bajee Rao. ### [v2.c55.4](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.4) These indications spoke very unfavourably to his new allies, of what might be expected from the Peishwa in case any reverse should attend the British arms. Bajee Rao, as the reader has had ample occasion to observe, was not deficient in a species of ability, but he had little talent for government; intrigue was with him a passion; profound in the arts of deceit, he believed all his plans infallible, and at this period no person shared his entire confidence. He aimed at conducting the administration himself; but as his chief business for some time lay with the British Resident, with whom it was his plan to avoid personal discussion where difference of opinion might arise, he found it expedient to entrust the management of that important branch to Sewdasheo Bhow Mankesir, whom we have already mentioned as the agent of Govind Rao Pingley, the Peishwa’s envoy at Hyderabad. Sewdasheo Bhow was subsequently employed, on the part of Sindia and Bajee Rao, to endeavour to engage the Nizam in the proposed confederacy against the British Government during the last war with Tippoo, at the moment when the speedy reduction of Seringapatam and the fall of the Sultan crushed their machinations. ### [v2.c55.5](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.5) Sewdasheo Mankesir was a Deshist Bramin, one of the family of the Deshpandya of the village of Taimboornee, and at one time gained a livelihood by reciting Kuthas¹ in Poona, before he entered the service of Pingley; but notwithstanding his humble origin, he was dignified in his manner, polite and affable in conversation, and, as a statesman, possessed of considerable ability. His avowed enmity to the alliance with the English was Bajee Rao’s chief motive for selecting him as minister for their affairs; and during several months the Peishwa was at pains to show that circumstances alone had forced him to sign the articles of the treaty; but the success of the war, the protection which the presence of the British troops afforded, and the power, the security, and the comforts, to which he had hitherto been a stranger, and which he soon experienced in the connexion, not only reconciled him to it, but induced him to declare, and probably for a time with sincerity, that he considered the alliance as the most fortunate of events. The forts hitherto in possession of Amrut Rao or Nana Furnuwees were reduced and given up to the Peishwa; his country, which for a time after his re-establishment was overrun by freebooters and exhausted from the effects of war and famine, even under the disadvantage of a pernicious revenue system, gradually recovered itself in most places; and his authority, at first scarcely acknowledged beyond the environs of Poona, soon became respected throughout his dominions. ### [v2.c55.6](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.6) ¹ Sewdasheo Bhow Mankesir was a great musician and composer; all the airs of which he is the author are distinguished by a peculiar plaintiveness, and several of them are well worthy of being preserved. Some of our countrymen at Poona, who have leisure, may be induced to do so, before they are forgotten or corrupted by the general bad taste of the Deccan, which, according to a saying of the natives of Hindoostan, is the grave of music. ### [v2.c55.7](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.7) The British force, although seldom required to be put in motion, was the chief cause of strengthening his authority by its presence, and gave a power and stability to his government, which he had never known since his first accession to the musnud. Adherents were not long wanting, and a few had been faithful even in his adversity. Khundee Rao Rastia, Sur-soobehdar of the Concan, from the time of Bajee Rao’s flight to his restoration, had shown great fidelity to his cause, and his respectable support was at first of much consequence to the Peishwa; but his influence was undermined by Sewdasheo Bhow Mankesir, who unjustly represented his being in league with the British Resident in every measure proposed; and in a few years, on an accusation, never attempted to be proved, of corrupt practices in his government in the Concan, he was removed from office, and his Jagheer was sequestrated. The year after the re-establishment of the Peishwa, Khundee Rao Rastia had an opportunity of performing a service of some importance. When Amrut Rao and Moraba Furnuwees joined General Wellesley, Baba Rao Phurkay went off with the Hoojrat Pagah,¹ and acted during the war with Rughoojee Bhonslay against the British Government. After the peace, Baba Rao returned from Nagpoor, gave his followers the slip, and retired to Merich, where he was protected by Appa Sahib Putwurdhun, the son of Pureshrum Bhow. His troops, thus left to themselves, plundered the country and erected the standard of insurrection; Bajee Rao had no disposable force, and the British troops could not at that time be spared to hunt down horse. Khundee Rao Rastia, having formerly served with the men exciting these disturbances, had the address to effect an arrangement with the whole body, and brought them under the Peishwa’s authority at a critical time, when they might have committed infinite mischief. But Bajee Rao made no permanent provision for the commanders of the army, the soldiery of the country, nor the civil servants of the government. They had served the state under Nana Furnuwees, which was of itself a strong reason with him for excluding them from employment. His total disregard of their claims and their necessities must inevitably have increased the disorders prevalent on his restoration, and under ordinary circumstances, had he persevered in such a line of conduct, it probably would have required the whole power of the British Government to keep him on his musnud; but the severe famine of 1804 destroyed vast numbers of men and horses; a provision was thus opened to many of the remaining Sillidars by the quantity of land and wutun to which they succeeded by deaths amongst their relations and fellow villagers; and as Sindia was then exchanging his Rajpoots and Mahomedans for Mahrattas, a great part of those persons who would have joined an insurrection became interested in the tranquillity of the country, or were withdrawn to another scene. ### [v2.c55.8](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.8) ¹ The Hoojrats, or household troops, were originally the Raja’s, and afterwards the Peishwa’s, personal cavalry. Many of them were, to the last, composed of the immediate dependants of the Raja of Satara. ### [v2.c55.9](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.9) Ballajee