The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c25: Chapter XIX. The Nayaks of Tanjore and Jinji
The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I v1.c25
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Chapter XIX. The Nayaks of Tanjore and Jinji
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SUMMARY.—1. Continuation of the reign of Achyutappa Nayaka of Tanjore. His behaviour towards Venkata II.—2. Abdication and death of Achyutappa Nayaka.—3. Ragunatha Nayaka murders his eldest brother.—4. His suspicious relations with Vijayanagara.—5. Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji and his uncle.—6. Early revolt of Krishnappa against Venkata II.—7. Krishnappa Nayaka and Fr. N. Pimenta. Description of Jinji.—8. Foundation of the city of Krishnapatam.—9. Great power of the Nayak of Jinji.—10. Rebellion of Krishnappa against Venkata II. His madness.—11. Victory of Venkata over Krishnappa in 1608.—12. Krishnappa Nayaka and the Dutch. The fort of Devanapatnam.
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CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.—1. Hindu inscriptions and grants.—2. Jesuit letters.—3. Du Jarric.—4. Anquetil du Perron.—5. Jongue's Dutch documents.—6. *Sahithyaratnakara*. *Ragunathabhyudayam*, *Ushaparinayam*.—7. *Velugutivaru Vamsavali*.
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DURING the first half of the reign of Venkata II, the ruler of Tanjore was still Achyutappa Nayaka. The *Sahityaratnakara* relates that during his time the Dutch, who were then starting their trading career in the East, appeared before Negapatam and attempted to land in order to found a trading factory; but they were valiantly repulsed and driven away by Achyutappa ¹.
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¹ *Sahithyaratnakara*, canto VI, v. 68.
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Negapatam had been lent by his father to the Portuguese, and their number had been constantly on the increase ². Fr. Pimenta, who passed through it in 1597, tells us that “many Portugals dwell there and many winter there, which come from the Coast of China, Bengala, Pegu and Malaca.” ³ Achyutappa Nayaka invited Fr. Pimenta to establish a Jesuit house with a Church at Negapatam; while another one was already started at Tranquebar ¹. And while Fr. Pimenta was in the town, the inhabitants actually purchased a place for five hundred Duckets, for a new Residence of ours’ says the same Fr. Pimenta ². Fr. du Jarric gives a slightly fuller description of this place. He says that it was “by the river side having the sea to the West and was fitted for the functions of the Society”. Fr. Pimenta sent two priests there ³.
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² Cf. Ch. VIII, No. 2.
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³ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 207. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 632.
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¹ Ibid., Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 633.
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² Ibid.
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³ Du Jarric, I, p. 633. A letter of Philip III to the Viceroy dated Lisbon, December 10th, 1607, mentions some riots occurred among the Portuguese of Negapatam; it seems that the leaders of the rioters were two brothers named Mello, Bulhao Pato, Documentos, I, p. 146.
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As to his relations with Venkata II, Achyutappa Nayaka is mentioned with the title of Mahamandalesvara, in a much damaged and dateless record on a stone in the Kankudutta Vinayaka temple at Kavalkudaru ⁴. An inscription of 1596-7, by the same Venkata in North Arcot, records a gift of money by Achyutappa Nayakar Aiyan for the merit of Dikshitar Aiyan ⁵. Formerly Achyutappa had sent his son Raghunatha to help the Emperor in the siege of Penukonda ⁶.
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⁴ 298 of 1911.
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⁵ 710 of 1904.
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⁶ Cf. Ch. XVI, Nos. 1 and 2.
