Later Mughals v1.c7.s2: Sec. 2.—Azim-Ush-Shan Stands on the Defensive.
Later Mughals v1.c7.s2
- Language
- English
Sec. 2.—Azim-Ush-Shan Stands on the Defensive.
v1.c7.s2.1
We will now return to Azim-ush-shan's camp. On the preceding night, when Amin-ud-din Sambhali brought word that the Emperor had passed away, Azim-ush-shan first shed a few tears of sorrow at his father's death, then the drums were beaten in honour of a new sovereign's accession, and all the persons in attendance presented their congratulations and offerings. The Prince's advisers at once said to him that as Zulfiqar Khan was an open enemy, not a moment should be lost in making him a prisoner. Since he was at that time alone between the imperial audience tent and the outer enclosure, they could easily capture him. Niamatullah Khan and Aqidat Khan, in particular, insisted upon this order being given. From the first the Prince made objections, for he feared that the imperial family would at once be plundered. After all, what could Zulfiqar Khan do? Reliance must be placed on God's help alone. The leading men then ceased to urge the matter further, but said to each other, 'The Lord help and preserve us! the first words of invocation have been said wrong.'* On leaving the private audience-hall, Niamatullah Khan, disregarding the Prince's order, rushed off with a strong force, but before he could reach the spot, Zulfiqar Khan had left and gone to his own quarters, where he renewed his oaths to Jahandar Shah and by misleading promises persuaded the two younger Princes to make common cause with their eldest brother. [Dastur-ul-insha, 16.]
v1.c7.s2.2
∗ Kamwar Khan, 106; Nur-ud-din, 20, 24. Khafi Khan, ii. 686, says that Azim-ush-shan moved his position and transferred his camp to the vicinity of Budanah village, three or four kos from the city, where, having the Ravi in his rear, he dug a ditch round the other three sides. Faqir
v1.c7.s2.3
The next three days were passed by Zulfiqar Khan in negotiating with the Princes, rallying troops to their standard, and bringing artillery from the fort at Lahor. The former agreement between the Princes was renewed. Zulfiqar Khan visited Rafi-ush-shan and Jahan Shah, and urged them both to carry out their enthronement and assume regal honours and titles. When Zulfiqar Khan paid his visit to Prince Rafi-ush-shan, he used the most flattering words and placed his head on the Prince's feet. The Prince said to him, 'You place your head on my feet, lay rather your hand on my head, for have I not become an orphan?' and taking the hand of Zulfiqar
v1.c7.s2.4
Sayyid Jamal-ud-din says that there is now no Budanah village there, and suggests instead Uwan, some miles n. e. of the Shalimar garden.
* Bism-illah-i-avval ghalat shud.
v1.c7.s2.5
Khan, pressed it. Zulfiqar Khan made some appropriate reply and then left for his own camp.*
v1.c7.s2.6
In two or three days' time a large force of soldiers, some of long service but most of them greedy mercenaries, had been collected, and the artillery had been strengthened by the guns removed from the city walls. Three of the very largest guns were removed from the fort, each being dragged by two hundred and fifty oxen aided by five or six elephants, and it was ten days before the distance to camp was covered. One of these was sent to Rafi-ush-shan and one to Jahan Shah. When everything was ready, the three Princes left their old positions and encamped close to each other in a wide and open plain. Azim-ush-shan all this time never left the shelter of his earthen entrenchments, but contented himself with the daily discharge of a gun or two. On their side, the three Princes advanced daily at the rate of about one-eighth of a kos, or one-third of a mile, encamping each evening on the ground where they stood, and keeping an active look-out for fear of a night attack. In these nightly halts many of the new troops left the army, and it almost looked as if Jahandar Shah would be forced to retreat without fighting. But Zulfiqar Khan and Abdus-samad Khan exerted themselves to keep the men together. At length, early in the month of Safar (1st Safar 1124 H. = 9th March 1712), they pitched their camp not far from the entrenchment of Azim-ush-shan. For another two or three days, an artillery duel was maintained, and from time to time Azim-ush-shan's men made sallies and engaged the outposts of the attacking army. [Kamwar, 107 ; Nur. 28.]
