Later Mughals v1.c9.s13: Sec. 14.—First Quarrel with the Sayyids (April 1713).
Later Mughals v1.c9.s13
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Sec. 14.—First Quarrel with the Sayyids (April 1713).
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The story as told by Yahya Khan, Farrukh-siyar's Mir Munshi, is that at the enthronement Abdullah Khan demanded the post of Wazir for himself. Farrukh-siyar made the objection that he had given his word to Ghazi-ud-din Khan (i.e., Ahmad Beg Ghalib Jang), a promise which he could not break. Abdullah Khan might retain all power under the name of Wakil-i-mutlaq or Vice-gerent. Abdullah Khan said there had been no Wakil-i-mutlaq since Jahangir's reign, except when Bahadur Shah gave that office to Asad Khan. But the two cases were not parallel; he had won the crown for Farrukh-siyar by his own sword and his own right hand, therefore his title to be Wazir was indisputable. Farrukh-siyar thought it best to give way, as he had only newly succeeded and was not yet secure on the throne. In this version of the facts, the only certain point is the supersession of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Ghalib Jang: but there is no sufficient reason to believe that Farrukh-siyar was, in any way, a reluctant participator in the new arrangement, although as soon as he had appointed Abdullah Khan, he appears to have repented of it. [Yahya, 122a.]
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∗ Chabutra means a platform of earth or masonry raised slightly above the surface of the ground. This name was given to the office of the head police officer of Dihli; it was situated in the Chandni Chauk, the main street leading from the Lahor Gate of the city to the Lahor Gate of the citadel.
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As we have seen, a few days after the victory at Agra, Qutb-ul-mulk was detached to seize Dihli; and, for the moment, the second brother, Husain Ali Khan, was incapacitated by severe wounds from taking any active part in affairs. The opportunity was too good to be lost. Farrukh-siyar was never long of the same mind and fell always under the influence of the last speaker. Mir Jumla, Khan Dauran, Taqarrub Khan, and other personal friends and favourites found thus a splendid opening for intrigue, of which they at once availed themselves. Between the departure of Qutb-ul-mulk for Dihli and Farrukh-siyar's own arrival at the capital barely a month elapsed; but this short interval was sufficient to implant in Farrukh-siyar's mind the seeds of suspicion, and he arrived at Dihli already estranged from the two Sayyids. We have told how the Court party interfered between the Sayyids and Zulfiqar Khan, beguiling the latter to his destruction. These intrigues had not remained altogether concealed from Husain Ali Khan, and in the most secret manner he communicated his suspicions to his brother. He wrote, we are told, that on his brother's leaving the camp it was clear, from the Prince's talk and the nature of his acts, that he was a man who paid no regard to claims for service performed, one void of faith, a breaker of his word, and altogether without shame. Thus it was necessary for them to act in their own interests without regard to the plans of the new sovereign. If Husain Ali Khan really wrote these words at such an early stage of his acquaintance with Farrukh-siyar, it proves him to have possessed wonderful penetration and great insight into character. The remainder of our story yields abundant evidence of the fact that the character of Farrukh-siyar could hardly be delineated with greater accuracy than in the above words. Acting on his brother's hint, Abdullah Khan, as a precaution, assumed possession of the house lately occupied by Kokaltash Khan, Jahandar Shah's foster-brother, and with it all the cash and property contained therein.
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For a couple of weeks after Farrukh-siyar's entry into Dihli, the appearance of amity was preserved. But the weapons of discord lay in abundance ready to hand. The disputes that now began raged round two things: The nominations to office, and the appropriation of the confiscated wealth of the Jahandar-Shahi nobles. A third lever for persuading Farrukh-siyar to get rid of the two Sayyids was found in his superstitious fears.