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But Anquetil du Perron gives us a piece of information not consistent with the above. He says that before the year 1595, both the Nayaks of Madura and Tanjore had rebelled against Venkata ⁷. We really doubt the accuracy of Anquetil in this passage; for the inscription of Venkata mentioned above is dated only a year later. It is possible, however, that the rebellion took place some years later, and was misplaced by Anquetil, confusing it with an earlier rising of the Nayak of Madura. As a matter of fact, one of Fr. Coutinho’s letters from the court of Venkata seems to allude to an insurgent attitude on the part of Achyutappa; for he affirms that “the rumour was that the King (Venkata) would warre upon the Naichus of Tangaor, called Astapanaicus (Achyutappa Nayaka)” ¹. This letter, published by Purchas, has been extremely mutilated. The original gives more valuable information. Coutinho says that Venkata “has a large army with many good generals in order to re-conquer Kanchivaram; which city, along with all the country around, surrendered to Astapa-naichus (Achyutappa Nayaka), the king of Tangior” ². We deduce from this passage that the cause of the trouble was not precisely refusal to pay the tribute, but the city of Kanchivaram; though what the fact was that created this enmity is not clear. Moreover we know from the same letter that the war never broke out: “It is quite certain”, continues Coutinho, “that the King does not think of that expedition any more” ³. Venkata’s designs were checked by the death of Achyutappa Nayaka ⁴. And since this took place in 1600, this quarrel between the Emperor and the Nayaka must have occurred in 1598-9.
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⁷ Anquetil du Perron, l.c., p. 166.
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¹ From Fr. B. Coutinho, Purchas, X, p. 222.
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² From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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³ Ibid.
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⁴ Ibid., Purchas, l.c.
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2. According to the *Sahithyaratnakara*, Achyutappa Nayaka, on account of old age, resigned the crown in favour of his son Raghunatha Nayaka, and retired to Srirangam, where he spent the rest of his life. Consequently Raghunatha was crowned according to the ancient rites, Govinda Dikshita performing the ceremony ⁵. Up to this time we have relied upon the authority of Govinda Dikshita’s son, Yagnanarayana Dikshita; who, however, to give some dramatic interest to his poem, placed the renunciation of Achyutappa after the outbreak of the civil war, and the death of Venkata II. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Anquetil du Perron said that Achyutappa “had resigned and given up the government affairs some years before 1600” ⁶. But Fr. Pimenta, when passing through Tanjore in 1597, wrote that Achyutappa “has lately renounced the world and prepared himself for death” ⁷. Fr. du Jarric agrees with him ¹. Hence there can be no longer any doubt about the date of Achyutappa’s renunciation: the year 1597 witnessed the coronation of Raghunatha and his father’s pilgrimage to Srirangam. The *Raghunathabhyudayam* agrees with Pimenta and Anquetil du Perron; according to this poem, Raghunatha was crowned King long before the civil war and the war with Ceylon ².
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⁵ S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 273.
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⁶ Anquetil du Perron, l. c., p. 168.
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⁷ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 219.
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¹ Du Jarric, I, p. 648.
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² S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 286-7.
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Both Pimenta and du Jarric relate that, when Achyutappa retired to Srirangam, he was faithfully “accompanied in that devotion by his seventy wives, all which were to be burned in the same fire with his carkasse. Hee had bestowed five thousand pieces of gold in sweet woods against that day” ³. Anquetil du Perron states that Achyutappa’s death took place about 1600 ⁴. And Fr. Coutinho, writing from Chandragiri on July 17th, 1600, reports: “This (Achyutappa Nayaka) died lately. His corpse, along with 370 wives still alive, was burnt in a big fire of sandal-wood” ⁵
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³ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, l. c. Cf. Du Jarric, l. c.
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⁴ Anquetil du Perron, l. c.
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⁵ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. This passage had been translated by Purchas, X, p. 222, as follows: “His three hundred Concubines being burned with him to honour his Exequies, willingly leaping into the flames”.
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Achyutappa is praised by the son of Govinda Dikshita for his long and beneficient rule, for the destruction of his enemies, and for his liberal patronage of learned men ⁶. He gave many villages in free tenure to the temple at Srirangam, offered a costly diamond-throne to the god Ranganatha, with a rich necklace, crown, and leg jewels, all set with diamonds. He had many *agraharams* built in his name, and lodged many Brahmans in them. He performed many *pujas* and other religious services in various temples, such as those of Chidambaram, Tirupati, Kalahasti etc. 1. According to the *Raghunathabhyudayam*, the beautiful golden tower over the shrine of Srirangam was one of his gifts to the god. This poem also records many presents made by him to the god Siva, who was worshipped at Rameswaram, and the restoration and reconstruction of many holy bathing ghats of this place which were then in ruins 2.