Luximon, the Dewan of Wittul Nursing Vinchorkur, who, during his master's minority, managed the affairs of the Jagheer, was a staunch adherent of the family of Rugoba; and one of the very few respectable men who to the last preserved a large share of Bajee Rao's confidence. He was appointed with the fullest powers Sur-soobehdar of Candeish and Buglana; and a body of the Peishwa's infantry, under Munohurgeer Gosaeen, was sent to support him. But such was the state of those provinces that they were never restored to order under the Peishwa's government. Holkar's ravages had been followed by various plunderers; and the Bheels, who until 1802, had lived intermixed with the rest of the population, betook themselves to the mountains, and carried on precisely the same system of plunder as is now practised by the brigands of Italy and Spain. ### [v2.c55.10](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.10) One of the first acts of Ballajee, instigated by the Gosaeen, has left a stain on his memory which cannot be effaced. Finding it impracticable to reduce the Bheels by force, he inveigled a whole tribe of them, with their wives and families, to an interview at Kopergaom,¹ on pretence of affording them a settlement, when they were treacherously seized and most barbarously precipitated into wells, where the whole perished. This inhuman action had the effect in some degree of checking the Bheels about Chandore and the southern part of Buglana; but to the northward, and along the Sautpoora mountains, it drove them to desperation, and they continued to molest the country. ### [v2.c55.11](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.11) ¹ \[Kopargaon (Kopergaom) in the Ahmadnagar District, sixty miles north of Ahmadnagar town. It was a favourite residence of the Pēshwā Raghunāth Rāo, whose palace is used as a sub-divisional office. Here in 1804 Bālāji Lakshman, the Pēshwā's governor of Khāndesh, and one Manohargir Gosain slew 7,000 Bhīls and threw them into wells. In 1818 the place was occupied by Madras troops, and a few European tombs still testify to that occupation. At Hingani, three miles away, is a cenotaph of Raghunāth Rāo, who died and was cremated there. (B.G., xvii. 723 f.)\] ### [v2.c55.12](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.12) A.D. 1805.—During the war between Holkar and the British Government, Futih Sing Manay returned to the Peishwa’s territory, and recommenced his ravages to the south of the Neera with an army of ten thousand men. But Bulwunt Rao Furnuwees, the Mootaliq of the Pritee Needhee, assisted by the troops of Chintamun Rao Putwurdhun, planned a judicious attack on his camp, routed his troops, killed Futih Sing Manay, together with a great number of his followers, and completely dispersed them; after which he formally addressed a dispatch, stating the particulars to the Peishwa, who approved of the service performed, and was much gratified by this act of courtesy from the Mootaliq of the Pritee Needhee. Bulwunt Rao was at this time chief director of his master’s affairs. Pureshram Sree Newass, the son of the deceased Bowan Rao, Pritee Needhee, was a young man of some spirit, but of weak intellect and of dissolute morals. He was born on the day of his father’s death, and during his minority had been kept in a state of tutelage by Nana Furnuwees, and reared with hereditary enmity to the house of Rugonath Rao. Bajee Rao, before his connexion with the British Government, had with Sindia’s assistance laid a plan for seizing the Pritee Needhee in his own house at Poona; but it was frustrated by his bravery and the exertions of one of his adherents, named Doulut Rao Ghatgay, by whose assistance he cut down the persons who laid hold of him, and immediately fled from Poona to his own Jagheer at Kurar. ### [v2.c55.13](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.13) The management of his Jagheer was in the hands of his mother, who was assisted by Bulwunt Rao Furnuwees, the Mootaliq already mentioned. The Pritee Needhee wished to assume the control himself, and he was assured by his mother that he should be placed in authority; but being deceived by false hopes for a period of years, he at last determined on asserting his rights by force. Bajee Rao saw their differences with satisfaction, as he wished for a favourable opportunity of stripping the Pritee Needhee of his possessions; but this extreme measure he at first would not venture upon, as he apprehended that the Pritee Needhee might be supported by the Putwurdhuns. Pretending, therefore, to be anxious to mediate between the parties, he decided in favour of Bulwunt Rao Furnuwees ; in which he was supposed to have been influenced by the good conduct of the Mootaliq in suppressing the depredations of Futih Sing Manay. In order to support Bulwunt Rao, he sent a body of his troops under Bappoo Gokla to enforce submission, and the Pritee Needhee was placed in confinement by his mother in the Gurhee of Mussoor.¹ Gokla returned to Poona, the country was tranquillized, the adherents of Pureshram sought safety in concealment, and it was generally supposed that the Pritee Needhee would remain a prisoner for life. But Pureshram Sree Newass had a friend from whom no one expected his succour. His wife, one of the most respectable ladies in the country, perceiving the weakness and violence of her husband’s character, had several years before endeavoured to bring him into his mother’s views, which so exasperated the Pritee Needhee, that he never afterwards would live with her. He chose as his mistress a Telin, or wife of an oil-seller, with whom he cohabited, and to the great scandal of his cast as a Bramin made no secret of the connexion. The Telin, after the Pritee Needhee was confined, had the address to obtain possession of the fort of Wassota,² situated in a most inaccessible part of the Syhadree mountains, where having collected some followers, she headed the party, attacked Mussoor and rescued the prisoner. As soon as the Pritee Needhee found himself at liberty, he hoisted his standard, declared himself the servant of the Raja of Satara, and bound by no tie to obey the Punt Purdhan. The inhabitants of the tract between the Neera and Warna, in which the Pritee Needhee’s districts were situated, being prone to insurrection, the standard of rebellion soon found supporters, and some of the old retainers of the Pritee Needhee’s family joined him. The temporary power thus obtained by the assemblage of a body of troops was, however, exceedingly abused. He committed great cruelties on such of the adherents of his mother and of Bulwunt Rao as fell into his hands; and he rendered himself odious to the peasantry by a system of plunder and