Later Mughals v1.c9.s37: Sec. 39.—Farrukh-siyar Is Made a Prisoner and Deposed.
Later Mughals v1.c9.s37
- Language
- English
Sec. 39.—Farrukh-siyar Is Made a Prisoner and Deposed.
v1.c9.s37.1
From early dawn on the 9th Rabi II. (28th February, 1719) Qutb-ul-mulk continued to send messengers to persuade Farrukh-siyar to come out and take his seat on the throne as usual. Farrukh-siyar refused absolutely to set foot outside the female apartments. Indeed, he made use of some very florid language. He swore that, by the blood of Taimur, the world-conqueror, which flowed in his veins, he would so scourge these rebels, that for years to come their fate should be a tale on the people's tongue, and a warning to traitors intending to follow their example. Qutb-ul-mulk knew not what further pretext to devise to win his consent to reappear, in order that directions might issue for the degradation and seizure of the Sayyids' enemies. Then arose the outbreak in the streets and urgent messages arrived from Husain Ali Khan. It was plain that force must be resorted to.*
v1.c9.s37.2
∗ Sadat Khan died the same night of these wounds.
v1.c9.s37.3
During the night Farrukh-siyar had hidden somewhere or another in one of the small rooms or closets of the palace. His guard was formed of the Qalmaq or Turki women servants, armed with sword and shield. It is said that during the night Qutb-ul-mulk, with the approval of Sayyid Khan Jahan and Nawab Auliya, sent several messages to his younger brother to the effect that, all the offices connected with the person of the sovereign being in their hands, it did not much matter if they maintained the throne, the crown, and the coinage untouched in Farrukh-siyar’s name. Seated in consultation with Husain Ali Khan, were Ikhlas Khan, Sayyid Hashim Ali Khan, and most important of all, Muhammad Amin Khan. For the time being the last-named had declared himself openly on the side of the Sayyids, because of his anger with Farrukh-siyar for sending him against his will to Malwa, and then refusing him an audience upon his unauthorized return to Dihli. It is said that when Husain Ali Khan and Muhammed Amin Khan first met, the former changed colour, thinking that the man was his enemy. But he recovered his equanimity as soon as his visitor addressed thus: “O Nawab, why have you not ere this finished with this son of a Kashmiri. You must write a note asking the elder Nawab to depose him.” The three men now united in calling for Farrukh-siyar’s removal. The favourable moment, they said, would never recur; if not taken advantage of, their lives were lost. Besides, had not Farrukh-siyar forfeited all right to the throne by his want of discretion and his promotion of low fellows?† While this discussion was in progress a note arrived from Samsam-ud-daulah urging them to delay no longer, but seat another Emperor on the throne. Husain Ali Khan sent an answer to his brother’s letter in these terms: “If you cannot do the business, come out of the palace and let me enter, and I will settle it." Within the palace Maharaja Ajit Singh also urgently importuned for the deposition of Farrukh-siyar; and it was decided that one of the imprisoned scions of the house of Taimur should be brought forth and placed upon the throne. There is a local tradition among the Sayyids of Barha that someone proposed to set aside the imperial house altogether, the throne being transferred to one of the two brothers.* This would have been in accordance with Eastern precedent, where the successful rebel usually claims the crown as the prize of victory. And the virtues of the Mughal line as an instrument of rule being obviously expended, it would probably have been better, in most ways, if the sovereignty had been usurped by a newer and more vigorous family. Probably the difficulty, an insurmountable one as it proved, was to decide which brother should reign, neither being ready to give way to the other.†
v1.c9.s37.4
∗ Warid, 157b; Khafi Khan, 813, 814; Khush-hal Chand, 413b, 414a.
v1.c9.s37.5
† Khush-hal Chand states that a Mahzarnama or declaration, for the deposition of Farrukh-siyar was drawn up, and then signed and sealed by all except a few of the nobles. It was brought to Ajit Singh on the last day, and things having gone so far, he had no help for it and signed also.
v1.c9.s37.6
† Kamraj, 67a; Yahya Khan, 125a; Muhammad Qasim Lahori, 239; Khush-hal Chand, 413b; Ahwal-ul-khawaqin, 145b, 146a.
