Later Mughals v2.c16.s7: Sec. 92.—Baji Rao Attacks Dihli.
Later Mughals v2.c16.s7
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Sec. 92.—Baji Rao Attacks Dihli.
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We must now explain how this sudden and unexpected movement took place. As Saadat Khan arrived at Agra Baji Rao had moved away from the Chambal, where his left flank was confined by the river and his camp intersected by deep ravines, to opener country upon the north-east. There through his agent in Samsam-ud-daulah’s camp he heard of the boastful account that Saadat Khan himself gave of his successful action. “I was resolved,” Baji Rao writes, “to let the Emperor know the truth, to prove that I was still in Hindustan, and to show him the Mahrattas at the gate of his capital.”*
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∗ As Baji Rao wrote to his brother Chimnaji Appa, from the environs of Sawai Jai-nagar on 15th Zul Hijja: “Entrusting my heavy baggage (bungah) to Rajah Jagat Raj of Bundelkhand and sending it to Bundelkhand, I became lightly equipped......Saadat Khan had written to the Emperor and the amirs many such false stories as that he had defeated the Mahratta army which had crossed the Jamuna,—of whom 2,000 horsemen had been slain and 2,000 drowned in the river, including Malhar Holkar and Vitoba Bule,—and that he was driving the Mahrattas back beyond the Chambal ......This report had been sent to me by Dhondo Govind......I decided to go and burn the city of Dihli and make the Emperor see that the Mahrattas exist.........So I started on 26th Zul Qada, leaving the king’s highway and making long marches......Covering forty miles a day, in two marches I arrived at Dihli, near Kushbandi, on 7th Zul Hijja, leaving Barapula and Kalika’s temple on my right hand.” (Brahmendra-Swami Charitra, letter 27.) [J. Sarkar.]
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Six days before Samsam-ud-daulah and Saadat Khan had united their forces, Baji Rao was on his way to Dihli, crowding a ten days' journey into two days and nights by continuous travelling. He passed the camps of the Wazir and of Samsam-ud-daulah on each side of him at a distance of a day's march. In the afternoon of the 9th Zul Hijja 1149 (9th April 1737), the vigil of the Feast of Sacrifice, he suddenly appeared at the small hill on which stands the temple of the Hindu goddess Kalka, an ancient place of worship about six miles south of the city near the Khizrabad grove and between the shrines of Nizam-ud-din Auliya and Nasir-ud-din 'the Lamp of Dihli'. Several times a year there are gatherings of worshippers which continue all day and sometimes all night. Traders bring their wares and there is a sort of fair. The day of Baji Rao's arrival being the Ram Navami, commemorating the birth of Ram Chandra, was a fair day. Baji Rao at once, after seizing some elephants and camels coming out of the city, sent his men to slay and to plunder at the temple. After this had been effectually carried out, he and his horsemen rested for the night at Malcha near to the grove at Tal Katora which belonged to the Emperor and was known as Muhammadabad. It is two kos from the city wall and four from the palace. The first idea of burning the suburbs was abandoned in order that the Emperor and Samsam-ud-daulah, from whom he expected concessions, should not be driven to extremities. Baji Rao wrote letters to the Emperor and to Rajah Bakht Mal. In reply the Emperor asked him to send in his agent [Dhondo Pant], but Baji Rao declined unless a guard for him came out. But his answer was politely worded and he said that "as he apprehended mischief to the city from the contiguity of his troops, he was about to retire to the Jhil tank" (possibly Tal Katora is meant). [Ashob 113a, Rustam Ali 273a, Baji Rao's letter cited before.]
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The plundered fugitives first brought the disastrous news into the city, and thence it was carried into the palace. Clamorous groups of the wounded and plundered assembled at the gates; but when called upon to tell their story, they were in such a state of terror and contradicted each other so much that the facts could not be arrived at. The Emperor and his courtiers laughed at them. What could Baji Rao have to do at Kalka Devi? It was some small raid of Mewati thieves and nothing more. Why had the traders been so careless and over-confident as to take their goods into a waste place? But doubts still lingered in the minds of the courtiers; and in the afternoon a man disguised as a mendicant was sent to Kalka Malcha and Tal Katora to find out how things stood. The messenger returned before midnight. Appearing before the Emperor he took out of his beggar's wallet a handful of grain, mostly dry unground gram, a few scraps of raw half baked bread devoid of salt and some pods of red pepper.* These were the alms he had received in the Mahratta camp. He told them that in the morning by breakfast time there would be an attack on the city. [Ashob 113b.]