extortion, worthy of the lowest Pindhara. Had the Pritee Needhee possessed moderation and ability equal to his spirit, there were materials for a rebellion in that quarter, which Bajee Rao, unassisted by British troops, could never have suppressed; but, before he had made adequate preparations for resistance, Gokla once more came against him; the few faithful Sillidars who accompanied him recommended his retiring to the hills and raising the Ramoosees, until like Chitoor Sing he could attack with effect. Regardless, however, of this advice, he waited for Gokla near Wussuntgurh, a few of his men stood by him, but most of them fled at the first charge. ### [v2.c55.14](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.14) ¹ \[This is Mhasvād in the Sātāra District, on the Sātāra-Pandharpur road. The chief feature of the place to-day is the great Mhasvād irrigation lake, which lies six miles south-east of the town, in the territory of the Pratinidhī or Chief of Aundh. (I.G. Bom., 1909, i. 557 ; B.G., xix. 156 f.)\] ### [v2.c55.15](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.15) ² \[Vāsota (Wassota) lies in Sātāra District at the head of a small valley which branches west from the Koyna river. The fort stands on the very edge of the Western Ghāts, the defences consisting of a vertical scarp varying in height from 30 to 60 feet, crowned by a wall and parapet from 6 to 8 feet high, and loop-holed at intervals. The cliff to the south of the fort has a sheer drop of 1,500 feet, and was used as a place of execution for criminals, like the Tarpeian rock of ancient Rome. Sivājī, who took the fort in 1655, renamed it Vajragarh, which name it has not retained. Subsequently it was used chiefly as a State prison. The fort was captured by the British in April 1818, Mountstuart Elphinstone being present at the siege, which he has described. The prize property amounted to two lakhs of rupees, in addition to family jewels of the Rājā of Sātāra, worth three lakhs of rupees. (I.G. Bom., i. 565.)\] ### [v2.c55.16](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.16) The Pritee Needhee was supposed to have been killed; he was taken up by his enemies for dead; but, although he had lost his hand and was severely wounded in the head, he recovered, and was ever after, during the reign of Bajee Rao, confined in the city of Poona, where a small portion of his late extensive Jagheer was assigned for his support; the remainder, without any separate provision for the opposite party, was sequestrated. Bulwunt Rao Furnuwees regretted the opportunity thus afforded to Bajee Rao by their differences, when too late; the country was soon reduced, all the garrisons having surrendered excepting the fort of Wassota, which held out for eight months, when the Telin, after a spirited defence, surrendered in consequence of a fire which destroyed her granary. The jewels and private property of the Pritee Needhee’s family were seized by Bappoo Gokla, and never accounted for to the Peishwa. In order to prevent the odium likely to arise from having thus reduced the Pritee Needhee, Bajee Rao allowed Bappoo Gokla to retain possession of the conquered districts, as if they were kept more as a punishment to the Pritee Needhee than as an advantage to himself. During the period Gokla retained possession of the conquered territory, his exactions were most severe; and being supported by a large force, they were irresistible. By these means Bappoo Gokla¹ became the wealthiest of the Peishwa’s Surdars. He succeeded to the command of his uncle’s troops, when the latter was killed by Dhoondia Waug, as already mentioned; but he owed his elevation chiefly to General Wellesley, whom he accompanied in the war of 1803, and, excepting Appa Dessaye Nepankur, was the only good officer in the immediate service of Bajee Rao. ### [v2.c55.17](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.17) ¹ \[Bāpū Gokhale (Bappoo Gokla) was the nephew of Dhondo Pant Gokhale, a Konkanasth Brahman of Chiplūn, Ratnāgiri, who was originally a marine record-keeper at the port of Vijayadrug. When Parasurām Bhāu Patvardhan marched with the Pēshwā’s auxiliaries in conjunction with British troops against Tipū Sultān in 1791, Dhondo Pant accompanied the army to Seringapatam. From that date he and his nephews became distinguished as military leaders. All three behaved with gallantry in the operations against Dhondia Wāgh in 1799, Dhondo Pant and his elder nephew Appa both being killed, while Bāpū Gokhale received several wounds, one of which, a sabre cut in the face, left a permanent scar by which he was afterwards distinguished. Bāpū accompanied General Wellesley in the campaigns of 1803, 1804 and 1805, and finally ended his career in a gallant charge against the British cavalry on February 17, 1818. He left a widow, the daughter of Raghu Pant Abhyānkar, but no children. (Forrest, Selections (Marāthā Series), i. 678.)\] ### [v2.c55.18](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.18) Appa Dessaye’s name is Seedojee Rao Nimbalkur²; we have already had occasion to mention this person on more than one occasion, but about this period he became more conspicuous from the following circumstances. ### [v2.c55.19](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.19) ² \[The ancestors of Sīdoji Rāo (Seedojee Rao) had performed military service for the Rājās of Kolhāpur, from whom they obtained the two inām villages of Nipāni and Nandi, including the deshmukhī and the office of sar-nāikī of the pargana of Hukēri. During the life of Sīdojī-Rāo the Rājā of Kolhāpur conferred two more villages upon him. Nipāni, Nandi and Hukēri are now included in Belgaum District, the largest of the three places being Nipāni, forty miles north of Belgaum, which with the estate of which it formed part lapsed to the British Government in 1839. Sīdoji was introduced by Sarjī Rāo Ghātge to the notice of the Pēshwā, who conferred the title of Sar-Lashkar upon him. He accompanied the British army under General Wellesley in 1803–4; and subsequently having wrested Chikodi and Manoli (see page 417) from the Rājā of Kolhāpur retained them until 1817, when he was forced to relinquish them. After the defeat of the Pēshwā and the conquest of his territory in 1818, Sīdoji Rāo was confirmed in the rest of his estates by the British Government, to whom they eventually lapsed in the absence of heirs.\] ### [v2.c55.20](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.20) About the year 1785, the petty states of Kolapoor and Sawuntwaree, always jealous of each other, went to war, because Luximee Bye, the wife of Kem Sawunt, Dessaye of Waree, and niece of Mahadajee Sindia, had obtained some privileges of royalty for her husband from the Moghul Emperor, through her uncle’s all-powerful influence at the court of Delhi.