v1.c9.s37.7
A consultation was held in order to select a Prince, and the lot fell upon Prince Bidar Dil, son of Bidar Bakht, grandson of Alamgir, who was known as having the best understanding among all the Princes. By the time that this had been decided, the outbreak in the city, as we have already related, had occurred. The case seemed urgent and the greatest haste was made. Qutb-ul-mulk sent his own master of the ceremonies, Qadir Dad Khan, and a number of the Jodhpur Rajah's personal attendants, or Bhandaris,‡ to bring out the Prince selected. When these messengers arrived at the door of the Prince's dwelling, where also were assembled the sons of Prince Rafi-ush-shan, the women jumped to the conclusion that, having made Farrukh-siyar a prisoner, the Sayyids had now sent men to slay all the Princes of the royal house, and thus make clear their own way to the throne. Under this impression, they barred the door, locked it on the inside, and hid the Prince in a store-cupboard. In vain the messengers called out: "We have come to escort Prince Bidar Dil, and place him on the throne." Not a word was listened to, and the men were repelled with sticks and stones. As there was no possibility of searching or delaying longer, for the danger that the rioters in the street might get the upper hand increased every moment, the Nawab ordered a band of men with hatchets to break in the door. On forcing an entrance, their first effort was to find the particular Prince who had been named to sit upon the throne. But his mother wept and wailed beyond measure, nor could they find the key of the store-room. In despair, they turned towards the sons of Rafi-ush-shan, and out of them picked Rafi-ud-darjat. Although he was the youngest of the three, in intelligence and judgment he was found to excel his brothers. This youth was brought as he had been found, wearing his ordinary clothes, his only ornament being a necklace of pearls, taken by Qutb-ul-mulk from his own neck. The Nawab holding one hand and Ajit Singh the other, they seated him straightway on the jewelled peacock throne, which two days before had been brought out into the Diwan-i-am for the celebration of the Nauroz, or vernal festival. Those present offered their gifts, as is usual upon a fresh accession. Then, under the supervision and control of Najm-ud-din Ali Khan, Rajah Ratan Chand, Rajah Bakht Mal and Dindar Khan, son of Jalal Khan, at the head of a number of Afghans, were sent into the female apartments to arrest the deposed Emperor. [K. K. 814-816.]
v1.c9.s37.8
∗ The traditional account is that the idea was broached by Jalal Khan of Jalalabad (Muzaffarnagar district). But he was dead; it might have been suggested, however, by his second son, Dindar Khan, who was present at Dihli.
v1.c9.s37.9
‡ Bhandari, a house-steward, treasurer, purveyor (Shakespear, 411).
v1.c9.s37.10
These men, some four hundred altogether, rushed tumultuously into the imperial apartments. A number of the women seized weapons and tried to resist; some were slain and some wounded. The weeping and lamentation of the ladies passed unheeded. The door of the small room where he was hiding having been broken in, the wretched Farrukh-siyar, despairing of life, came out armed with sword and shield, and dealt several blows at the stony-hearted ruffians. In that dire extremity these fruitless and untimely efforts availed him nothing. His mother, his wife, his daughter and other ladies grouped themselves around him and tried to shelter him. The shrieking women were pushed on one side with scant ceremony. The men surrounded him and hemmed him in; they then laid hold of him by the hand and neck, his turban fell off, and with every mark of indignity he was dragged and pushed from his retreat. It is said that Hifz-ullah Khan, (subsequently known as Murtaza Khan) and Murid Khan,* in order to ingratiate themselves with Qutb-ul-mulk, went with those hard-hearted men, thus in one moment wiping out the loyal services done to the line of Taimur, for more than a century past, by their grandfather and father, and at the same time oblivious of their having been themselves the fallen man's companions and confidants. It was pitiful to see this strong man, perhaps the handsomest and most powerfully-built of Babar's race that had ever occupied the throne, dragged bareheaded and barefooted, subjected at every moment to blows and the vilest abuse, into the Diwan-i-khas to the presence of Qutb-ul-mulk. The Nawab opened his pen box, took out a needle used by him for applying collyrium (surma) to his eyes, and giving it to one of the men, ordered them to throw down their prisoner and blind him. Whatever was found in the female apartments and storehouses, or on the people of the harem—cash, clothes, gold silver and copper vessels, ornaments and jewels—all was taken, nay, even the slave-girls and the concubines were appropriated.
v1.c9.s37.11
After the needle had been passed through the eyes, Farrukh-siyar was imprisoned in the room over the Tirpoliya, or triple gate within the fortress. It was the place to which common malefactors were sent, and had already witnessed the death of Jahandar Shah seven years before. It was a bare, dark, unfurnished hole, containing nothing but a bowl for food, a pot of water for ablutions, and a vessel with some drinking water. On reaching it he is reported to have quoted the lines:
v1.c9.s37.12
∗ M. M; Kamwar Khan, 194. Hifz-ullah Khan received the title of Murtaza Khan on the 29th Shaban 1131 H. and was made deputy of the Mir Atash (Kamwar Khan 206). He was a Husaini Sayyid, his name being Hifz-ullah, son of Mirza Shakr-ullah, entitled Murtaza Khan (d. 1123 H. 1711-12). He died at Shahjahanabad on the 6th Jamadi II. 1161 H. (2nd June, 1748) aged 63 years T-i-Mhdi. Murid Khan was rewarded with the appointment of darogha of the mace-bearers on the day (29th Shaban).
v1.c9.s37.13
“Like a cypress in decay, Such a king in such slavery.” [M. M. 461, K. K. 814.]