Later Mughals v2.c13.s22: Sec. 24.—The Two Sayyids: Their Character and Conduct.
Later Mughals v2.c13.s22
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Sec. 24.—The Two Sayyids: Their Character and Conduct.
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Muhammad Shah ordered that the Sayyids should be referred to after their death, the one as Namak-haram and the other as Haram-namak, an order which Nizam-ul-mulk objected to and refused to comply with. [K. K. 941.]
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∗ Khafi Khan, 941, cannot conceive it possible that Nizam-ul-mulk, although a Mughal, had any share in these plots, but al ilm ind allah! "God only knows!"
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Alamgir does not seem to have been fond of Barha Sayyids. Once in the official news-letter from Ahmadabad it was reported that Sayyid Hasan Ali Khan Bahadur (afterwards Abdullah Khan), had shown promptitude in attacking and plundering one Hanwant, and had also captured the nephew of Janaji and forced him to become a Muhammadan. Zulfiqar Khan, Nusrat Jang, then on a campaign against Dhana Jadon, heard of these feats and sent to Court a proposal for raising the rank of both brothers, the elder from 800 to 1,000, and the younger from 700 to 800. Alamgir wrote across this report: "Wherefore should I not offer congratulations? But the very fact of their being Sayyids, those fountains of felicity, demands hearty exertions from them in support of the Pure Faith of their ancestor, His Majesty the Lord of Apostles. Let two robes of honour for the two brothers be issued from my private wardrobe, and let them be sent together with two swords, jewel-hilted and provided with pearl-mounted belts. Let Jamdat-ul-mulk (i.e., the Wazir) write much praise and many congratulations when sending these presents."
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Then, on the petition received from Zulfiqar Khan, he wrote: "The proposition of that servant of my house, who knows my way of thinking, was exceedingly out of place. It is a matter of course for men of the sword (saif) to punish leaders of strife (kaif). But to agree to immediate promotion is difficult. Love for Sayyids, those men of high lineage, is an obligation imposed by the Holy Faith, nay, is a proof of having fully accepted it; while to harm that clan is to expose one's self to the displeasure of the Most Merciful. But no action should be taken which produces evil in this, and disgrace in the next world. Undue favour to the Barha Sayyids will be disastrous in both worlds. For when promoted or exalted they say: 'I am and there is none other,' and stray from the path of duty. They lift their gaze too high and begin to cause trouble. If this attitude is overlooked, the business of this world ceases to be carried out ; if it is punished, objections will arise in the other world."*
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¹ 30,784, p.79. The name Kesar Mahi seems of doubtful accuracy, but the words are so written most plainly in the Persian text. See also Rustam Ali, Tarikh-i-Hindi, fol. 250a; Qasim; Kamwar, p. 255; and Tarikh-i-Muhammadi (year 1135 H.).
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In spite of the opposition he had encountered from the Sayyids, Nizam-ul-mulk is said to have done his best to protect Abdullah Khan’s life after his fall from power. Khafi Khan, who tells us this fact, thinks it only fair to record his tribute to the good qualities of the two brothers, since he has said so much about their misdeeds. He attributes the disrespect shown to Farrukh-siyar with all the bribe-taking and harshness in revenue-farming, to the bad influence of Ratan Chand, the Wazir’s chief official. Up to the time of his leaving for the Dakhin, Husain Ali Khan had shown extreme aversion to taking money irregularly ; afterwards, Muhkam Singh Khatri, and others did their best to pervert him. But both brothers were really friendly to the poor and non-oppressive in disposition. The townsmen, who were left to live in peace, made no complaints against them. They were liberal to the learned and the necessitous, and full of consideration for the deserving. In these respects Husain Ali Khan was even more conspicuous than his elder brother. The younger brother began a reservoir in Aurangabad, afterwards enlarged by Iwaz Khan, which formed a welcome addition to the scanty water-supply in that town. He also built in the Barha country a sarai, a bridge, and other works for the public benefit. [K. K. 941, 943.]
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Abdullah Khan was remarkable for forbearance, patience, and extreme humanity. When Haidar Quli Khan was faujdar of Surat he confiscated the estate of Abdul-ghaffur Bohra, a wealthy merchant recently deceased, in spite of the existence of legal heirs. The line of action adopted by Abdullah Khan was most commendable. Haidar Quli Khan was removed from office and the estate made over to the rightful owners. Husain Ali Khan, within whose jurisdiction Surat was situated, passed a sleepless night thinking over the matter. Upon the release of the property not one dam or dirham was kept back. The younger Sayyid is also applauded for upholding the bazar people against a false complaint brought by his own elephant-driver. [K. K. 943.]
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∗ Ahkam-i-Alamgiri, Irvine MS., No. 252, fol. 23b.
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The conduct of the Wazir in the case of the East India Company's embassy to Farrukh-siyar's Court is also very much to be commended. Misled by his Armenian colleague, John Surman had negotiated through Khan Dauran, the second Bakhshi, instead of through the Wazir. When Khan Dauran had reaped all the benefit he could and had wasted nearly two years, he repudiated the whole affair. The envoys were at last forced to apply to Abdullah Khan. According to oriental standards of conduct, this tardy application gave a splendid opening for avenging the previous neglect. Nothing of the sort happened. Abdullah Khan, when the Englishmen went to him, was affable and helpful, also, for a wonder, most prompt in action. The preparation of the desired farmans was carried through in a few weeks; and still more wonderful, the Wazir accepted no present. We need not be surprised that Surman should style him "the Good Visier."