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Plans were at once discussed, but they felt that they had little chance of resisting successfully in the open field. At one time they would enter into arguments how these "devils" could have reached Dihli without encountering the two formidable imperial armies already in the field. If those had been defeated, the only thing left for the Emperor and Court was either to demand terms or escape down the Jamuna in boats. Thus, amid much vague and silly talk, unconsidered advice was tendered and useless proposals were brought forward by each man according to his disposition and ability. Sad-ud-din Khan, the head of the imperial artillery, although far from a hero, had passed a lifetime in the company of experienced men, had served under Nizam-ul-mulk in the Dakhin, and knew the mode of fighting peculiar to the Mahrattas. Compared to the other courtiers he might be called a renowned warrior. His voice prevailed. It was held to be derogatory for the Emperor to command in person against low fellows, mere ploughmen, like the Mahrattas, while to take refuge altogether behind the fort walls would be even more disgraceful. As there were from 10,000 to 12,000 horse and nearly 20,000 foot in the garrison, it was resolved to send these out under the command of the Emperor's favourite Amir Khan, entitled Umdat-ul-mulk Mumtaz-us-sultanat. [Ashob 114b.]
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∗ The red pepper was first crushed by the Mahrattas between stones picked up from those lying about—and then eaten as a relish with the bread.
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In spite of his many weaknesses Amir Khan was after all a man of noble descent, by nature brave and valiant. There were also other leaders. One was Aghar Khan, son of Aghar Khan the Mughal, who had commanded troops in the Dakhin, and had gained some victories over the Mahrattas. He still had a force of men of his own race, and a considerable number of armed Turkish, Qalmaq and Qarghiz slaves. Another Mughal who offered his services was Mubariz Khan, the superintendent of the mace-bearers. He was the son of the Mubariz Khan governor of Haidarabad who in the year 1137 H. had been defeated and slain by Nizam-ul-mulk. The imperial artillery was placed by Sad-ud-din Khan at the disposal of Amir Khan; while two Rajput officers of the Ambari regiment of the bodyguard, Rajah Shiu Singh and Rajah Ajmeri Singh, joined him with five hundred and two hundred and fifty men respectively. [Ashob 115a, Rustam Ali 273b.]
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The Emperor was left in the fort guarded by 3000 of the artillery, 1000 of the Shah Ala regiment, the matchlockmen and artificers, and half of each regiment of the bodyguard, the other half being sent to join Amir Khan. The command of the fort was in the hands of Sad-ud-din Khan. As a precaution in case of disaster, all the boats from the ferries for a distance of fifteen to twenty miles up and down the river were collected and placed under the palace window. If necessary the women of the harem could be embarked on them and thus escape from dishonour. Eunuchs were sent round to all the principal lords to excite them to vigilance while all night long heralds went round from house to house warning the men of the palace guard.
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An hour after nightfall Amir Khan drew up his men outside the wicket gate known as the Phatak of Misri Khan. Here he was joined by Aghar Khan and Mubariz Khan. After a council of war they began to entrench themselves from the city to the grove at Tal Katora, their guns being placed at intervals along this line. There they waited for the Mahrattas to develop their attack. By the time that these preparations were completed the day had dawned; not a sign of the enemy was to be seen. The defenders' position was strong and looking to the Mahratta distaste for storming entrenchments, it was probable that the Muhammadans would have held their own, had not some of the more fiery and hot-headed of the young nobles insisted on assuming the offensive. [Ashob 115b—116a.]
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Chief of these was Mir Hasan Khan Koka, recently created Khan Jahan Bahadur Kokaltash Zafar Jang, whose sole longing was to justify his claim to be in fact as in name 'the Victorious in war'. As the proverb says, "His iron was always in the fire." This young man was good looking and very ambitious to be thought a soldier. Although the son of a man from Iran, he modelled himself in all things on the Pathans of Mau Shamsabad and Shahjahanpur; his costume from head to foot, his saddlery and equipment, his life and manners, every movement and gesture aped those of the Pathans. Lately he had been appointed by the Emperor to command the imperial escort, a force smaller in numbers than the other bodyguard regiments but more relied on, its men being tried and chosen fighters with good horses and excellent arms. In this sudden peril the regiment was ordered to remain in the palace, a duty which did not accord with Mir Hasan Khan's ambitions. Calling the Emperor a coward for hiding within the fort, Mir Hasan Khan marched his regiment off without orders and joined Amir Khan. [Ashob 116b—117a.]
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Hasan Khan's influence prevailed with the younger nobles who were eager for the fray; and cursing Amir Khan and his friends as arrant cowards, these men led their troops forward into the open.* Directly they appeared in sight, Baji Rao, who was on the alert, mounted and set his troops in array. Ahead he sent five hundred well mounted and well armed Rawat horse (under Satwaji Jadon) to draw the enemy and discover their strength and position. These skirmishers came on below Tal Katora and Malcha into the plain. When they had arrived an arrow's flight from the line of swivel-pieces they were joined by Baji Rao. He ordered them to charge, to ply their spears and lay about them with their long straight swords. Against them were Mir Hasan Khan and other youths such as the sons of Kokaltash Khan, young Koka Khan, and other swashbucklers, experienced in street brawls but ignorant of real war. The brothers and sons of Shiu Singh and Ajmeri Singh Rajputs were also there. Looking on Baji Rao and his scanty force as an easy prey, they advanced at the head of about two thousand horse, paying no heed to the remonstrances of the older men, whom they accused of want of spirit. [Ashob 117a.]