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⁶ S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 286.
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3. Govinda Dikshita implies that Raghunatha was the eldest son of Achyutappa Nayaka; but Anquetil du Perron tells us that the eldest son of Achyutappa had been imprisoned by order of his father 3, and this information is confirmed by Fr. Coutinho, in his letter of July 17th, 1600, to Fr. Pimenta 4. No reason for such an imprisonment is given; what is clear is the extreme predilection of Achyutappa for Raghunatha. "When Raghunatha grew up", says Ramabhadramba in her poem, "his great qualities pleased his father very much. He had several Princesses of the Pandya and of other kingdoms married to him. Achyutappa made Raghunatha Yuvaraja" 5. The same poem, when describing the return of Raghunatha from Penukonda after defeating the Muslim hordes, who were menacing the capital of Venkata II, gives an instance of his special fondness. When Achyuta heard that his son Raghunatha was returning after accomplishing his mission with the Emperor of Karnata, he proceeded some distance from his capital to meet him, and gave him a fitting reception 6. Sivappa Nayaka, his grand-father, also had an extraordinary predilection for his grandson Raghunatha. If we are to believe Govinda Dikshita: "When he and many other famous scholars were once sitting in the court of Chevva (Siva), Raghunatha was brought before them, a small child. Seeing the child Chevva in great delight said: "This child will become great and rule the whole kingdom, and we shall become famous on his account"¹. This singular love for Raghunatha naturally excluded the eldest son from the succession to the throne; and this was perhaps the reason of the latter's imprisonment.
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¹ Kuppuswami Sastri, *A Short History*, p. 6-7. Cf. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 270.
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² S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 285.
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³ Anquetil du Perron, l. c., p. 168.
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⁴ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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⁵ S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 285.
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¹ Sahitya Sudha, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 267.
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On many occasions such predilections have been the origin of unspeakable family tragedies, as it was in the present case. The crime that ensued was carefully concealed by both the court poets, Yagnanarayana Dikshita and Ramabhadramba, who did not mention even the existence of such a brother. After Raghunatha's accession to the throne his brother remained under custody; and either because of a natural fear proceeding from the fact that his own right to the crown was less founded than that of his brother, or owing perhaps to a court conspiracy in which his own brother was implicated, Raghunatha murdered his elder brother; this crime is testified to by both Anquetil du Perron and Fr. Coutinho². As Fr. Coutinho speaks of both events in the same letter, dated July, 1600, this fratricide must have been committed in the beginning of Raghunatha's reign, perhaps immediately after the death of his father.
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² Anquetil du Perron, l. c.; Letter of Fr. Coutinho mentioned above.
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4. Raghunatha's relations with Venkata II are a little suspicious. There is no doubt that in 1604 the latter received an envoy, probably with the tribute, from the Nayak of Tanjore³. Nevertheless it seems that, before 1606, Tanjore had withdrawn the payment of tribute⁴. In 1608, at the end of September or at the beginning of October, Tanjore again sent his tribute to Venkata, according to a letter of Fr. Coutinho, referred to in the preceding chapter⁵. About 1610, however, Tanjore was not on friendly terms with Vijayanagara. At about this time Venkata besieged the city of St. Thome; the Portuguese were aided by Raghunatha, who received for this service a letter from the Spanish sovereign (who was then also the King of Portugal) thanking him for his aid ¹. This is a proof that Raghunatha’s policy towards the Empire was very suspicious. After Venkata’s death however he became as we shall see, the most enthusiastic supporter of the heir appointed by Venkata on his death-bed.
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³ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, No. XXII.
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⁴ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1606-1607, Ibid., No. XXVI.
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⁵ Cf. Ch. XVII, No. 11.
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¹ Cf. Ch. XXI No. 13.