v1.c7.s2.7
On the other side, Mirza Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi urged Prince Azim-ush-shan to take the field and give battle in the open. Daya Bahadur and others joined with him in his entreaties.* They believed that by one sudden onset they could drive the whole of the enemy's force away. The only answer they could obtain was 'wait a little longer.' After that they could say no more. Azim-ush-shan relied on the extent of his treasure; he had also received pledges from Churaman Jat and the Banjara grain-carriers that his camp should not suffer from scarcity of grain. In his opponents' camp there was, as he thought, nothing but poverty, and their men must disperse or die from hunger. Moreover, he had an exalted opinion of his own abilities and an equally low one of his brothers' capacities. Muizz-ud-din had, doubtless, shown himself a good soldier in his grandfather's and father's time, but now want of means rendered him quite helpless. As for Rafi-ush-shan, he had the heart of a courtesan, devoting all his energy to the adornment of his person and the purchase of clothes and high-priced jewels, a man to whom the verse applied:
v1.c7.s2.8
∗ Kamwar Khan, 107; Nur-ud-din, 26. There is a long letter, which I reject as apocryphal, in a work professing to be the Insha of Har Karan, son of Mathura Das Multani, and said to have been compiled in Mhd. Shah's reign (1131-1161 H.). In it Jahandar Shah expostulates with Azim-ush-shan, and ends with the defiance, Dam az mihr dah, ya ba kin zan payam, Kalam-am bar in khatam shud o us-salam. 'Breathe words of love, or send your challenge, My speech closes with this and so farewell.' According to the true Inshae Har Karan the letter, of which the above is an imitation, was addressed in 1068 H. by Aurangzeb to Dara Shukoh.
v1.c7.s2.9
Holding mirror and comb in hand,
Like a pretty woman, he adores his own curls.†
v1.c7.s2.10
† *Aina o shana girifta ba dast, Chun zan-i-rana, shuda gesu-parast.*
v1.c7.s2.11
Then as for Jahan Shah, his conceit was such that he thought his very name enough to put an enemy to flight. For all these reasons he thought that the longer he delayed, the greater would be his advantage. Nor was he at all liberal in the distribution of money to his soldiers, his miserliness being proverbial. It was a saying that the coldest place to be found was Azim-ush-shan's kitchen. To every report that was made his only reply was the unchanging *andak bashid*, 'Wait a little longer.' When they saw this state of things, his followers were much dejected and made sure that Heaven did not favour their cause.‡
v1.c7.s2.12
‡ *Nur-ud-din*, 27; *Dastur-ul-insha*, 17; Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 47; Yahya Khan, 117b.
v1.c7.s2.13
On the 6th Safar (14th March 1712) the three Princes were close to the entrenchment of Azim-ush-shan. On both sides, small groups of men came out and fought. In the course of two days, batteries for the guns were made ready through the exertions of Abdus-samad Khan, and by these batteries three sides of Azim-ush-shan's position were commanded. Abdus-samad Khan wished, if he could, to blow up Azim-ush-shan's powder magazine. But Sulaiman Khan Panni* was too much on the alert. One night, however, the besiegers found the sentinels asleep and entered the camp by climbing over one corner of the earthen wall. In the darkness they encountered the outposts of Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi, and were forced to return with their purpose unexecuted. [Nur. 28.]
v1.c7.s2.14
∗ The *Dastur-ul-insha*, 17, also names Amin-ud-din, Niamatullah Khan, Nawab Aziz Khan, Rajah Muhkam Singh Khatri, Rajah Raj Singh Bahadur, Baz Khan and Umar Khan.
