Later Mughals v2.c16.s9: Sec. 94.—Campaign of 1150-51 H.—20th Year of Md. Shah. (1st October 1737—30th June 1738)
Later Mughals v2.c16.s9
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Sec. 94.—Campaign of 1150-51 H.—20th Year of Md. Shah. (1st October 1737—30th June 1738)
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By this time the opinion prevailed that Nizam-ul-mulk was the only man who could save the monarchy and stem the oncoming flood of Mahratta invasion. Hitherto he had been kept away from Court by Samsam-ud-daulah who "brooked no rival near the throne." Qamar-ud-din Khan, the chief minister, was so quiescent as to provoke little or no jealousy, but Nizam-ul-mulk was a different sort of man. He was also suspected, with some reason, of protecting his own territories in the Dakhin against the Mahratta inroads by diverting them instead into the country north of the Narmada, to which end he had agreed to their claims to one-fourth of the Dakhin revenues [*Ahwal-i-khawaqin*, 240b]. Even Samsam-ud-daulah at last began to think that affairs were in a condition with which he was no longer able to cope, and he became an advocate of a reconciliation with Nizam-ul-mulk. The Emperor was soon brought over to the same view and pressing letters of invitation were sent to the Dakhin governor.
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Apparently Nizam-ul-mulk still retained the ambition of directing the Mughal Empire as its chief minister, a position that in name at least was far greater than that of a provincial governor however powerful, and was thus not unwilling to accept the invitation of Muhammad Shah in spite of the arguments to the contrary addressed to him by his counsellors. The Nawab who was at Burhanpur was for a time deterred from his purpose owing to trouble raised in Berar by some of Baji Rao's commanders, supposed to be acting under the direct inspiration of that leader, who hoped thereby to keep Nizam-ul-mulk in the Dakhin, or to use his own expression 'to put heel ropes upon him'. Sayyid Jamal Khan was sent off towards Berar, and in a few days crossing the Dewalghat entered that province with 1000 horse and 1500 foot. Goriya the Mahratta leader retreated before him and Jamal Khan encamped at Mangrul* where there is a shrine dedicated to Shah Badr-uddin. When Jamal Khan reached the open country round Basim he was attacked by the Mahrattas whom he repulsed and pursued until they left the province. He then returned and made his report to Nizam-ul-mulk. [Ahwal-i-khawaqin, 241-246.]
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∗ Dewalghat, about 65 m. s. of Burhanpur and 5 m. from the western
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Being re-assured as to the safety of his own dominions, Nizam-ul-mulk at length started from Burhanpur on the 17th Zul Hijja 1149 H. (17th April 1737), and after crossing the Narmada proceeded by way of Sironj. Yar Muhammad son of Dost Muhammad Khan of Bhupal and other local chiefs joined him. Pilaji Jadon also visited Nizam-ul-mulk and made a pretended submission, then left for his home in the Dakhin. The march northwards was soon resumed and after some difficult stages whence they suffered from scarcity of supplies the camp reached Gwaliyar. Passing through Agra they were soon in the neighbourhood of Dihli which was reached on the 15th Rabi I. 1150 H. (12th July 1737). [Ahwal 245a, Mirat-us-saffa 63a.]
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At Hodal, 55 miles from the capital, Nizam-ul-mulk was met by the Wazir Qamar-ud-din Khan and all his Mughal troops. The Wazir's harem was also of the party, Nizam-ul-mulk being the head of the whole family by reason of age. After thirteen or fourteen years' separation his eldest son Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang had now the pleasure of seeing his father, and presenting his newly married consort Qamar-un-nissa Begam (eldest daughter of the Wazir). Next day the progress to the capital was resumed stage by stage. The Wazir and Nizam-ul-mulk rode on one elephant followed by the Wazir's daughter who displayed all the state and retinue that she brought from her father's house as part of her marriage outfit. She was attended by 50 to 60 young women servants, all of one age, of Turki, Qalmaq and Qarghiz race, dressed in cloth of gold and adorned with jewels. Over all they wore long cloaks of brocade trimmed with gold lace,—on their heads velvet or cloth of gold handkerchiefs, held on with chains and rings of
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boundary of the Buldana district. Mangrul is 85 m. from it and 20 m. n. e. of Basim town in Berar.