¹ With a few intermissions and with various success, this warfare had continued for twenty-three years; when at last the troops of Kolapoor gained a victory over those of Sawuntwaree in a pitched battle, fought at the village of Chowkul, and the fort of Waree was immediately besieged; Kem Sawunt had been dead some years²; he had left four widows, the eldest of whom, Luximee Bye, became regent, on account of the minority of Kem Sawunt’s only son, by Dawee Bye his third wife. Luximee Bye, when her capital was besieged, called in the aid of Wiswas Rao Ghatgay and Appa Dessaye. Wiswas Rao Ghatgay had been put in possession of two districts called Chickooree and Menowlee,³ belonging to Kolapoor, by Shirzee Rao Ghatgay. His pretended right to dispose of them originated in their having been conquered by the first Mahdoo Rao and bestowed on the family of Putwurdhun; and Sindia having authority for possessing himself of the sequestrated Jagheer of the Putwurdhuns, Shirzee Rao, who had seized those two districts, made them over to his brother, Wiswas Rao, when he was ordered by his son-in-law to join him in Malwa. Wiswas Rao would have been driven out of them by the Raja of Kolapoor, but he was supported by Appa Dessaye, who afterwards took them for himself. The Peishwa, on the plea of wishing to avoid disputes with Sindia, pretended to take no concern in those districts,¹ but it was on the authority of his secret orders that Appa Dessaye seized them, and Bajee Rao at a subsequent period, in 1812, asserted his own claim to them on grounds which were admitted by the British Government. ### [v2.c55.21](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.21) ¹ \[The title of Rājā Bahādur (lit. ‘the valorous King’) was conferred upon Khem Sāvant the Great by the Emperor. For an interesting note on the word ‘Bahādur,’ see Yule’s Hobson-Jobson, ed. Crooke, 1903, pp. 48 f.\] ### [v2.c55.22](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.22) ² \[Khem Sāvant died childless in 1803. A contest for the succession continued until 1805, when Lakshmī Bāi (Luximee Bye) adopted a child, Rāmchandra Sāvant, alias Bhāu Sāhib. The child lived for three years, and was then strangled in his bed. Phond Sāvant, a minor, was chosen to fill his place (see page 418, post). In 1812 Phond Sāvant was forced to yield Vengurla to the British in consequence of the losses sustained by British commerce from the pirates who infested the Sāvantvādi coast. (I.G. Bom., ii. 496.)\] ### [v2.c55.23](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.23) ³ \[Chikodi (Chickooree) is now the north-western tāluka of Belgaum District, containing 836 square miles, and famous for tobacco, sugarcane, fruit and vegetable gardens. Manoli (Menowlee), now represented by a town in Parasgad tāluka, forty-two miles east of Belgaum town, is famous as the spot where General Wellesley overtook the notorious free-booter, Dhondia Wāgh, after a long pursuit from Mysore territory. During the war with the Pēshwā in 1817, the Rājā of Kolhāpur sided with the British. In reward, the tracts of Chikodi and Manoli, wrested from him by Sarjī Rāo Ghātgē and later by the chief of Nipāni (Sīdojī Rāo Appā Desāi) were restored. In 1829, owing to the serious misconduct of the Rājā, these tracts were resumed by the British Government, in whose possession they have since remained. (I.G. Bom., ii. 15, 25, 515.)\] ### [v2.c55.24](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.24) ¹ Colonel Close’s dispatches, 5th May, 1808. ### [v2.c55.25](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.25) On the present occasion, when Luximee Bye applied for aid, Appa Dessaye with the Peishwa’s secret concurrence readily afforded it; the siege of Waree was raised, and the territory of the Kolapoor Raja above the Ghauts was invaded; so that the Kolapoor troops were recalled from the Concan to defend their own capital. Application was made to the British Government for its mediation, but Lord Minto, then Governor-General, declined all interference; and the Peishwa who was the principal cause of the disturbance began to hint at his rights of supremacy over all parties; a disposition to encroachment, which, if checked by the British authorities on its very first indication, would have been of essential importance to the stability of Bajee Rao’s government.² ### [v2.c55.26](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.26) ² \[Lord Minto was so deeply engaged throughout his term of office in planning and executing the overseas expeditions which swept the fleets of France from the Indian seas and left England without a rival in the Eastern hemisphere, that he was practically debarred from interfering in Marāthā politics and from running the risk of causing a Marāthā war, which would have been deeply resented by the authorities at home. The whole available strength of India was absorbed in the capture of the French islands (1809–10), the conquest of the Moluccas (1810), and the conquest of Java (1811). (O.H.I., pp. 611–19.)\] ### [v2.c55.27](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.27) Appa Dessaye, however, made himself complete master of Chickooree and Menowlee, and endeavoured to establish his authority over Sawuntwaree. The son of Kem Sawunt was strangled at the instigation of Appa Dessaye’s Carcoon, with the concurrence of Luximee Bye and of Poond Sawunt, the next heir to the principality. But Appa Dessaye did not profit by this atrocious deed. Poond Sawunt, taking advantage of the weak state of Appa Dessaye’s troops, the greater part being withdrawn to maintain the war above the Ghauts, drove them from the country, and possessed himself of the government. ### [v2.c55.28](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.28) Luximee Bye died soon after, when Poond Sawunt found a rival rather than a coadjutor in the person of Doorga Bye, the second widow of Kem Sawunt and the daughter of a Mahratta officer named Khanwelkur. ### [v2.c55.29](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.29) In the meantime the utmost apparent cordiality subsisted between the British Resident and the Peishwa’s court. Bajee Rao, as often as he could find a pretext, was prosecuting with inflexible perseverance his favourite plan of sequestrating the Jagheers of all whom he considered the political opponents of his family, and appropriating their revenues to his own use. Whilst thus engaged, Bajee Rao was happy. On every occasion he enlarged on the blessings he enjoyed through his alliance with the British Government; he professed the warmest affection and friendship for the Resident, Colonel Close; and it is