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Later Mughals v2.c14.s13: Sec. 37.—Attempt to Supersede Nizam-Ul-Mulk in the Dakhin.

Later Mughals v2.c14.s13

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Sec. 37.—Attempt to Supersede Nizam-Ul-Mulk in the Dakhin.

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Meanwhile, the enemies of Nizam-ul-mulk at the Dihli Court had not been idle. On the 3rd Feb. 1724, before the Wazir had fully shown his hand, a farman was handed to Abdul-Mabud Khan, son of Mubariz Khan, governor of Haidarabad, appointing his father to the whole Dakhin as deputy for the infant Prince Shahryar Shah, and not long after, upon the death of this infant, the appointment was confirmed to Mubariz Khan in his own name. A grant of five lakhs was made from the imperial treasury and several lakhs from the revenues of the Dakhin, to enable him to raise a sufficient army. Although he and Nizam-ul-mulk were of the same country by origin, it was believed that greed of place and power would be sufficient to overcome any reluctance due to this fact. Other orders were despatched to Iwaz Khan (deputy of Nizam-ul-mulk), Bahadur Khan, Abdun-nabi Khan, Abdul-ghaffar Khan, Amin Khan, Saadat-ullah Khan, Rajah Sahu (head of the Mahrattas), and Rao Rambha, to join Mubariz Khan and afford him every aid in their power. After nearly five months, on the 22nd July 1724, Ghazi-ud-din Khan, deputy Wazir, was openly set aside and Qamar-ud-din Khan Itimad-ud-daulah, son of Muhammad Amin Khan Chin, was made chief minister. [Kamwar 267, Warid 13-14, Khush-hal 1044a.]

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Mubariz Khan, the then governor of Haidarabad, who was thus set up as a rival to Nizam-ul-mulk, was a native of Balkh, Khwaja Muhammad by name. In 1137 H. (1724) he was a little over sixty years of ago. His mother had brought him to Hindustan when he was a boy. After a time he obtained imperial employ in various offices at the Court; and finally secured his position by marrying a daughter of Inayat-ullah Khan Kashmiri, a man high in Alamgir's favour. He was made Bakhshi to Alamgir's youngest son Kam Bakhsh, and afterwards faujdar of Sangamner. The first title given him was that of Amanat Khan; and in the 47th year of Alamgir (1114-1115 H., 1703-4) the faujdari of Baizapur, about 48 miles from Aurangabad, was added to his former district. In Bahadur Shah's reign he was in charge of Surat: the then Wazir, Munim Khan, having the very highest opinion of his good qualities, which he held to be established by his very appearance. He was promoted on the death of Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang, in 1122 H. (1710) to the Government of Ahmadabad Gujarat. Jahandar Shah (1712) removed him to the charge of Malwa, and for his victory over Islam Khan of Rampura in that province he was created Shahamat Khan. Early in Farrukh-siyar's reign (1713) he again received the Government of Gujarat, but had held it only two weeks when he was superseded by Daud Khan Panni. He was transferred to the province of Haidarabad in the Dakhin, and finally received the titles of Imad-ul-mulk, Mubariz Khan Bahadur, Hizbar Jang. He ruled in Haidarabad for nearly twelve years. Apparently he did not pay the Mahrattas the chauth, or one-fourth of the collections, as had been agreed to by Husain Ali Khan Barha when he was governor. Instead of this, Mubariz Khan fought them wherever he could; though, in spite of his exertions, they everywhere and at all times, whenever they saw a chance, extorted more even than the chauth and took all they could lay hands on. Most of the roads, too, were so unsafe owing to their depredations as not to be traversible. [M. U. iii. 729 ; K. K. 963 ; Warid 54.]