v1.c7.s2.15
The next day (7th Safar 1124 H. = 15th March, 1712), the besieged began a cannon fire, which they kept up continuously for some time. Repeatedly Kokaltash Khan and Jani Khan, commanding on the side of the investors, were forced to abandon their batteries and seek shelter behind walls. But, from a battery on the north, Abdus-samad Khan returned shot for shot. However, when the attack on two sides of the entrenchment had been withdrawn, as above stated, Shah Nawaz Khan, without asking the Prince's leave, came out at the head of 2,000 cavalry. Abdus-samad Khan and Jani Khan opposed him. Just as those on Jahandar Shah's side were about to be defeated, Prince Jahan Shah arrived with reinforcements, and forced the other side to take to flight. The Prince himself received a slight wound on the arm, but Shah Nawaz Khan, while retreating, received two sword cuts in the back from Jani Khan and his horse's tail was cut off. Pursuing the fugitives, Jahan Shah arrived at the walls of the earth-work. Thereupon Sulaiman Khan Panni, and his tribesmen, from their position on the walls shot arrows and fired off rockets. In another direction, Daya Bahadur offered a stout resistance and put many of Jahan Shah's men to flight. But Jahan Shah himself held his ground, nay continued to advance, shouting to the fugitives 'Are you men, if not, go home and put on women's apparel.' At this juncture, Mukhtar Khan threw himself bravely into the melee at the head of his most trusted followers. When he had fought his way close to Jahan Shah, he flung himself from his horse, and according to the ancient practice of Hindustan, continued the contest on foot, shooting his arrows and dealing blows about him with his sword. It was near to sunset when he forced his opponents to beat a retreat. Several men of note on Azim-ush-shan's side, such as Raza Khan and Karim Khan, were slain. [Nur. 29-31.]
v1.c7.s2.16
∗ Brother of Daud Khan Panni, naib-subahdar of the Dakhin.
v1.c7.s2.17
When after night-fall Jahan Shah reached his quarters, Zulfiqar Khan came in person on the part of Jahandar Shah to congratulate him on the victory, and by his flattering speeches kept the Prince in good humour. He added that on the morrow it was his turn to take up the fighting and display his zeal for the cause. Next he visited Rafi-ush-shan, and talked to him in the same strain and impressed him so favourably, that he proposed to head the attack in person on the following day. Thence Zulfiqar Khan went to the camp of Jahandar Shah and laid before him other plans. At his suggestion, Jahandar Shah sent a message in very friendly terms to Prince Rafi-ush-shan asking him to give up his idea of heading an attack. Rafi-ush-shan returned his thanks but renewed his request, and very early in the morning (8th Safar) moved out at the head of 5,000 well-mounted cavalry, and boldly delivering his attack, forced a way to the foot of the entrenchment. The besieged replied with artillery fire and rockets, but repeated charges of Rafi-ush-shan's troops so demoralized many of them that they flung musket and rocket down and fled for shelter behind the wall. Then the men on Jahandar Shah's side mounted the wall and shot down their arrows on their foe within. They had almost succeeded in making their way into the entrenchment, when Sulaiman Khan Panni, followed by five hundred Afghans and two hundred of Shah Nawaz Khan's men, with Gul Khan at their head, arrived to reinforce the half-defeated defenders. Their arrows flew so thick and straight that the attacking party could not stand up against them but withdrew again from the top of the wall. Thereupon Sulaiman Khan followed in pursuit. [Nur. 33.]
v1.c7.s2.18
On issuing from the entrenchment, Sulaiman Khan advanced against the centre of Rafi-ush-shan’s division. The fighting became general and both sides struggled bravely for victory. Zulfiqar Khan, at the head of 2,000 men belonging to Kokaltash Khan and Jani Khan, speeded to reinforce his own side, and without distinguishing friend from foe, ordered his bowmen to shoot off their arrows. If this help had not arrived, a disaster would have occurred to Rafi-ush-shan. The men who had dispersed re-assembled and resumed the offensive. Seven to eight thousand men, horse and foot, bore down on Sulaiman Khan and encircled him. Sulaiman Khan withstood the flood undismayed, and the fight waxed hot. In the thickest of the fray, an arrow hit Gul Khan in the throat and killed him, after which his men fell into disorder. Pressed back by repeated charges of Jahandar Shah’s troops, Sulaiman Khan felt the day was lost, and turning his horse’s head, he retreated into the entrenchment, where he resumed his fire from the shelter of the wall. The sky grew black with smoke. Many on both sides were killed or wounded. However, on Jahandar Shah’s side no one of any note was injured, and when the sun had set, Rafi-ush-shan and Zulfiqar Khan returned in safety to their quarters. [Nur. 33, 35.]