probable that Bajee Rao, in all he thus expressed, was in a great measure sincere. ### [v2.c55.30](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.30) Colonel Close was in the habit of receiving all native visitors through an agent, a Parsee named Khoosroojee, familiarly styled the Moodhee¹: a person of comprehensive judgement, and of great address, who soon attained considerable influence with his master. Sewdasheo Bhow Mankesir and the Moodhee soon formed a compact, and having united with them Byajee Naik, a Hoojra or personal servant of the Peishwa by whom Byajee was much trusted as a spy, they contrived to persuade Bajee Rao, that by gaining Khoosroojee to his interests he might command the services of the British Residency: a proposal well suited to the mind of Bajee Rao, by whom no means were spared to attain an end so desirable. ### [v2.c55.31](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.31) ¹ \[His proper name was Kharshedjī Jāmshedjī Modi. He was a native of Cambay. Modi (Moodhee), which is now the surname of certain well-known Parsi families of Surat and Bombay, is a professional name meaning ‘agent, broker or contractor.’ The Modis of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were government contractors for the supply of provisions and other articles to the troops, and acted also as importers, agents and bankers. They are mentioned in old Bombay records as ‘the Moodys.’ (B.G., Materials II; Dosabhai Framji Karaka’s History of the Parsis, London, 1884, ii. 40 ff.)\] ### [v2.c55.32](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.32) The triumvirate in all probability participated in the spoils, and all intercourse, public as well as private, went on so agreeably by the agency of those persons, that there was no cause of dissatisfaction. Any subject likely to occasion unpleasant discussion was either postponed, or so arranged that, before being brought forward on either side, it was smoothed of its asperities, so that little difficulty remained in the adjustment. ### [v2.c55.33](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.33) The services of Colonel Close during this year were called for, on a very important occasion, to Hyderabad, and he never returned to his situation at Poona. Mr. Henry Russell succeeded to the temporary charge of that Residency, until the return of Mr. Elphinstone from a mission to Cabul,¹ and the same harmony continued to prevail. Khoosroojee, though a servant of the British Residency, had been permitted to accept the high office of Sursoobehdar of the Carnatic under the Peishwa’s government, and he appointed as his deputy a Bramin named Bappoo Sawney. ### [v2.c55.34](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.34) ¹ \[Mountstuart Elphinstone’s embassy to Kābul in 1808 never got beyond Peshāwar. ‘Shāh Shuj’a, to whom the mission was accredited soon afterwards was expelled from his kingdom, so that no direct political results were obtained. The envoy devoted much of his time to investigation through agents and by all means at his command of the conditions existing in Afghanistan, then a completely unknown country. He embodied the results of his researches in a book of great value, entitled \*An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul\*, &c., which was published in 1815, and still counts as an authority.’ (O.H.I., p. 614.) ### [v2.c55.35](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.35) Mr. Elphinstone had been an assistant to Colonel Close at Poona, before he was attached to General Wellesley’s staff in the war of 1803, so that he took charge of his appointment as Resident with considerable local information. Being in the habit of communicating with the natives direct, he saw all persons who had business, and discontinued the form of introduction through any one agent. This alteration, superadded to a quarrel which had taken place between Khoosroojee and Sewdasheo Bhow Mankesir, was a source of secret vexation and discontent to the former, as it so greatly tended to lessen his importance and his gains; but Khoosroojee had much personal influence with the Peishwa, which he unfortunately exercised in prejudicing his mind against the Resident, by representing him as one who entertained the same sentiments as General Wellesley, whom Bajee Rao hated, because he had opposed his schemes of vengeance against Amrut Rao and the family of Pureshram Bhow Putwardhun. Several instances might be adduced of the effect which the Moodhee’s insinuations produced on the mind of the Peishwa; but although many subjects hitherto kept back were now brought into discussion in hopes of creating a necessity of again interposing the agency of the Moodhee, Bajee Rao had soon reason to acknowledge the impartiality of the Resident on the subject from which his chief prejudice against him had arisen. ### [v2.c55.36](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.36) As soon as he had resumed the lands of the inferior Jagheerdars who had ever been disobedient to himself, or who had taken an active part against his father, the Peishwa desired Bappoo Gokla to make over the Pritee Needhee’s district to the state, and again brought forward his complaints and claims against other great Jagheerdars, particularly the Putwurdhuns, Rastia, and the Dessaye of Kittoor. ### [v2.c55.37](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.37) These persons, presuming on the protection already afforded to them by the British Government, neglected to obey the orders of the Peishwa, and omitted to send their troops, which were now much wanted to defend the country from the Pindharees, whose inroads were every year becoming more powerful and destructive. When Bajee Rao embraced the British alliance, he wrote to the Jagheerdars in question, to assist the British troops. Most of them being personally acquainted with General Wellesley readily obeyed Bajee Rao’s orders, co-operated in his re-establishment, and were disposed to forget past injuries, until the rancorous revenge and studied aggressions of Bajee Rao completely alienated their minds. They were only deterred from supporting the Pritee Needhee’s rebellion by the fear of the subsidiary force, and had the interposition of the British Government been withheld, they would, when joined to the Pritee Needhee, have probably effected another revolution, as it was estimated they could at that time bring into the field nearly twenty thousand horse. In considering a plan of settlement between these Jagheerdars and the Peishwa, several modes were discussed at a very early period by the British authorities. To have avowedly withheld support from both parties would have involved the country in war and confusion; to have