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∗ "Near Rikabganj, outside the city, with 7 or 8 thousand troops." (Baji Rao's letter). [J. S.]
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Baji Rao recognized at once by the way they rode and their reins, that they were unsteady inexperienced troops. To lure them on he made his men retreat once or twice, and as these gave way the Muhammadans grew bolder and pursued more hotly. They were soon two miles from their supports under Amir Khan, and beyond Tal Katora on the farther side of it from the city. Satwaji Jadon sent back notice that the Muhammadans were coming on. In a moment Malhar Holkar, followed by Ranuji Sindhia, had turned and was upon them. With spear and sword busily at work they rode down the Muhammadans, wounding severely and unhorsing fully a thousand of them. Many of them bore the marks of their wounds to their dying day. Close on a thousand riderless horses were captured with their saddles and gorgeous equipments in scarlet and gold. Baji Rao reported 600 Muhammadans killed and wounded, 2000 horses and one elephant taken. On the Mahratta side very few men were lost and only one officer was wounded.* [Ashob 117b, Rustam Ali 273b.]
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Meanwhile Mir Hasan Khan fled in the extremest perturbation towards Amir Khan's army. Before he could reach a place of safety he was overtaken and with one prod of a lance point unseated ; his horse was seized, his fine clothes and weapons taken, and he was left bleeding on the ground. If any wounded follower came up and appealed to him by his titles, he threw dust on his head and made humble obeisance saying "For God's sake, be quiet! If you use titles to me the enemy will recognize me and I shall have to pay an enormous ransom." Koka Khan was killed outright. Rajah Shiu Singh when he saw the disgrace that his sons and relatives had brought on themselves rode out from the earthworks to their aid. The beaten horsemen could not be rallied and Shiu Singh was left alone. The Mahrattas surrounded him and though he defended himself, as a brave man should do, he was in the end cut down and killed. On the other hand Ajmeri Singh, one of the greatest boasters, was the first to flee; also many of his followers being badly mounted were overtaken, wounded by sword and lance, and unhorsed, yielding up their arms to their captors. Deprived of all they possessed, they slunk naked and on foot through Amir Khan's ranks and crept back into the city with loud cries and lamentations to the intense alarm of the inhabitants.
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∗ Baji Rao writes, "Rajah Shiu Singh and ten or twelve other darbari nobles were slain, Mir Hasan Khan was wounded, 250 to 300 of the Emperor's bodyguards fell, 400 men were wounded...........Khans fled into the city, 2,000 horses were captured, 5 or 6 thousand fled; Indraji Kadam, an officer of Ranuji Sindhia, had two of his fingers shot off." [J. S.]
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This alarm was renewed when the dead and severely wounded were brought in by their relations. Quitting their posts in Amir Khan's division these men had made their way to Paharganj (south-west of the city) and the neighbourhood, where they collected cots from the shop-keepers. The corpses were laid in these cots and carried through the city lanes to their dwellings. The citizens prepared for flight and the contagion of terror spread to the fort and the palace. In a very short time the Mahrattas who were gathered watching events near the small hill of Malcha would have found their way unopposed into the city. [Ashob 118b—119a.]
Retreat of Baji Rao from Dihli.
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The danger of the city being sacked disappeared as suddenly as it had arisen. Instead of advancing on the town Baji Rao went off towards Mahramnagar* and Sarai Allahwirdi Khan. At once Amir Khan sent off an express with the joyful tidings to the palace. There they were more depressed and fearful even than those in the open field. The Emperor had sat in the privy council hall from a little after midnight holding open Court and discussing the measures to be adopted. Every messenger who reached the city had to fight his way from the city gate to the fort gate, and thence to the presence chamber through a huge crowd of eager askers for news. Mounted men were now despatched towards Sarai Allahwirdi Khan to verify the intelligence; and reaching Mahramnagar they found that place entirely evacuated by the enemy. [Ashob 119b.]
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The reason of this sudden flight was this: During the progress of the action with Mir Hasan Khan, Baji Rao heard that the Wazir and his Mughals on their return march to Dihli were at no great distance. The Wazir's vanguard was commanded by Zahir-ud-daulah Azim-ullah Khan, the Wazir's cousin, and the rearguard by Ghazi-ud-din Khan Bahadur Firuz Jang, eldest son of Nizam-ul-mulk. With these two reassuring pieces of news, the flight of Baji Rao and the arrival of the Wazir, Amir Khan returned to the palace and was received in audience. [Ashob 121a.]