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gold, and over their faces veils sewn with pearls which left the face quite visible. They surrounded the Begam mounted on horses holding gold and silver sticks in their hand. At their backs hung a bow case with bow and arrows. [Ashob 126b.]
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By the Emperor's express order Nizam-ul-mulk advanced with drums beating.* At short intervals the cortége was met by eunuchs and pages sent from the palace with presents and enquiries and pressing messages to hasten onward and relieve His Majesty of his anxiety. Nizam-ul-mulk caused his elephant to kneel and descending made obeisance for the honour thus done him. Crowds thronged the road and impeded progress. Within the city the roofs of the shops and houses were covered with sightseers; while mendicants "thicker than flies at a sweetmeat-seller's shop" gathered round the Nawab's elephant paying no heed to the sticks and bamboos with which the attendants tried to drive them off. His elephant could do no more than creep along and it was not till after midday that they reached the Dihli gate of the fort. Here Nizam-ul-mulk entered his litter, old and plainly fitted with broadcloth, while the Wazir used one fringed with pearls and covered with cloth of gold. The Wazir allowed Nizam-ul-mulk to be one or two paces in advance of him. At the Drum house they alighted and hand in hand looking neither to right nor left entered the privy audience-hall. On coming before the Emperor he made his offering and was honoured in return with a robe from the Emperor's own wardrobe and a jacket called a charqab, worn only by members of the Chaghatai house descended from Timur. The highest title that a subject could bear, that of Asaf Jah, that is, equal in dignity to Asaf the minister of King Soloman, was also conferred upon him. The mansion built by Sadullah Khan, the finest in Dihli, had been prepared for his quarters, and at the close of the day trays of food were sent from the imperial kitchen by the hands of eunuchs, and this practice was continued daily. [Ashob 128a.]
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∗ By the etiquette of the Court, no noble could beat his drums within 3 miles of the Emperor's residence.
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SEC. 95.—NIZAM, BESIEGED BY BAJI RAO AT BHUPAL, MAKES HUMILIATING PEACE.
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About a month afterwards, on the 17th Rabi II. 1150 H. (13th August 1737), the Nawab's eldest son Ghazi-ud-din Khan Firuz Jang was appointed governor of Agra vice Rajah Jai Singh and of Malwa vice Baji Rao Mahratta. The condition attached to these appointments was that Nizam-ul-mulk should advance into Malwa against the Mahrattas. After the rains of 1737 were over, the march began, his troops numbering thirty thousand in addition to his train of artillery which was accounted the best in India. At Agra Muhi-ud-din Quli Khan, a great grandson of Sadullah Khan and therefore a cousin of Nizam-ul-mulk, was left as deputy governor. It was decided to abandon the direct route across the Chambal to Gwaliyar. In coming from the Dakhin great difficulties had been experienced by this route. For many miles the banks on each side of the Chambal are cut into deep ravines, full at the bottom of either sticky clay or stagnant water, the road allows of only one man at a time, and even that with difficulty, thus troops have to march in single file, there is great want of drinking water, the villages to be found here and there are the abode of dexterous thieves and robbers. To avoid this country the army crossed the Jamuna below Agra and marched eastwards through Etawa and recrossing the same river at Kalpi passed into the Bundela country, where several of their Rajahs joined. Proceeding via Dhamoni and Sironj the army at length reached Bhupal tank in Malwa. Orders were sent to the Nawab's second son Mir Ahmad Khan (Nasir Jang) to try and prevent Baji Rao from leaving the Dakhin. [Khush-hal 1082, Ashob 130b, Sujan Charitra of Sudam 4a.]