assisted in the destruction of families in whose favour so much might be urged would have been unjust; and it would have been still more so, to raise them into independent principalities under the guarantee of the British Government. It therefore appeared advisable to steer a middle course; and it was determined to enforce the service of their troops as due to the Peishwa, and to cause them to restore all usurped lands; but to guarantee their territory as long as they chose to abide by the tenor of their original engagement to the Poona state. ### [v2.c55.38](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.38) With this arrangement of the southern Mahratta country it was resolved to combine the effectual suppression of piracy in the states of Kolapoor and Sawuntwaree, which, it was foreseen, could never be rooted out, until some harbours and fortresses on the coast of Malwan were placed in the hands of the British Government. ### [v2.c55.39](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.39) The Putwurdhuns were very averse to acknowledge fealty to Bajee Rao, but they at last submitted and complied with the conditions imposed by the British Government. The Raja of Kolapoor nearly lost his capital by the intrigues of the Peishwa, who secretly encouraged him to resist the demands of the English; hoping that his general, Appa Dessaye, then besieging Kolapoor as if in his own quarrel, might be able to reduce it before the terms were accepted; whilst on the other hand, in order to cause delay, he declared to the Resident that the British Government had no right to enter into a treaty with the Raja of Kolapoor, who was his subject: an assertion as bold as it was false. Before any of the objects could be effected, Mr. Elphinstone found it necessary to assemble an army at Punderpoor, and move it down to the neighbourhood of the Kistna. In regard to the Jagheerdars, besides what has been already stated in the general plan of settlement, Appa Sahib Putwurdhun was obliged to surrender the person of Baba Rao Phurkay; a concession to the Peishwa on the part of the British Government, which was very unpopular in the Mahratta country; and although it may have been strictly just, the policy of the measure is questionable. Baba Rao was confined by the Peishwa in the fort of Bassein, where he shortly after died. By the terms tendered and accepted by the Raja of Kolapoor, he renounced all right to Chickooree and Menowlee, which were ceded to the Peishwa; but all other places taken from the Raja in consequence of the disputed right to these districts were restored. To the British Government the Raja ceded the harbour of Malwan, which included the forts and island of Malwan or Sindidroog and its dependencies; he also agreed to renounce piracy, to permit no armed vessels to be fitted out, or to enter his ports, on pain of becoming lawful prize to the British Government, and to restore wrecks, as well as to assist vessels in distress. He also became bound for himself and his successors to pursue no manner of hostility against any other state, without the consent of the British Government. The British Government renounced its long existing claims against the Raja, and became bound to guarantee his possessions against the aggressions of all foreign powers and states.¹ ### [v2.c55.40](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.40) ¹ \[This agreement was known as the Treaty of Karvir, this being the original name of Kolhāpur. The present capital, Kolhāpur, originally existed as a purely religious settlement, the site being now marked by the great temple of the goddess Mahālakshmī. Karavira, or Karvir, is probably the older and more important capital of the State, and the transfer of the political capital from Karavira to the religious settlement of Kolhāpur was probably necessitated by some convulsion of nature, of which there is much evidence in the neighbourhood. (I.G. Bom., ii. 523.)\] ### [v2.c55.41](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.41) (Oct. 3.)—Poond Sawunt, Dessaye of Sawuntwaree, was at the same time bound down to suppress piracy, to make over the fort of Vingorla and the battery of Gunaramo Tembe, with its port and limits; and in case of being guilty of further piratical acts, the forts of Newtee and Rairee were likewise to be required of him. British merchants were to be allowed free ingress and egress to and from the Dessaye's territory, on paying the customary duties; but all articles of consumption required for the British troops stationed within the territory were to pass duty free. ### [v2.c55.42](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.42) Soon after the conclusion of the agreement, Poond Sawunt died, and Doorga Bye became regent.² This old lady, regardless of the guarantee of the British Government, attacked the possessions of the Raja of Kolapoor, took the fort of Burratgurh, which had formerly belonged to Sawuntwaree, and refused to evacuate it. A British detachment from the Madras establishment was brought down to protect the Kolapoor territory, when she withdrew the garrison of Burratgurh, but continued to brave the threats and despise the arguments which were offered to deter or induce her to refrain from aggression. No retaliation was permitted against Doorga Bye, till every reasonable proposal had failed; when the British troops were ordered to occupy some of the districts, with a view of forcing her into terms. No opposition was actually made, but the British troops were kept perpetually on the alert by threatened attacks, and thus was engendered a state of affairs neither of peace nor of war, but which occasioned all the expense and inconvenience of the latter. Doulut Rao Sindia, though unconnected with the Waree state after the death of Luximee Bye, interested himself in behalf of Doorga Bye, and much discussion and correspondence resulted from her contumelious behaviour; nor did she desist from her vexatious opposition until, in consequence of many hostile acts against the British Government, her territory was reduced in the beginning of 1819 by a British force; but after exacting the necessary securities, the principality of Sawuntwaree was left in its original independence. ### [v2.c55.43](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.43) ² \[Phond Sāvant was succeeded by his son Khem Sāvant IV, a child of eight. He proved himself, when he came of age, quite unable to manage the State, and in 1838, after several revolutions and much disturbance, he agreed to make over the administration to the British Government. Rebellions, which were quickly suppressed, broke out in 1839 and 1844; and in 1861 the State was finally restored to the chief, on his undertaking to defray the cost (5,50,000 rupees) of the last rebellion, to pay a succession fee of one year's revenue, to protect his subjects, and to meet the expense of a British Resident and his establishment. (I.G. Bom., ii. 495-6.)