Later Mughals v1.c9.s3: Sec. 3.—Death of Zulfiqar Khan.
Later Mughals v1.c9.s3
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Sec. 3.—Death of Zulfiqar Khan.
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Although one month had barely elapsed since Farrukh-siyar had won an Empire almost entirely by the exertions of the two Sayyid brothers, a party adverse to them had already been formed in the imperial camp. At its head was Ubaidullah, Shariyat-ullah Khan,† a Turani, who when Qazi of Dacca had acquired great influence over Farrukh-siyar. Allied with him were other personal friends and dependents of the new Emperor, the principal man being Khwaja Asim (Ashraf Khan),* a native of Agra. Shariyat-ullah Khan, although possessing little capacity for high office, was a bold ambitious man, whose chief object was to clear his own road to power by destroying as many as possible of the old nobility, and sowing in Farrukh-siyar's heart the seeds of suspicion against the Sayyids, whom he hoped soon to supplant. [M. M. 158-159.]
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∗ It had belonged to Kokaltash Khan and was sometimes called Ali Mardan Khan’s. Azam Shah had owned it in Alamgir’s reign—(B. M. 1690, fol. 162a). It was afterwards granted to Abdullah Khan.
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† Afterwards Mir Jumla. To give him a status in the Court he had been made darogha of the pages (khawas) on the 20th Zul Hijja (17th January, 1713) and the title of Ibadullah Khan was conferred on the 26th of that month.
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When it was known in Farrukh-siyar's entourage that Zulfiqar Khan had visited Abdullah Khan and that some kind of friendly proposals had been interchanged, it was resolved to interfere at once.† The man selected as their envoy was one Muhammad Jafar, who had long been steward to Farrukh-siyar and had lately been raised to the title of Taqarrub Khan. As he was a native of Iran, it was thought that he would be more trusted than any one else by Asad Khan and Zulfiqar Khan, who were also from that country. Taqarrub Khan swore the most solemn oaths on the Quran that no harm should happen to Asad Khan or his son. He hinted to them that it was dangerous to accept an introduction through the Sayyid brothers, as in secret Farrukh-siyar was already displeased with them, and was not likely to turn a gracious ear to any representation from them. Persuaded by these arguments, Asad Khan proposed that he and Zulfiqar Khan should set out together. His son preferred that, in the first instance, Asad Khan should go alone, that they might see what sort of fate was in store for them. Asad Khan would not listen to any such proposal. He was convinced that, as their services could not be dispensed with, no harm could come to them. Finally on the 15th Muharram the two nobles accompanied Taqarrub Khan to the camp at Khizrabad and passed the night in their own tents, it being arranged that they should be received in the morning. Their too ready acquiescence bears out the truth of the proverb, "When Death arrives, the physician becomes a simpleton."*
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∗ Afterwards Samsam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran, who was made darogha of the audience-hall on the 1st Muharram (27th January, 1713).
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† Yahya Khan, 121b, makes out that Farrukh-siyar asked the Sayyids for advice as to the conduct to be pursued towards Jahandar Shah, Asad Khan, and Zulfiqar Khan. Abdullah Khan, Husain Ali Khan and Lachin Beg held that on no account could they be allowed to live. Thereupon Farrukh-siyar decided that Asad Khan was innocent; but they were at liberty to kill the other two.
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We are told by Warid, I know not with what amount of truth, that after Zulfiqar Khan's death the hand which Taqarrub Khan had employed in taking the false oath on the Quran began at once to wither. He could not move it, and it grew continually worse. He lived on asses' milk, he tried every remedy, nothing was of the least use. Thus the hand remained a witness to his false oath until three years afterwards his end came.†
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† T. Kh. died on the 9th Rabi II. 1128, 1st April, 1716, Tarikh-i-Mhdi. Mirza Mhd., 261, says he died of diqq (hectic fever, consumption, atrophy), of which he had been seriously ill for one year. He left sons, one of whom, Tahir Khan, was on the 7th Jamadi II. 1128 H. created Taqarrub Khan, see Kamwar Khan, 163, 164.
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On the 16th Muharram the presentation of Asad Khan and his son took place. Zulfiqar Khan, as he entered the imperial enclosure, felt a presentiment of his impending doom. He said to his father that he would withdraw and greet the Emperor the next day, when on his march into the city. Asad Khan lost his temper and gave a sharp answer. Zulfiqar Khan was silenced, and they entered the enclosure together.‡ Asad Khan went into the Justice Hall and sat down. His presence was announced to the Emperor. Farrukh-siyar came from the chaplet tent (tasbih-khana) and Asad Khan rose, made his bow, and pronounced his salutation. The Emperor advanced quickly, embraced him, took his two hands, and seated him close to himself. Many flattering remarks were pronounced and robes and jewels were brought, with which he was then and there invested. Asad Khan now said, "I have brought a culprit with me, may I hope for the pardon of his offences?" The Emperor replied, "Brother, let him be brought in." Zulfiqar Khan came in, unarmed, his two hands tied together, and stood before the sovereign. Farrukh-siyar, making a gesture of repugnance at seeing his hands tied, ordered them in an agitated voice to be untied. The Khan was then told to approach. He came and fell at the Emperor's feet, but he was raised up and embraced and kindly spoken to. A robe of honour and jewels were brought for him. Farrukh-siyar then, addressing Asad Khan, said that he was just on the point of starting for a visit to the shrine of Nizam-ud-din Auliya,* he (Asad Khan) had better go home and "Brother," that is, Zulfiqar Khan, would remain. Before their arrival, the orders for the visit to the shrine had been given, and the imperial retinue and the men of the haft chauki (personal guard) had all assembled.†
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∗ Yahya Khan, 121b, chun qaza ayad, tabib ablah shawad. Mirza Muhammad 159, Kamwar Khan 129, Warid 113, Khafi Khan, ii. 732, 733.