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5. When Venkata II ascended the throne of Vijayanagara, the Nayak of Jinji was probably Krishnappa Nayaka ², called Vencapatir by Anquetil du Perron ³. We do not know what kind of relations existed between him and Surappa Nayaka, who has been spoken of in the preceding chapters ⁴. Anquetil du Perron says that Krishnappa Nayaka succeeded his father ⁵. Who was then his predecessor? We cannot give a satisfactory answer to this question. Mr. Rangachari calls Krishnappa Nayaka, Varadappa Nayak (1580-1620), and states that he was the son of his predecessor Venkatappa (1570-1580); without however, mentioning the source of his information ⁶.
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² Raghunathabhyudayam, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Sources, p. 286.
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³ Anquetil du Perron, l. c., p. 169.
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⁴ Cf. Ch. VIII, No. 3 and Ch. XIII, No. 7.
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⁵ Anquetil du Perron, l. c.
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⁶ Ind. Ant., XLV, p. 92.
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We know nevertheless that after the death of his father, Krishnappa Nayaka, who must have been then a young man, was imprisoned by his uncle in the same fortress of Jinji. But “by helpe of his friends”, says Fr. Pimenta, “he forced (his uncle) to become in the same place (prison) his unwilling successour, having put out his eyes” ⁷. Anquetil du Perron, who records the same fact, adds that Krishnappa was freed by his own subjects ⁸.
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⁷ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 218.
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⁸ Anquetil du Perron, l. c.
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6. Krishnappa was probably one of the chiefs who revolted against Venkata II in the beginning of the latter’s reign; for, we see him imprisoned by Venkata, early during the siege of Penukonda by the Golkonda forces ⁹. On the occasion of his rebellion, the Emperor sent against him an army under the command of one Venkata, an elder brother of the Kalahasti chief Ankabhupala. Venkata marched against Krishnappa and defeated him ¹. It seems that Krishnappa fell into the hands of the victorious generals, for he was afterwards kept 'in the Emperor's prison' ². Such is the expression used by Ramabhadramba in her *Raghunathabhyudayam*; it has been supposed, however, that this Emperor's prison was in the capital itself, Penukonda ³. During the time of his confinement the Jinji territory seems to have been ruled by Venkata, the general who had defeated the Nayak; because the same *Ushaparinayam*, that gives us the information about his victory, says that after this event Venkata 'constructed in his territory (viz. Krishnappa's) a large tank, and named it Chennasagaram after his father' ⁴. This seems to imply a long stay in the Jinji country.
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¹ *Ushaparinayam*, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 308.
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² S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, o. c., p. 286.
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³ Cf. Ibid., p. 272, note.
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⁴ Ibid., p. 308.
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It happened afterwards that Raghunatha Nayaka, after the defeat of the Golkonda forces, asked the Emperor Venkata for the release of Krishnappa, which was granted through the Tanjore Crown-Prince. "The lord of Tundira (Jinji) then prostrated himself with his Queen before Raghunatha, and showed his gratitude by giving Raghunatha his daughter in marriage" ⁵.
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⁵ *Raghunathabhyudayam*, Ibid., p. 286.
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7. Some years after Krishnappa's return to Jinji, Fr. Nicolas Pimenta, a Jesuit traveller often mentioned in this work, made his acquaintance while making his visitation of the Jesuit missions in the South of India; from him we fortunately possess a valuable account of his dealings with the Nayak and of the very city and fortress of Jinji.
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Their first meeting took place in the city of Chidambaram in 1597. Pimenta arrived there on his way to St. Thome, where Krishnappa Nayaka happened to be at the time. "The Naichus of Gingi", says Pimenta himself, "was come thither, in whose Dominion it standeth. He commanded that we should be brought to his Presence. Before us two hundred Brachmanes went in a ranke to sprinkle the house with Holy water, and to prevent Sorcerie against the King, which they use to doe every day that the King first entreth into any house. We found him lying on a silken Carpet leaning on two Cushions, in a long silken Garment, a great Chaine hanging from his necke, distinguished with many Pearles and Gemmes, all over his brest, his long haire tyed with a knot on the crowne, adorned with Pearles; some Princes and Brachmanes attended him. He entertained us kindly, and marvelled much that wee chewed not the leaves of Betele which were offered us, and dismissed us with gifts of precious Clothes wrought with Gold, desiring a Priest of us for his new Citie which hee was building” ¹.