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When Abdullah Khan reached Dihli in advance of the Emperor, he took upon himself to promise the post of diwan of the Khalsa, or exchequer office, to Lutfullah Khan Sadiq, and that of Sadar-us-sadur, or Head of the Religious Endowments, to the former holder, Sayyid Amjad Khan.* On the march from Agra, Farrukh-siyar gave these offices to his own followers; Chabela Ram Nagar, receiving the diwani of the Khalsa,† and Afzal Khan, who had taught Farrukh-siyar to read the Quran, being made Sadar. Over these conflicting orders a quarrel broke out directly the Emperor reached Dihli. Abdullah Khan Qutb-ul-mulk, fell into a passion, and said that if his very first exercise of power was contested, what was the object of being Wazir? Mir Jumla and other favourites did their best to inflame the wound by remarking that when a sovereign deputed power to a minister, it was for the minister to recognize the limits of that power, and not make appointments to high office without sanction. A compromise was at last arrived at; Lutfullah Khan retained the diwani and Afzal Khan the Sadarat with the title of Sadar Jahan. Chabela Ram was consoled with the Government of Agra.*
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∗ Amjad Khan's original name was Bu Ali; he was Bakhshi and waqia-nigar of Dihli at the time of Alamgir's death and was made Sadar by Bahadur Shah—Khush-hal Chand, 376a.
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† Chabela Ram's appointment was made on the 17th Zul Hijja, Kamwar Khan, 127.
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Owing to the violent change of Government, there were naturally many confiscated mansions at the disposal of the crown. Two of these with their contents were conferred on Qutb-ul-mulk and his brother. One known as Jafar Khan's, which Kokaltash Khan, Khan Jahan, had held, was given to Qutb-ul-mulk; and another called Shaista Khan's, recently in the possession of Zulfiqar Khan, was made over to Husain Ali Khan. As soon as the distribution had been made, Farrukh-siyar's private circle of friends poured into his ear suggestions that these two mansions contained untold treasures, the accumulated wealth of many generations. In them was stored, they said, the property which had belonged to the four sons of Bahadur Shah, and the whole revenues of Hindustan for a year past. All this had now fallen into the possession of the two Sayyids. On the other hand, the imperial treasury had been emptied and the palace denuded of everything to pay Jahandar Shah's soldiers. [Kamwar 132, Warid 149a.]
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Superstition was even more powerfully brought into play. It was a superstitious country and a superstitious age; and Farrukh-siyar was as much subject to these influences as any of his contemporaries. A prophecy had been made, which met with the widest acceptance, that after Bahadur Shah's death his youngest descendant would reign. He would, in his turn, be followed by a Sayyid. Talk about this became so common that soon everyone had heard it. Of course, it was at once urged on the Emperor that the Sayyid who was to reign could be no other than one of the two brothers. Acting on the principle that dropping water wears away a stone, they repeated this story over and over again to Farrukh-siyar, till it had the effect of making him openly show ill-feeling to the two Sayyid brothers. [Warid 149a.]
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∗ Mhd. Qasim, 171. Afzal Khan died at Dihli in the end of Rabi II. or early in Jamadi I. 1138 H. (January 1726), Rank 5000—T-i-Mhdi., Khafi Khan ii. 729, 731.
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The quarrel had proceeded so far by the beginning of Rabi I. (27th March 1713), that Qutb-ul-mulk ceased to attend the daily audience, an infallible sign that a noble had a grievance or was out of humour. Farrukh-siyar was always ready to take any step, however humiliating, which might for the moment postpone decisive action and give him time to plan some fresh treachery. Accordingly, on the 9th Rabi I. (4th April 1713), on his way back from Wazirabad, a place on the banks of the Jamuna, where he had gone to hunt, he paid a visit to Qutb-ul-mulk's house and embraced him affectionately. He deigned to eat his breakfast and take his midday sleep there before returning to the palace. Qutb-ul-mulk, in return for so much condescension, made many costly gifts to His Majesty, receiving others in return. This is noted as the first public disclosure of the ill-feeling between the Emperor and his minister, which went on increasing year by year till it ended in catastrophe. [Kamwar 134, Warid 149b.]