\] ### [v2.c55.44](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.44) In the meantime, although Bajee Rao was disappointed in the hope of being able to ruin the southern Jagheerdars, they were compelled to bow before him. He could scarcely refrain from insulting the Putwurdhuns when they came to pay their respects, and his exultation at getting Baba Rao Phurkay into his power knew no bounds. He was profuse in his acknowledgements and expressions of gratitude to the Governor-General and the Resident; but he at the same time declared that he should wish not to have a single Surinjamee horseman¹ in his service, and proposed raising a brigade of infantry, to be disciplined entirely by European officers and paid like the British Sepoys, direct from the treasury. To this proposal the Governor-General readily acceded, and Captain John Ford, of the Madras establishment, who had been long attached to the escort of Colonel Close, was, at the recommendation of Khoosroojee, selected by the Peishwa as commandant of the brigade, and able officers from the line, chosen by Captain Ford, were lent from the Bombay establishment to assist in its formation and discipline. The men, excepting a small proportion of Mahrattas, were chiefly raised in the Company’s provinces in Hindoostan, and on entering their battalions swore fidelity to the Peishwa, whilst he continued in alliance with the British Government.¹ ### [v2.c55.45](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.45) ¹ That is horse furnished by Jagheerdars. \[\*Saranjām\* (Surinjām) is a Persian word signifying ‘beginning-ending,’ and is used in India to mean ‘apparatus,’ ‘goods and chattels,’ and the like. But in the Deccan and Southern Marāthā country it is applied specially to grants of land or assignments of revenue, for special objects, such as the maintenance of a military contingent for service; to civil officers for the maintenance of their state; or for charitable purposes. (Yule’s \*Hobson-Jobson\*, ed. Crooke, 1903, s.v. ‘Surrinjaum.’)\] ### [v2.c55.46](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.46) ¹ Oral information. If I am not mistaken, this condition was proposed and insisted upon by the Hindoostan Sepoys themselves, without its being suggested by their officers. ### [v2.c55.47](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.47) The cantonment allotted for this brigade was about four miles to the north-west of Poona.² One brigade of British troops was stationed on a spot originally selected for the protection of the city, in its immediate vicinity; and the rest of the British subsidiary force occupied a position about half-way between Poona and Ahmednugur, near the village of Seroor,³ on the river Ghore. ### [v2.c55.48](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.48) ² \[That is to say, in or close to Kirkee, which is now the principal artillery station of the Bombay Presidency, and contains a large arms and ammunition factory.\] ### [v2.c55.49](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.49) ³ \[Sirūr (Seroor), or Godnadi, is thirty-six miles north-east of Poona, and thirty-four miles south-west of Ahmadnagar. At present the garrison of Sirūr consists of a regiment of Indian cavalry. In the cemetery of Sirūr is the tomb of Colonel W. Wallace (1809), who is still remembered and spoken of by the inhabitants as Sat Purush, ‘the holy man.’ Except Brahmans and Mārwādis, all the Hindus of Sirūr and neighbouring villages worship at Colonel Wallace’s tomb. At harvest-time the villagers bring the first-fruits of grain as naivedya, or food for the saintly spirit. (I.G. Bom., 1909, i. 532.)\] ### [v2.c55.50](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.50) The Peishwa had soon a fresh instance of the utility of the British force by finding it necessary to call in a part of it against Appa Dessaye, who, although he came to Poona on being ordered, refused to comply with certain claims devolving on the Peishwa by the late settlement, or to give up some territory belonging to the Raja of Kolapoor. The British authorities interposed, but Bajee Rao artfully contrived by his intrigues to induce Appa Dessaye to trust to his lenity and to resist the demands; by which insidious conduct the Dessaye was led on to forfeit one-fourth of his Jagheer to the Peishwa. ### [v2.c55.51](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.51) We have already alluded to the quarrel between Khoosroojee Moodhee and Sewdasheo Bhow Mankesir. Their differences likewise originated in the intrigues of the Peishwa, who, having been informed of their collusion, concluded with some justice that such a cabal might as often act against him as for him, and he therefore determined on creating a division between them. It was with this view that he conferred the appointment of Sursoobehdar of the Carnatic on the Moodhee, in preference to Sewdasheo Bhow, who would have been much gratified by it. The Moodhee was thus secured in Bajee Rao’s interests, but the envy of Mankesir was excited, and he in a short time informed the Peishwa of the corrupt practices of the Moodhee in the affairs of his government. These charges Bajee Rao secretly advised his minister to prefer to the Resident, which was accordingly done, and as the Moodhee was a servant of the British Government they would have been immediately investigated, but the Peishwa’s object being answered by the accusation from Mankesir,¹ he interfered to prevent the inquiry, and, as it related to an affair connected with his government, the proceedings were quashed at his request.² This intrigue answered its purpose, by incensing Khoosroujee against the minister; and as \*friendship\*, according to the interpretation of the court of Bajee Rao, was to aid and to conceal the acquisition of corrupt emolument, the Peishwa secured the goodwill of Khoosroujee, but the nature of the Moodhee’s confidential situation at the Residency being incompatible with his appointment as governor of a Mahratta province, he was afterwards required by Mr. Elphinstone to resign the one or the other, and he accordingly relinquished the latter.