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¹ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 208. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 634.
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They met again after some days at Jinji itself. Fr Pimenta’s narrative is worth reading; it shows the greatness and wealth of this famous city, called at that time by the Europeans the Troy of the East; it shows as well some of the customs and ceremonies performed in the court of Krishnappa Nayaka.
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“Wee went thence to Gingi,” writes Pimenta, “the greatest Citie we have seene in India, and bigger than any in Portugall, Lisbon excepted. In the midst therefore is a Castle like a Citie, high walled with great hewen stone and encompassed with a ditch full of water: in the middle of it is a Rocke framed into Bulwarkes and Turrets, and made impregnable. The Naicus showed us his golden stuffe, amongst which were two great Pots carried on their shoulders full of water for the King to drinke... The Naicus appointed our lodging in the Tower, but the heat forced us to the Grove (though consecrated to an Idoll) ..
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“The next day the inner part of the Castle was shewed us, having no entrance but by the Gates which are perpetually guarded. In the Court the younger sort were exercised in Tilts. Wee saw much Ordnance, Powder, and Shot; a spring also of cleare water... He (the Nayak) was guarded homeward with a thousand armed men: in the Streete were ranked three hundred Elephants as it were fitted to the warre. At the Porch one entertained him with an Oration in his praise, a thing usuall in their solemne pompes. Christapanaichus (Krishnappa Nayaka), (that is his name)
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shewed us another day his store of Jewels, and gave us leave in his new Citie" ¹.
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¹ From the same to the same, Purchas, X, p. 217-8. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 640-2. See Heras, *The City of Jinji at the End of the 16th Century*, Ind. Ant., LIV, p. 41-2, where this extract of Pimenta's letter is illustrated and commented upon.
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8. This new city referred to by Pimenta was then under construction. It was named Christapatama, *i.e.* Krishnapatam, after the name of the Nayak, its founder ². "It is located", says du Jarric, "in the country called Arungor near the mouth of the river Vellar" ³. In order to foster the new foundation, Krishnappa allowed every body to select his own building-site; and a piece of land was assigned to everybody in the outskirts of the city for agricultural purposes. Consequently many buildings were under construction when the visitor went there ⁴. To superintend the building of this town, Krishnappa had appointed one of the nobles of his kingdom called Cholgana (Solaga), of whom we shall speak a little further on ⁵.
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² Du Jarric, l. c.
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³ Ibid., p. 646. It forms the present Hindu quarter of Porto Novo.
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⁴ Ibid., p. 646-7.
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⁵ Ibid., p. 642.
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Krishnappa Nayaka earnestly asked Fr. Pimenta to build a church in this new city, and to erect a residence for a priest, he himself giving a good endowment: "two hundred pieces of gold being assigned to the Priest thereof," says Pimenta, "his Letters Patents written in the Tamulan and Badagan Languages" ⁶. This grant was made in the presence of all the grandees and nobles of the court ⁷. Accordingly Fr. Pimenta called Fr. Alexander Levi, 'a man of renowned holiness and of great knowledge of the vernacular', from Travancore, and left him at Krishnapatam to superintend the construction of the new church ⁸.
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⁶ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 218.
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⁷ Du Jarric, I, p. 642-3.