v1.c7.s2.19
After the first day’s fighting, in which Abdus-samad Khan had penetrated into the entrenchment, but retreated without effecting his purpose, Shah Nawaz Khan hired several deft-handed Qalmaq slaves and sent them to assassinate Jahandar Shah. Evading the outposts, these men succeeded in penetrating at night as far as the tent occupied by the Prince. The eunuch on watch called out, ‘Who is there, what do you want?’ Their only reply was to cut him down and attempt to enter the tent. But a groan came from the dying eunuch and his falling body shook the ropes and sides of the tent. This untimely noise roused a Qalmaq woman servant of the harem, called Raiman, who was possessed of considerable strength. She ran out to see what was the matter. Observing the strangers she gave the alarm. The men retreated, pursued by Raiman, and one of them caught his foot in a tent-rope and fell. Raiman slew him with a dagger and was herself wounded slightly on the arm. Hearing the noise, sentinels ran from all directions but the Qalmaqs mixed in the crowd and thus succeeded in escaping. After Jahandar Shah had obtained quiet possession of the throne, he conferred on Raiman the title of Rustam-i-Hind, a curious choice, giving as it did an opening for the scoffer to say that in India their only Rustam was a woman! [Nur. 35-36, Kamwar 108.]
v1.c7.s2.20
On the third day of the fighting (8th Safar), the three Princes advanced together to the attack, beginning it with an artillery fire. Zulfiqar Khan took the direction of these operations. The cannon were posted on the mounds* formed of the debris left from brick-burning. The besieged were much harassed by the fire and many leaders quitted their posts and tried to escape. Finding the way closed by the besiegers they could only return within the entrenchment. Rajah Pirthi Raj Bundela,† by repeated attacks reduced the besieged to despair. Then Sulaiman Khan Panni, and Shah Nawaz Khan, with nearly 2,000 men of their own race, appeared on the northern wall, but there Abdus-samad Khan barred their exit. In another direction, where Pirthi Raj was closely threatening the entrenchment, Kesari Singh, brother of Muhkam Singh Khatri, made a sally and engaged his opponent hand to hand. Pirthi Raj was nearly overwhelmed, when Rafi-ush-shan detached to his aid Fath-ullah Khan and his Mughal horse. These men charged with drawn swords. Azim-ush-shan then sent out Daya Ram Nagar,‡ to reinforce Kesari Singh. While the contest was still undecided, Jahandar Shah arrived in person, and a rumour spreading that Azim-ush-shan intended to flee, his commanders, Sulaiman Khan, Shah Nawaz Khan, Kesari Singh and Daya Ram, withdrew their men and returned to seek their master. Jahandar Shah and his two brothers proceeded in triumph to their previous encampment. [Nur. 37-38.]
v1.c7.s2.21
∗ For those not familiar with the north of India it may be necessary to explain that these mounds, thirty or forty feet high, are to be found outside every brick-built town.
v1.c7.s2.22
† A son of R. Chattarsal Bundela.
v1.c7.s2.23
‡ Called generally Daya Bahadur, a title given him in Bahadur Shah's 4th year (1710-11), when he returned to Court from the charge of Kora (subah Allahabad), where he was succeeded by his brother, Chabela Ram (B. M. No. 1690 fol. 156a). These men were styled Mahta, a word which means 'head' or 'chief,' and is ordinarily applied now to the richest or most important tenant in a village. The Nagars are a sub-division of the Brahman caste, and are chiefly found in Gujarat.