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The Surman diaries also yield an indication that Abdullah Khan was not quite strict in the observance of Muhammadan rules. "Hearing the Visier drinks," the envoys sent him a handsome present of Shiraz wine and brandy; and we are not told of its being returned with indignation and resented as an insult.
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Another entry in the Surman diaries shows Abdullah Khan's kind heart. At the envoys' last audience Farrukh-siyar refused to allow the departure of William Hamilton, the surgeon who had attended him in his illness. In this emergency they invoked the aid of Abdullah Khan, and "the good visier readily offered to use his utmost endeavours." He wrote a very pathetic address to His Majesty, in which an imaginary wife and children in Scotland were introduced to heighten the effect. On Hamilton's promising a speedy return to India, Farrukh-siyar yielded a reluctant consent to his departure.*
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The Barha Sayyids have remained almost to our own day more or less Indian in their practices. Thus it is no surprise to learn from a contemporary historian that Abdullah Khan observed the *Basant* or spring festival, and the Holi powder-throwing usual among Hindus. In another direction he displayed superstition. Anand Ram Mukhlis noticed that every time he gave public audience, two men called *majamra-gardan*, or censer-swingers, stood at the head of his carpet swinging silver censers full of smoking rue-seed. This was done to avert the Evil Eye. We have also seen in the course of our narrative that he was more of a soldier than an administrator; and that he was a voluptuary who in time of peace was indolent and negligent of business. He left his affairs too much in the hands of his Hindu man-of-business, Ratan Chand.*
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∗ C. R. Wilson's Early Annals, Vol. II, Part 2, "The Surman Diary," pp. 74, 131 133, 142, 143, 200, 202, 203, 205.
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One of the *Wazir*'s deeds of merit was the construction of a canal in Patparganj, a suburb of Dihli. It was begun in 1127 H. (1715) after a great fire in that quarter of the town, and it was finished in the fifth year of Farrukh-siyar (1716). As to it Sayyid Abdul-jalil Bilgrami, wrote:—
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*Bahr-i-jud o faiz, Qutb-ul-mulk, Abdullah Khan,*
*Nahr-i-khairi kard jari an wazir-i-muhtasham;*
*Bahr-i-an Abdul-jalil-i-Wasiti tarikh kard:*
*“Nahr-i-Qutb-ul-mulk madd-i-bahr-i-ashan o karam.”*
(1127 H.)
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The same learned man and poet sings the praises of Abdullah Khan in his *masnavi*, as follows:—
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*Aristu-fitrate, ke Asaf-nishan ast,*
*Yamin-ud-daulah, Abdullah Khan ast;*
*Ba diwan chun nashinad nau-bahar ast,*
*Ba maidan chun darayad zulfiqar ast.†*
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† M.U. iii. 140; Khush-hal B.M. No. 3288, fol. 407a.
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Husain Ali Khan, Amir-ul-umara, differed considerably in character from his elder brother. He was prompt in action and inclined to the use of exaggerated and insolent language. Several stories showing this habit of his are on record. For instance, the hired flatterers in his train used to recite, even in the Emperor's presence, Hindi verses in praise of their master. A Persian translation of two lines has been handed down; they are to this effect:—
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∗ Kamwar Khan, entry of 3rd Rabi, II. 1132 H.; Anand Ram Mukhlis, *Mirat-ul-istilah*, fol. 248a. Herklots, *Qanoone Islam*, Glossary, p. lxxxiv, says the seed used is that of Mahndi (*Lawsonia inermis*), mixed with benzoin or mustard-seed.
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The whole world and all creation seeks the shelter of your umbrella,
Kings of the world earn crowns through your emprize.*
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Once, on the ill-fated march to the Dakhin, being intoxicated with his own greatness, he boasted that on whosoever's head he cast the shadow of his shoe, that man would become the equal of the Emperor Alamgir. This remark gave great offence to those who heard it.†
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Although he put no faith in lucky or unlucky moments and the prognostications of soothsayers, he seems to have been troubled by presages of his approaching doom. Hakim Nakki Khan Shirazi told Warid that in the last weeks of his life, Husain Ali Khan was for ever extolling and finding new meanings in the following lines:—
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Ham chu man be-kase shahide hech kafir na bud,
Subh-i-mahshar khud damid, wa khun-i-man khwabida ast.‡
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‡ With the disappearance of the Sayyid brothers the story attains a sort of dramatic completeness, and I decide to suspend at this point my contributions on the history of the Later Mughals. There is reason to believe that a completion of my original intention is beyond my remaining strength. I planned on too large a scale, and it is hardly likely now that I shall be able to do much more. The reign of Bahadur Shah (1707-1712) is ready to be faired out for the press; and the first draft for the years 1721 to 1738 is written. I hope soon to undertake the narrative of 1739, including the invasion of Nadir Shah. It remains to be seen whether I shall be able to continue the story for the years which follow Nadir Shah's departure. But I have read and translated and made notes for another twenty years ending about 1759 or 1760. The preliminary work for the period 1759-1803 has not been begun. In any case I hope that my published studies on the period, although covering only part of the ground, may prove of some use; that, at the least, they may relieve some more fortunate successor of much drudgery, of a nature commonly thought to be arid, and repellent to many minds. May my reward be, as an Oxford historian phrases it, that "some Gibbon of the future may throw me a word of thanks in a footnote." (20th October, 1907).
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* Ahwal-ul-khawaqin, fol. 176a. In the original they are:— Panah-i-chatr bigirand jumlah-i-alam o khalq, Kalahdar-i-jahan ra kalah az muqdam-i-tu. † Yahya Khan, Tazkirat-ul-muluk, fol. 125a.