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On the first occasion when Nizam-ul-mulk marched into the Dakhin (1719-20), he entered into correspondence with Mubariz Khan. The latter marched to his aid but did not join him until his arrival at Aurangabad, after the defeat of Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan and of Sayyid Alim Ali Khan. Then in 1721 Nizam-ul-mulk thought of returning to Court, but Mubariz Khan was opposed to this move; and when they had reached the pass of Fardapur, halfway between Aurangabad and Burhanpur, persuaded the Nawab to retrace his steps and proceed southwards to Adoni. Subsequently however, Nizam-ul-mulk's proceedings to bring under subjection the Afghan leaders of that region met with only half-hearted support from Mubariz Khan, who perceived that their interests and his were almost identical, he being in unauthorized possession of imperial lands in Sikakol and elsewhere. Nizam-ul-mulk betrayed no displeasure at the time. But when he succeeded to the office of Wazir he hindered Mubariz Khan, his sons and followers from obtaining increased jagirs and even told the governor's agent at Court that collections made from the crown domains were owing from the governor and would have to be paid. The Wazir also tried to get Mubariz Khan out of the Dakhin by recommending him strongly as the only man fit to take charge of Kabul, the Government of which was then vacant. Afterwards when the talk began of exchanging the Dakhin for the two provinces of Malwa and Gujarat, Nizam-ul-mulk himself proposed Mubariz Khan as his successor in the Dakhin, preferring that he should be appointed rather than a complete stranger. [M. U. iii. 729-743.]

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At this time Inayat-ullah Khan wrote from Dihli to his son-in-law urging his acceptance of the appointment to the six provinces of the Dakhin and inciting him to active opposition to Nizam-ul-mulk. He was told that by so acting he would acquire the greatest favour in the eyes of Muhammad Shah. As we have already said, the formal rescript for the office had been sent to him at an early stage of the dispute with Nizam-ul-mulk. When it reached Mubariz Khan, he was busy with the siege of Phulchari near Machhlibandar, then held by Appa Rao. The siege had lasted six to eight months. The place resisted for a little time longer, and in the end the matter was settled on terms. The governor and his force then returned to Haidarabad. There he was joined by Bahadur Khan Panni, faujdar of Karnul, Abul Fath (son of Abdun-nabi Khan faujdar of Kadapa), Abdul-Majid Khan, (grandson of Diler Khan) and his adopted son, Ali Khan; and on behalf of Saadat-ullah Khan, faujdar of the Karnatik there came Ghalib Khan (son of Amir Abu Talib Khan Badakhshi). He was also joined by Dilawar Khan faujdar of Raichor. But many men went to their homes as the rainy season had commenced. In the meantime Iwaz Khan had made a raid into Haidarabad territory, plundering the town of Banswara in the sarkar of Medak.* Provoked by this incursion, and urged on by the Pathans, Mubariz Khan resolved on instant revenge. The march towards Aurangabad began in the middle of the rainy season. They crossed the river Godavari in the neighbourhood of Nander and encamped not far from Udhiya, a pargana of sarkar Basim in the Balaghat of Berar, intending there to pass the season of the rains. It is estimated that he had about 15,000 horse and between 30 and 40,000 matchlockmen known in the Dakhin as Kalapiyada (black footmen), also a certain number of swivel guns and camel-pieces, but only two or three large cannon. His police posts occupied the country and his officials went out to collect the revenue. [M. U. iii. 736-'7. Kamwar.]

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While Nizam-ul-mulk was still at Sihor (near Bhupal) in Malwa he received a letter from Muhammad Inayat Khan at Aurangabad informing him that, instigated by the courtiers at Dihli and backed by the Afghans of the south country, Mubariz Khan had accepted the appointment of subahdar of the whole Dakhin and was on his march from Haidarabad. It was believed that as soon as he had taken possession, he would move northwards into Malwa, where he would be joined by reinforcements from Dihli and the combined armies would be used against Nizam-ul-mulk. This news was still under consideration when a letter from the agent at Court of Mubariz Khan conveying to him the verbal orders of his father-in-law, Inayat-ullah Khan, fell into the Nawab's hands. The contents of this letter confirmed what had been written from Aurangabad by Muhammad Inayat Khan. There could no longer be any doubt left as to the position; and immediate action was resolved upon. [M. U. iii. 738.]