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⁸ Ibid., p. 647. It is very strange to see Krishnappa Nayaka favouring so much the Portuguese Jesuits, whose nation was
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9. One of the Jesuit Letters of 1606 states that from among the three Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore and Jinji, he of Jinji was the most powerful, and accordingly he had divided his dominions among other smaller Nayaks. One of these smaller Nayaks, subjects to Krishnappa Nayaka, was, according to the same letter, Lingama Nayaka of Vellore ¹. Fr. Pimenta mentions two other feudatories of Krishnappa, ‘the Princes of Trividin (Tiruvadi) and Salavaccha (?)’ ². The above mentioned Solaga was also one of the chiefs of the highest rank ³. He appears both in the *Sahityaratnakara* of Yagnanarayana Dikshita and in the *Raghunathabhyudayam* of Ramabhadramba ⁴. During Fr. Pimenta’s stay at Jinji, Solaga’s son, a boy of fourteen, ‘accompanied by many nobles and old men’, reached the capital to ask Krishnappa to name him after himself; with the further request of a grant of a golden chair and several pieces of land. He became a close friend of the Jesuits; so close that when the Nayak allowed the Fathers to depart he commended them to the care of Solaga’s son, who accompanied them safely to the castle of his father ⁵.
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¹ Litterae Annuae of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, No. XXII.
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² From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 209.
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³ Du Jarric, I, p. 642.
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⁴ We shall speak of him again in the begining of the following volume.
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⁵ Du Jarric, I, p. 643.
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The latter was living in a small fort at the mouth of the river Colerun. “He had seene his eighties, and was a man of great authority among his subjects, feared by everybody” ⁶. “Colgana (Solaga), a great man, received us with great kindnesse”, says Fr. Pimenta himself. “Hee is old and severe, and hath caused Crocodiles to bee put in his River for his securitie, charging them not to hurt his owne people. They nevertheless killed a man; whereupon I knowe not by what arts hee tooke two of them which were the malefactors, and put chaines about
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⁶ Ibid., p, 647.
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reputed as polluted by the orthodox Hindus. Du Jarric, I, p. 635, affirms that the Nayak used to say that ‘he had formerly seen other Portuguese priests, but none was alike to these.’
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their neckes, and cast them into a miry place, there to bee stoned by the people, and to die of famine. One of these we saw” ¹.
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¹ From Fr. N. Pimenta to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Purchas, X, p. 218. Cf. Du Jarric, I, p. 647-8.
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This description of the person and character of Solaga marvellously agrees with the account given of him in the *Raghunathabhyudayam*: “He had occupied an island near the sea, and was giving great trouble to the surrounding country. He used to carry away women from the neighbouring country, and was giving the people no peace” ².
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² S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, *Sources*, p. 286.
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10. Such were some of the tributaries of the powerful Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji. Holding such a power as he did, it is not strange that his old ideas of independence should again rise in his mind. The fact is that in 1600 the nobles and courtiers of Venkata II were earnestly urging him ‘to capture the town of Jinji’, as Fr. Coutinho informs us in one of his letters ³. Anquetil du Perron says that Venkata had plenty of reasons for waging war against the Nayak of Jinji, in 1600 ⁴; but nowhere are these reasons found. One was, very likely, the refusal of the annual tribute as pointed out by the same Anquetil.
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³ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V.
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⁴ Anquetil du Perron, l.c., p. 166
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And then all of a sudden it happened that Krishnappa Nayaka became demented. “Krishnappa Naiken, the Sovereign of Jinji”, says Anquetil du Perron, “became insane, as a result of a poison which was administered to him” ⁵. This was indeed the first rumour of this affair; but soon it was clear that his madness was feigned, as we read in Fr. Coutinho’s letter mentioned above. “Christapanaicus (Krishnappa Nayaka)”, says he, “being poisoned, got mad, although the fraud is now patent: the King feigned to be out of his head in order to please four of the grandees of his kingdom, who were afterwards killed by his order”. This apparent insanity saved Krishnappa Nayaka from the war which Venkata and his nobles were ready to make upon him. “They persuaded the King (Venkata) to invest this city (Jinji)”, says Coutinho, “but he, though having right to do so,...replied that it would be a most cruel thing to go to war with a feudatory while he was insane” 1.
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⁵ Ibid., p. 169.
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Four years later, in 1604, Krishnappa sent an embassy to Venkata, as the Jesuit letters inform us 2; but war burst out at last towards the end of 1607, ending with great dishonour to the Nayak.