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The attempt to hinder Baji Rao's march was a failure,[*] partly for want of time, and partly from the defection of Nasir Jang's Mahratta allies. Although Jaswant Rao Dhabariya the senapati and his officers and also Raghuji Bhonsla of Nagpur kept aloof from him, Baji Rao was still able to assemble an army of eighty thousand men with which he crossed the Narmada by way of Khargona near Punashah [in the Nimar district]. At that time Nizam-ul-mulk was at Sironj. In December 1737 the two armies came into contact near Bhupal. Instead of boldly advancing on his enemy Nizam-ul-mulk took up a strong position in the neighbourhood of the fort with the tank on his rear and a rivulet [or nullah] on his front. This excess of caution was fatal; the Mahrattas had believed themselves to be overmatched; but now they at once assumed the offensive.* They plundered up to the very lines of the army.
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∗ From this point to the end of the chapter Grant Duff alone has been followed. The Marathi materials on which Grant Duff's account is based have been printed in Brahmendra S. Charitra, letters 33-36, 132, and 134. Also Rajwade, vi. No. 117. [J.S.]
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One division of the imperialists came out and offered battle on ground they had themselves chosen. The Mahrattas nothing loth attacked with vigour under the leadership of Ranuji Sindhia, Pilaji Jadon and Sayaji Gujar. On the imperialist side the defence was maintained chiefly by the Rajputs, the troops of Rajah Jai Singh of Amber led by his son, the Bundelas and the Hadas, (except the Hada Rajah of Bundi, who did not join Nizam-ul-mulk). The Rajputs lost about five hundred men and seven hundred horses; the Mahrattas, principally from the artillery fire, one hundred killed and three hundred wounded.†
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∗ Baji Rao writes, "The Nizam's army took refuge in Bhupal fort. I set off against him on 3rd Ramzan [24th Dec. 1737]. He has with him the son of Sawai Jai Singh, Sabha Singh Bundela, his own son Ghazi-ud-din, Jats, Ahirs, Rohelas, Rajputs......[in all] 50,000 troopers. Saadat Khan's nephew and the Kota Rajah are coming to his aid with 20,000 more men......" "The Nizam is a great amir; his army is 30 or 40 thousand strong, furnished with many hain-nal, shutar-nal, barqandazes and rahkala. And yet he hides himself in a fort! This is not creditable to him." [J. Sarkar.]
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† Baji Rao writes that he fought this battle on 3rd Ramzan [Brahm. letter 34], but a letter in Rajwade vi. No. 117 gives 4th Ramzan [25th Dec.] as the date. As for the casualties, Baji Rao says, "The Rajputs lost 150 men in killed, we 50 or 60, while two or four hundred were wounded; about 100 horses were killed and five to seven hundred were wounded.......... The artillery of the Nizam did severe execution" [No.
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³³¹ Rajwade, vi. letter 117, gives a different account, but it is unreliable. [J. S.]
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During the engagement Baji Rao stood two rocket flights from the Nizam's position waiting for a chance of cutting him off should he quit the strong ground on which he stood. No opportunity was offered; nor did the Mahrattas gain any decisive advantage. But the Nizam recalled his troops.
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After this action the imperialists were hemmed in more thickly than ever, provisions and forage becoming in a few days exceedingly scarce. Safdar Jang, nephew of Saadat Khan governor of Oudh, and the Hada Rajah of Kota when marching to the relief of the beleaguered army were intercepted and defeated by Malhar Rao Holkar and Jaswant Rao Puar. Safdar Jang retreated and the blockade became still stricter. All supplies were cut off and the men kept on the alert day and night. The Rajputs were willing to desert, but Baji Rao would admit of no overtures, for the greater the numbers the sooner would be his triumph.* Baji Rao wondered how Nizam-ul-mulk could have allowed himself to get into such a difficulty. "He is an old and experienced man, I cannot comprehend how he got himself into this difficulty; it will ruin him in the opinion of all India."