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∗ Banswara is 81 miles n. w., Medak (town) 51 miles n., and Nander 145 miles n. of Haidarabad.

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As Nizam-ul-mulk had succeeded in reaching Aurangabad unopposed, Muhammad Shah appears to have considered the game as lost, and thereupon changed his plans. After reciting that ill-health had been Nizam-ul-mulk's plea for leaving Dihli on two months' leave to Muradabad,—whence he had made off to Malwa and then to Aurangabad,—the Emperor asserts that the Dakhin provinces had been placed in charge of Mubariz Khan because Nizam-ul-mulk had complained that the country was a desolate one producing no revenue. If the extent of Nizam-ul-mulk's desire for the Dakhin had been known, a successor would not have been appointed. When Ghazi-ud-din Khan (Nizam-ul-mulk's son) found his father had gone to Aurangabad, he became alarmed at the plots of the envious and had withdrawn from the conduct of affairs as deputy Wazir. The work had been made over to Itimad-ud-daulah until Nizam-ul-mulk's return to Court. God forbid that he should suppose that he had been dismissed from his office or had fallen out of favour. The wazirship and governorship, both of them, are confirmed to him (Nizam-ul-mulk); he might stay in his province as long as he liked and return to Court whenever he wished. The province of Patna (Azimabad) had been given to Mubariz Khan, with whom Nizam-ul-mulk was requested not to interfere. To Mubariz Khan the Emperor wrote that the Dakhin was given to him when he reported his willingness to undertake the affair with the aid of his allies, the local Afghans. The assurances led to Nizam-ul-mulk being neglected. When the first orders were issued, Nizam-ul-mulk was at Muradabad and Azd-ud-daulah (Iwaz Khan) near Deogarh; at Aurangabad there was no one to make any defence. He (Mubariz Kh.) took up so much time in attempting to conquer some petty fortalices that both nobles (Nizam-ul-mulk and Iwaz Kh.) had united forces at Aurangabad. Now he (Mubariz Kh.) raised the objection of the rainy season, which is no real obstacle to brave soldiers, and on that account halted 60 *kos* from the provincial capital (Aurangabad). The projected business thus remained unperformed. Neither had Bahadur Khan and others, although written to as suggested, done anyting. It was all make-believe. Thus there was no course left but to restore Nizam-ul-mulk. Further delay was inadvisable, for his adherents were weak as unfledged birds. Nizam-ul-mulk had therefore been restored, while Azimabad Patna had been granted to him (Mubariz Khan). He should depart for his new Government *via* Burhanpur or Sikakol whichever he preferred—the rescript would follow, and Nizam-ul-mulk had been directed not to hinder or interfere. But before these orders could reach or take effect the hostile governors had put their quarrel to the arbitrament of the sword and Mubariz Khan had perished. [*Majma-ul-insha*, 87-88.]

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SEC. 38.—MUBARIZ KHAN PREPARES TO FIGHT NIZAM-UL-MULK.

