Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c12: Chapter XII. Kingdoms of the Deccan Devagiri and Warangal

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c12

Language
English

Contents

Chapter XII. Kingdoms of the Deccan Devagiri and Warangal

c12.2

By the end of the first decade of the 14th century Sultan 'Alāuddīn had accomplished the conquest of almost the whole of north India, had checked the tide of Mughal aggression, and had effected reforms in civil and military spheres. Under his stern administration peace, if not plenty, prevailed. The barons, the traders as well as the peasants were kept under strict control so that all opposition to his despotism was paralysed. A large army consisting of 4,75,000¹ well-eqipped soldiers was regularly paid and well looked after by the state; and relying on its strength the emperor embarked upon the conquest of the Deccan peninsula.

c12.3

¹ According to Barani 'Alāuddīn sent a fresh army to the Deccan besides the one maintained for controlling the north-west frontier. According to Ferishtah the total strength of the army was 475,000. Ferishtah p. 114.

c12.4

On a previous occasion Devagiri had provided 'Alāuddīn with a large amount of treasure. The greed of gold and the lust for glory—the two incentives of all conquerors—now prompted him to invade all the kingdoms of the Deccan one after the other. Once the plan of conquest of the south had been thought of, a pretext, if a pretext was necessary, was also got at hand. Ram Chandra of Devagiri, who had submitted to 'Alāuddīn in 1296 and had promised to send yearly tribute, had not forwarded anything to Delhi for some time past. Consequently Malik Kāfūr was ordered to lead an expedition into Devagiri and recover arrears of tribute. But this expedition of 1308 was only a prelude to a number of others like it. It is necessary, therefore, to have a glimpse of the then political condition of the south to understand them in their proper perspective.

c12.5

Southern India at the beginning of the XIV Century Places marked with asterisk were visited by Malik Kāfūr

c12.6

*Kingdoms of the Deccan at the dawn of the XIV century.*

c12.7

At the time of Malik Kāfūr's invasion the Deccan peninsula was divided into four big and wealthy kingdoms. Devagiri lay south of the Vindhyas, and to its south-east was situated the kingdom of Telingana, with capital at Warangal. It was ruled by Kakatiya or Ganapati rulers. To the south of Devagiri and south-west of Telingana was situated the kingdom of Dwarsamudra ruled by the powerful Hoysalas. To the extreme south lay the mighty kingdom of the Pandyas, known to the Muslim chroniclers as the country of M'abar.

c12.8

We have already discussed the power and possessions of Devagiri in chapter IV. As to the kingdom of Telingana, it flourished under the able rule of Ganapati who ascended the throne in 1199-1200. Ganapati's reign was long and he made extensive conquests on the coast from Nellore northward to the frontiers of Orissa. After him his wife Rudrambā Dēvī, a princess of Devagiri who ascended the throne in 1260-61, ably ruled the kingdom for full three decades. It was during her reign that Marco Polo, the famous Venetian traveller visited Motupille, a famous port of that kingdom, now lying in the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency.² Marco Polo calls queen Rudramba "a lady . . . of much distinction . . . a lover of justice, of equity, and of peace."³ But for his compliments her's is an empty name in the dynastic list of the Kākatiyas of Warangal. She continued to reign till 1292 when her daughter's son Pratap Rudra Deva attained majority and she abdicated in his favour. It was during the reign of Pratap Rudra Dev (Laddar Deo of Muslim chroniclers) that Telingana was invaded by the armies of Delhi under Malik Naib Kāfūr.

c12.9

² Motupille, on the mouth of river Krishna, perhaps separated Telingana from M'abar. Marco Polo writes: "When you leave Mabar and go in a northerly direction, you come to the kingdom of Mutfili." It was then a big centre of trade and commerce. It is now only a village in the Krishna District, Madras. Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, vol. II, p. 346.

c12.10

³ Ibid. vol. II, p. 340., Yule and Cordier, Vol. II, pp. 359-63.

c12.11

To the west and south-west of Telingana was situated the kingdom of the Hoysalas with its capital at Dwarsamudra (modern Halbeid).⁴ Since the decline of the Chola empire the Hoysalas from the north and the Pandyas from the extreme south continuously fought diplomatic as well as military battles at the expense of the Cholas. In a record⁵ of the time of Nara Simha II (1224-1234) the Hoysala empire is said to have extended upto Nangili on the east, Kongu (Salem and Coimbator) on the south, Alvakheda (south Canara) on the west, and Heddore (Krishna) on the north. The Hoysalas continued to carry on conquests and Vikrampura, the southern capital of Someśvara, son of Nara Simha, has been identified with the modern Kannanur, near Trichnopoly.⁶ The glory of the kingdom was eclipsed when after Someśvara the two claimants of the throne, Nara Simha III and Vira Ramnath separated, the former ruling the ancestral dominions with capital at Dwarsamudra and the latter the southern portion of the empire. It seems, however, that Nara Simha either ousted or outlived Vira Ramnath. In 1292 Nara Simha was succeeded by Ballāla III (Ballal Deo of the Muhammadan historians) and he reunited the whole of the Hoysala empire in 1302.⁷

c12.12

⁴ The derivation of the name of Dwarsamudra is not clear. Mr. Rice would connect it with Devarpuri mentioned in a legend which traces the Hoysalas to a mythical person Sālā. Mr. Krishna Shastri believes that the Hoysala capital must have been so named after its founder who was called either Dhara or Dora. The modern name Halbeid (old capital) was perhaps applied to it after the seat of government was transferred thence to Tiruvannamalai by Ballāla III. *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1907-08 note p. 235.