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‡ Mirza Muhammad's account of Zulfiqar Khan's death was obtained from a friend, whose truthfulness he fully believed in. This gentleman had gone that morning, in Indian fashion, with a dali or basket of fruit and vegetables from his own garden, to be laid at the new Emperor's feet. By this means he had been admitted into the privy chamber and justice hall. Before he could come out, the approach of Asad Khan and his son was announced. When he tried to make his exit, he found that of those inside no one was allowed to leave the place. He was thus a witness of all that happened (M. Mhd., 161, 162).
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† M. Mhd. 160-2, Ijad 119b, Warid 114.
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Asad Khan returned to his tents and Zulfiqar Khan remained in the Emperor's camp. Farrukh-siyar rose and went out, saying to Zulfiqar Khan, "I am going now; I must get something to eat and see to my equipage; I will send some food for you, you can eat it here." He then went inside, leaving Zulfiqar Khan seated with Khwaja Asim.‡ In a few moments trays from the imperial table were brought. Fearing that the food might be poisoned, Zulfiqar Khan hesitated to eat. Khwaja Asim, penetrating his thoughts, said: "If his lordship permit, this slave, too, will take a share." Thus reassured Zulfiqar Khan began to eat. The Khwaja then remarked that to eat food in the tent used as Hall of Justice was not fitting, had they not better move to the screens outside and eat there? It so happened that two canvas screens had been put up in the space before the Hall of Justice, an entrance having been left at one end only. The two nobles came out. As soon as Zulfiqar Khan had entered within the screens, and while Khwaja Asim was still outside them, the tent-pitchers with the greatest expedition brought the screens together and closed the entrance. In an instant about two hundred men, each armed with sword and shield, sprang from their place of concealment and drew up round the screen, shoulder to shoulder, leaving no space whatever between them. When the capture was reported to Farrukh-siyar who was seated in the chaplet tent (tasbih-khana), Ibadullah Khan, darogha of the pages,* was sent out. Entering between the screens, he said loudly, "His Majesty asks what reason there was for you to imprison Muhammad Kam Bakhsh and inflict injury on his followers. Does it accord with the rules of loyalty and of submission to a gracious master to act thus to his sons?" Zulfiqar Khan answered:—
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∗ Kamwar Khan, 130, says "the Qutb-ul-aqtab," i.e., the shrine of Khwaja Qutb-ud-din Bakhtiyari.
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‡ He had just been made Khan Dauran Bahadur, Ijad, 119a. His titles were afterwards added to, and he became Samsam-ud-daulah Mansur Jang.
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"The imprisonment of Kam Bakhsh was by his father's order; I was Alamgir's servant and Kam Bakhsh, his son. If he had told me to make my father a prisoner, I should have obeyed."
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After each answer Ibadullah Khan returned to Farrukh-siyar and came with a new demand. The questions and answers continued on this wise as follows:
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"You were generalissimo and chief adviser of Muhammad Azam Shah. Was it fitting for a general to flee, as you did, and leave his Prince all alone?"
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"As long as he was alive, I remained with him; when he was slain, what right had I to continue a contest in the field."
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"What was your quarrel with the martyred Prince, (i.e. Azim-ush-shan, Farrukh-siyar's father)?"
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"He did not look on me with favour, thus I was not in a position to join his side. All the officers of the State took one side or another. I, too, took a side; nor did I thereby commit any crime."
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"Why did you kill Mukhlis Khan and Rustam Dil Khan?"
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"I had nothing to do with that matter. These things were done on the advice and by the instigation of Kokaltash Khan."
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∗ Afterwards Mir Jumla, Muazzam Khan, Khan Khanan, Bahadur, Muzaffar Jang.
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“All the other Princes survive: what was Muhammad Karim’s offence that you should seize him, bring him to your house, and slay him? Are you not aware that he was our brother, and that his blood cannot go unavenged?” [M. M. 163-166.]
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Zulfiqar Khan, by this time, knew that his death was resolved on, and that any further display of meekness would avail him nothing. He changed his tone and returning taunt for taunt, cursed Farrukh-siyar and said, “If you want to kill me, kill me in any way you like, what is the use of all this talk.” Upon this Lachin Beg and several Qalmaq slaves* fell upon him, threw him to the ground, twisted the strap from a shield round his throat and strangled him. The others stamped upon his chest till the breath left him. But to make quite sure a dagger was plunged into his body several times. Ropes were tied to his feet and he was dragged to the outside of the railing in front of the public audience-hall. There the body was left exposed. Officials were deputed to confiscate the houses and property of both father and son. Zulfiqar Khan’s retinue, which was drawn up outside the artillery park at the entrance of the camp, dispersed on hearing what had happened, and the men sought safety wherever they could find it. All this took place at the time of afternoon prayer. [M. M. 166, K. K. 734.]
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The official statement of the case against Zulfiqar Khan, as found in Ijad, whose narrative was corrected weekly by Farrukh-siyar himself, follows the lines of the conversation reproduced above. The misleading letters and messages sent to him through Taqarrub Khan are exultingly referred to as an exhibition of consummate policy and statesmanship. [Ijad 116a.]
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∗ The name is sometimes given as Ilachin Beg and Dilachin Beg. Ijad, 119b, and Kamwar Khan, 130, say “Nur Beg and other Qalmaqs of the brotherhood of Ilachin Beg.” Khafi Khan, ii. 734, has Lachin Beg (Bahadur Dil Khan) “or as some say, one of the chelas.” Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 172, describes the man as a servant of Khwaja Qutb-ud-din, son of Maulana Sharf Husain Kajkiyah (?) He received the title of Bahadur Dil Khan at the request of Mir Jumla.