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Help was called for from Hindustan and the Dakhin. From the former nothing much could be hoped for; Samsam-ud-daulah was not altogether displeased at Nizam-ul-mulk's failure. The Emperor's order that no advance was to be made until he should march in person, was equivalent to saying that no march should be made at all. More was hoped for from the Dakhin; and thither messengers were sent to urge the utmost haste. The Nawab's son Nasir Jang, having collected what troops he could from Haidarabad and Aurangabad, moved out as far as Phulmari. On his side Baji Rao invoked the aid of Rajah Sahu, by whom a peremptory order was sent to the senapati then at Songarh near Surat. Baji Rao's own earnest appeals to Raghuji Bhonsla at Nagpur met with no response. The Peshwa's brother Chimnaji Appa, however, took up a position on the Tapti ready to oppose the march of the Muhammadans from Aurangabad. Before the two forces could come to blows news came that Nizam-ul-mulk had made terms with Baji Rao.
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∗ Baji Rao writes, "The Nizam is entrenched in the city of Bhupal. There is famine in his camp, grain is selling at four seers a Rupee. His elephants and horses are starving. The Rajputs and the Nizam are distrustful of each other. They cannot flee away as he has kept all their baggage in the city.........Malhar Rao Holkar, Ranuji Sindhia and Jaswant Rao Puar have defeated Mir Manu Khan, the faujdar of Shahjahanpur, who was coming to the aid of the Nizam, near Dārāi Sarai and killed 1500 of his men." [No. 33.] [J. S.]
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Nizam-ul-mulk had made an attempt to move, but encumbered by heavy baggage and stores he was compelled to return; his troops were driven under the walls or crowded within the fortifications of Bhupal. Having no artillery Baji Rao was unable to effect a breach, but his rockets and matchlock fire so quelled the Mughals that another attempt to break through was resolved upon. The baggage having been deposited in Bhupal and Islamgarh, the retreat began under cover of a powerful field artillery and numbers of swivel guns carried on camels. The Mahrattas charged, but failed to take the guns. But the retreating force covered no more than three miles a day and the Mahrattas continued to harass them. In time however the Mahrattas began to lose heart owing to the execution done by the other side's guns. At length Nizam-ul-mulk submitted to making terms and on the 26th Ramzan 1150 H. (16th January 1738) at Durai [Duraha] Sarai, 64 miles from Sironj, a convention was signed. In his own handwriting Nizam-ul-mulk promised to grant to Baji Rao (1) the whole of Malwa, (2) the complete sovereignty of the territory between the Narmada and the Chambal, (3) to obtain confirmation thereof from the Emperor, and (4) to use his best endeavours to obtain fifty lakhs of Rupees to pay Baji Rao's expenses.* Nothing could be got from the Nawab himself, Baji Rao having already experienced six years before his unwillingness to part with his money. In Zul Hijja 1150 H. (April 1738) Nizam-ul-mulk re-entered Dihli, where already a new danger, the invasion of Nadir Shah, the new king of Persia, began to threaten the tottering Empire. [Mirat-us-saffa, 63 b.]
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∗ Baji Rao writes, "I fought the Nizam on 3rd Ramzan [24th Dec.] and then invested his army. Famine raged in his camp; grass could not be had. So, he sent......to me to negotiate for terms. (Long negotiations)... On 15th Ramzan [5th Jan. 1738] I marched out and halted one kos off; the Nizam then came out and encamped beyond the lake......Next morning he retreated to Bhupal, fighting with his artillery. But we have blockaded him as closely as we did Muhammad Khan Bangash." [No. 34.] "Leaving his baggage partly in Bhupal and partly in Islamgarh, and continuing the peace talk, he is marching away at the rate of a kos or 1½ kos a day.
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Our forces, hovering around him, have entirely cut off his grain grass and fuel supply. Rice is selling at one Rupee a seer in his camp, and even at that price many cannot obtain it. His horses are eating the leaves of the Butea frondosa. On 25th Ramzan [15th January] his Muslim troops ate up the artillery draught oxen, while the Rajputs were utterly fasting. Then he quickly settled the peace terms.........his agent being Aya Mal.” Then follow the terms embodied in the text. (No. 35). [J. Sarkar.]
Linked texts (2)
- Bhopal
- Sujāncaritr — Sūdan 1725, Hindi