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II. On this occasion Venkata, not being able to stand the tardiness of the Nayak in paying his tribute, ‘despatched his captains to conquer the lands of the Naique of Ginga (Jinji)’, says Fr.Coutinho in another letter. One of these captains, and perhaps the commander-in-chief, was Velugoti Yachama Nayadu; for the *Velugutivaru Vamsavali* says that in the course of Venkata’s reign he captured Chengi (Jinji) 3. “While the imperial army was approaching the fortress, God wanted to punish the Naique who was within,” continues Coutinho. “Had he remained in the fortress, nobody would have defeated him, for it is impregnable; but he, too arrogant, went out to meet the army of the King (Venkata). Then his own captains, despairing, deserted him; and the said Naique fell prisoner into the hands of his enemies. And he,” adds Coutinho, “distributed his earrings and other jewels he bore on his chest among his opponents, in order to induce them not to kill him”. Such was the great victory won on New Year’s day, 1608.
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News of the happy event reached Vellore at midnight. The Emperor set out for Jinji next morning with a large retinue of courtiers and relations. “The imprisoned Naique prostrated himself at his feet, and through the Queen and her brothers, agreed to paying him a sum of 600,000 cruzados, and to handing over to the Queen the fortress of Ganaripatao, which lay close by. After this, the King retired again to Vellur, and the Naique of Ginga (Jinji), moved by his loss of money and elephants, marched towards Cirangan (Srirangam), one of his temples, saying that he did not want to govern any more, and so on. But the two Naiques of Madura and Tangior, who are his friends, presented him with many gifts and caused him to return to his State, where he is now" ¹.
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¹ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. N. Pimenta, Chandragiri, July 17th, 1600, Ap. C, No. V. Cf. Anquetil du Perron, l. c., p. 166.
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² *Litterae Annuae* of the Province of Malabar, 1604-1606, Ap. C, No. XXII.
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³ Wilson, *The Mackenzie Collection*, p. 274.
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¹ From Fr. B. Coutinho to Fr. C. Aquaviva, Vellore, October 11th, 1608, Ap. C, No. XXIII. See Ap. C, No. XXV, where Fr. Laerzio alludes probably to this war in his letter to Fr. C. Aquaviva, dated Cochin, December 30th, 1608.
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12. Precisely at the end of this year, an embassy from the Dutch traders arrived at Krishnappa's court, requesting his permission to establish themselves at Devanapatnam, near the present European Club, Cuddalore. A Jesuit letter informs us that the Nayak "received these (the Dutch) very hospitably, and allowed them to build a citadel at the post where they landed" ². The Nayak's olla, in which this first concession to the Dutch was made, is dated November 30th, 1608 ³.
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² *Litterae Annuae* of the Province of Malabar, 1609, Ap. C, No. XXX.
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³ "Copy of the Caull of the King of Gingier.—Jacob de Bitter, Captain, representing Admiral Pieter Willemsen Verhoeven: We promise to protect the Dutchmen who will settle in Tegenampatna, to allow them to build a town, to refuse entrance in it to the Portuguese, to whom we shall remain hostile. On the other hand, we Dutchmen promise to bring all kinds of goods, to traffic with all traders, on the condition that they will pay us four for every hundred of all the merchandise we shall bring there, excepting the rice which is used at home, for which they will not pay. Moreover we shall pay four for every hundred of the merchandise that we shall carry away from there. Those who have paid once will not pay again. We promise and take the oath to keep all these faithfully, Amen. On the 30th of November of the year 1608 in the large town of Gingier." De Jongue, III, p. 281-2.
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The letter quoted above relates that the Dutch, after obtaining this document, "had very diligently begun to build the citadel" ⁴. In one of the following chapters we shall see the consequences that followed the construction of this fort, which was finally destroyed by order of Emperor Venkata.
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⁴ *Litterae Annuae* mentioned in note 2.
Linked texts (5)
- Kanchipuram
- Negapatam
- Penukonda
- Tranquebar
- Sāhityaratnākara — Dharmasūri, Sanskrit