³ Trimbukjee Dainglia was immediately appointed to the vacant office. Trimbukjee was originally a \*jasoos\* or spy, and brought himself to the Peishwa’s notice, when he fled to Mhar from the power of Holkar, by carrying a letter to Poona, and bringing back a reply, in a very short space of time. Being afterwards entertained on the personal establishment of the Peishwa, his activity, intelligence and vigour soon became conspicuous; and by unceasing diligence, and, above all, by being pander to his vices, never hesitating to fulfil his wishes whatever they might be,⁴ he gradually gained the confidence of his master, and was the only man who ever obtained it. When Gunput Rao Phansay, the respectable commandant of the Peishwa’s artillery, was deprived of his Jagheer, Trimbukjee was appointed commandant in his stead. He at first courted Mankesir and Khoosroujee; but having discovered their collusion, he disclosed it to the Peishwa, and though it did not for some time become apparent, he entirely supplanted Mankesir in his master's councils, and retained Khoosroujee in the manner already described. ### [v2.c55.52](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.52) ¹ The accusation was not made by Mankesir himself, but by three persons employed by him and the Peishwa. ### [v2.c55.53](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.53) ² The above is from native information of respectability; but I am not certain of the date, or whether Mr. Russell or Mr. Elphinstone was Resident at the time. I think the former. ### [v2.c55.54](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.54) ³ Native information. ### [v2.c55.55](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.55) ⁴ Trimbukjee once told Mr. Elphinstone, in conversation: ‘If my master order me, I will kill a cow’—a declaration of servile devotedness, equally strong and impious. ### [v2.c55.56](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.56) Bajee Rao's success in bringing his Jagheerdars under his authority encouraged him in more extensive plans for aggrandizing his power. He occasionally mentioned his claims on the Nizam, but as often as the Resident prepared for entering on the investigation, Bajee Rao found some excuse for delay. He likewise spoke, at first distantly, of his claims on Sindia and Holkar, although sensible that they were dissolved by treaties, to which he was himself a party; and he pressed, with seeming earnestness, an early settlement of the debts due to him by the Gaekwar: a subject which had already for several years occupied attention, and to which we shall presently advert. ### [v2.c55.57.1](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.57.1) Unfortunately for Bajee Rao, the low favourite whom he had chosen, and who had much of the character of Shirzee Rao Ghatgay, entertained a strong prejudice against Europeans; and his arrogant presumption and unprincipled mind were equal to any attempt. Bajee Rao, at first, in wishing to extend his power, entertained no hostile designs against the British Government; but, elated by his increasing consequence, without reflecting from whence it was derived, and flattered by the suggestions of Trimbukjee, who tried to persuade him that he would recover by the force of his wisdom all that his ancestors had gained by their swords, he became irritated by opposition to his wishes, and was hurried forward, until he was overwhelmed in the intrigues and crimes which Dainglia led him on to perpetrate. In frequent consultations with the Moodhee and Trimbukjee, they advised him, before entering on the more important discussions with the British Government, to increase his military establishment, which without any design or appearance of hostility would, they represented, tend to render him more respectable in the eyes of all India, and give weight to arguments with his allies. Of the benefit derived by the British Government from the treaty of Bassein the Moodhee, perhaps from conviction, impressed Bajee Rao with the most exaggerated opinion; ### [v2.c55.57.2](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.57.2) and he may have thought, from the evident desire of conciliation which existed in the councils of the British Government, that much would be conceded to avert a war. The annual inroads of the Pindharees and a pilgrimage undertaken by Bajee Rao, for the second time, to a celebrated temple in the Carnatic, furnished ample excuse for raising troops, had a pretext been wanting; but the fact was, the Resident had been constantly pressing on the attention of the minister the inadequate force maintained by the Peishwa for the protection of his country. Up to 1812, exclusive of the troops maintained by the Jagheerdars, and the Sebundees, or irregular infantry employed in collecting the revenue, his army amounted to no more than two thousand five hundred horse and three thousand infantry. Four thousand horse were that year added to the establishment, and several hundreds each year subsequently; but instead of continuing to increase the levies of horse so useful to check the Pindharees, a large body of Gosaeen infantry was now entertained at Trimbukjee’s suggestion; and Arabs, whose enlistment Bajee Rao had at one time not only prohibited, but had begged of the Bombay Government to arrest on their route from the coast to his dominions, now met with every encouragement. An opportunity for exercising the new levies soon occurred by the refusal of Bappoo Sindia, Killidar of Dharwar, to surrender that fortress. ### [v2.c55.57.3](https://indike.org/pramana/ins.general.grantduff-1826.v2.c55.57.3) Having come to pay his respects to the Peishwa on his route to the Carnatic, Bajee Rao desired him to give up the fort to Trimbukjee. ‘If Your Highness,’ replied the Killidar, ‘will send a gentleman to relieve me in the command, or if you will send a Carcoon in your own name, to whom I can commit my charge, your servant will present the keys to him, but I will never give over the fort of Dharwar to such a person as Trimbukjee Dainglia.’ In consequence of this speech, as soon as he had reached the door of the Peishwa’s tent, he was arrested, bound, and tortured by Trimbukjee, until a promise of surrender was extorted. His Carcoon, a Bramin on whom the Killidar could rely, was dispatched with Trimbukjee, who, accompanied by a body of troops, proceeded to take possession; but, on approaching the gate, the Carcoon begged permission to go on a few minutes in advance of the party, that he might speak to the garrison and make some arrangements; when, no sooner had he got inside, than he shut the gate, and on pretence of being detained by the garrison opened a fire on Trimbukjee and his followers, who were obliged to retire with precipitation. This insult could not be resented at the time, nor until the Peishwa’s return to Poona, when Dharwar was invested; but the faithful Carcoon did not surrender until an order was obtained from his imprisoned master, through the interposition of Bappoo Gokla. _First 59 of 124 passages. 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