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In Ramzan 1136 H. (May-June 1724) Nizam-ul-mulk was at Burhanpur, and about the end of Ramzan (21st June) he reached Aurangabad. In order to be able to meet future criticism Nizam-ul-mulk began by addressing a letter of exhortation and warning to Mubariz Khan, reminding him of the sin he was about to commit by the shedding of Musalman blood. He pointed out the indecency of Muhammadans fighting together in the midst of infidels, dwelt on their being of one country and one race, reminded Mubariz Khan that Muhammad Shah’s acts were like the fancies of a child, and that from his agents at Court he had heard several times that another Government would be allotted to him (Nizam-ul-mulk). When the order arrived he would obey by returning to Dihli, and Mubariz Khan could then take peaceable possession of Aurangabad. Without some new office he could not leave the Dakhin, as it would ruin his army and involve the triumph of his deadly enemies. A little delay would thus clear up the whole situation. But Mubariz looked on this advice as dictated by self-interest, and at the same time felt that to give way without a struggle would be fatal to his honour as a noble and warrior of repute, more especially as he held a direct commission from his sovereign. Some think he would have given way, had not his Pathan allies talked roughly to him and accused him of preferring his Mughal tribesmen to loyalty to his sovereign. Mubariz Khan pleaded for the advantages of a peaceful agreement, but the Pathans only grew more angry than before. He gave way to them and put the blame on them in his reply to Nizam-ul-mulk's overtures. He finished his reply by leaving his fate in the hands of God, and what the Fates would bring forth would soon be seen. He continued his preparations for the campaign. [M. U. iii. 739; K. K. 952; Burhan 169a; Warid 15, 54-55; Ahwal 187b-188a.]

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Nizam-ul-mulk on his side made ready, his first camp being at Talab Jaswant. According to one account Nizam-ul-mulk's leading advisers, Iwaz Khan and Ghiyas Khan, were opposed to taking the field before the army had recovered after the march from Hindustan and until the rains were over. These views were over-ruled by the Nawab on the ground that delay would only strengthen the other side, to which there would be many defections owing to the farman which Mubariz Khan had received. At length, with the help of Baji Rao and other Mahrattas, he marched out about 3rd Sept. 1724, at the head of six thousand horsemen; in the midst of lightning, thunder, wind and rain; they proceeded under difficulties which defy description to within twelve kos of Mubariz Khan's camp. When the latter had reached the pargana of Char Thana, following the advice of his generals he resolved to make for Zafarnagar, a place held in perpetual grant by his ally Bahadur Khan Panni and having a population of Afghans. He hoped by a rapid march to reach that town during one night, intending without an instant's delay to fall unexpectedly upon Aurangabad, having heard from the commandant of Daulatabad fort that Aurangabad was unprotected and the fortress would be delivered up. If, provoked to sudden action in this emergency the enemy made pursuit, their artillery in which they were strong must be left behind, and Mubariz Khan would have them at his mercy. If, on the other hand, they resolved not to abandon the artillery, the ensuing delay would give him time to seize the women and treasure of the Nawab and the families of his soldiers left behind at the provincial capital. In pursuance of this idea Mubariz Khan left his camp on the Purna, where the two armies had been only twenty to twenty-four miles apart, and marched off in the other direction. In so doing he forgot the fact that in Hindustan to turn away from your enemy, once you have come in sight of him, is looked on as equivalent to your flight and the victory of your enemy. This way of looking at things was adopted on this occasion, as an eye-witness tells us; and Nizam-ul-mulk’s men, who until then feared defeat, now felt assured of victory. All, great and small, believed Mubariz Khan was afraid of them and had fled from before them. Offerings and congratulations were brought to their general; and a rhymester in the camp found the date in the Hindi words, Dar-gya Mubariz Khan. [M. U. iii. 739, K. K. 952, Ahwal 189.]

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At the time of passing Nizam-ul-mulk’s camp, a number of Mubariz Khan’s advance-guard and skirmishers made an attack upon it. Many men including the commander of the artillery were killed. But those attacked were not content to leave the matter thus. With a considerable body of Mahrattas they came out to retaliate, and adopting the tactics of Cossacks and Mahrattas put an end to the other side’s attempt at a forced march, making it almost impossible for them to advance more than two steps at a time. The preliminary skirmishing seems to have begun on the 1st Oct. 1723, and by the 8th the fighting had waxed more and more severe. Nizam-ul-mulk had made a shrewd guess at the object of his enemy’s strategy, and the Mahrattas having hung on to him and arrested his progress, the Nawab made a night march and by great exertions managed to cross the Purna with his artillery. [M. U. iii. 740, Kamwar, Ahwal 191a.]