c12.13

⁵ *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1907-08 p. 235.

c12.14

⁶ *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1909-10. p. 155.

c12.15

⁷ There are a good number of inscriptions to corroborate Ramnath's aggressive attitude. About the year 1290 he appears to have led a campaign against Dwarsamudra itself but the Pandya Mahāvarman Kulasekhara (1268-1311) did not permit Ramnath to do much harm to his brother. Ramnath's son Vishvanath succeeded him in 1293-4 and ruled upto 1302 when the whole of the empire was united under Ballāla III. *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1909-10 pp. 157-159. Also *Epig. Carnatica*, Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part I, 1894, Inscription no. 121.

c12.16

To the extreme south lay the kingdom of the Pandyas. In the 12th century the Pandya kingdom had suffered irreparable damage owing to internal strifes, and the consequent intervention by the Cholas—Rajadhirāj II and his heir apparent Kulottunga III—from the north, and by the Ceylonese king from the south. But then, in the 13th century, the Pandyas began to assert themselves and under Mārāvarman Sundra Pandyas I and II, who reigned from 1216 to 1239 and 1239 to 1255 respectively, the Pandyas recovered much of their lost prestige. The next Pandya king Jatavarman Sundara Pandya, who ruled upto 1274, was a warrior of great repute and reduced the whole of the Chola empire. He invaded the Malabar country and defeated and killed the Chera king. He also fought with the Hoysala king Somesvara. Jatavarman had two or three brothers who ruled as independent sovereigns in different principalities of the Pandya empire but were subordinate to the chief king Jatavarman Sundara.⁸ One of them went by the name of Vikram Pandya, another by that of Vira Pandya. Both of them lay claim to conquests.⁹ A record of Vira Pandya states that he took Ilam (Ceylon), Kongu and the Solamandalam (the Chola country).¹⁰

c12.17

⁸ Robert Sewell in his article entitled "The chronology of the Pandya Monarchy" entertains doubt as to how more than one prince of equal authority ruled over one country. He says that there is no published inscription nor there is any indication in the writings of Amīr Khusrau and Vaṣṣāf that the kingdom was divided among a number of brothers. (*Ind. Ant. Vol. 44, 1915.*) What Sewell thinks is not incorrect, since the presence of more than one king in a kingdom sounds strange. It is, however, not improbable that two or three Pandya princes, who may have been brothers of the ruling king conquered the neighbouring countries (and inscriptions show that the Pandyas conquered much during the reign of Jat. Sundara I) and settled there as independent rulers. But, of course, they were in no way disobedient or refractory towards the chief king Jat. Sundara Pandya I. Alqal Qāshindi, the Arab geographer, quoting *Masālikul Absār* says that in Durasamand (Dwarsamudra) were "sultan Bilal Deo and five infidel kings." Thus the fact that a number of princes simultaneously ruled in the Deccan was widely known. Alqal Qāshindi p. 63.

c12.18

⁹ Aiyangar pp. 53-54.

c12.19

¹⁰ *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1905-06 pp. 168-70.

c12.20

The greatest king among the Pandyas, however, was Mārāvarmana Kulasekhara (Kales Devar of Muhammadan historians) who ascended in 1268¹¹ and ruled almost upto 1311 when the Musalmans invaded the Pandya kingdom. During his long and prosperous rule Marco Polo visited the port of Kayal lying in his dominions. He dwells at length on the wealth and prosperity of the country and calls Kulasekhara by the name of Asciar. Mārāvarmana Kulasekhara is also known by the title of Konerinmaikondan, or the king who had no equal, and is recorded to have ruled both over Chola and Pandya countries. He is also described as ruling from Madura, which was formerly a capital of the Hoysalas. This fact shows that the conquests of Kulasekhara were wide and extensive.¹² It was he who sent an expedition to the island of Ceylon and defeated the Ceylonese king Prakarma Bāhū. There are also references found of diplomatic intercourse between China and M'abar (Ma-pa-rh).¹³

c12.21

¹¹ Of the Pandya inscriptions one (no. 55 of 1904) confirms Prof. Kielhorn's calculation of A.D. 1268 as the initial date of the reign of Mara. Kulasekhara I; another (no. 702 of (1904) shows that in A.D. 1264-65 the Pandyas were in possession of Kannanur near Trichnopoly, which was the Hoysala capital of the Chola country. *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1904-05 pp. 129.

c12.22

¹² One of the inscriptions in the Ramnad Dist. states that Kulasekhara constructed the walls of the temple at Tinnevelly from the booty obtained from the Kerala, Chola and Hoysala kingdoms. *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1926-27 p. 203.

c12.23

¹³ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, Vol. II p. 337. Aiyangar: *Invaders* p. 58. Abul Feda distinctly names Cape Comorin as the point where Malabar ended. Vaṣṣāf also writes that it extended to Nilavar (Nellor). Rashiduddin writing about 1300 A.D. speaks of M'abar, which was apparently another name for the Pandya country, as extending from Kulam (Quilon) to Nellor. This statement had been corroborated several years ago by an inscription of Sundara Pandya found at Nellor. Further confirmation is afforded by a number of Tamil records discovered in the southern portion of the Cuddapah distt. *Arch. Sur. Rep.* 1907-8 p. 230. Also Yule's note in *Ser Marco Polo*, vol. II, p. 315.

c12.24

Mārāvarmana Kulasekhara had two sons Sundara Pandya III, legitimate, and Vira Pandya, illegitimate. According to Muslim historians the king thought Vira Pandya more fitted to succeed him and actually nominated him as his successor. Thus, while Vira was associated with the administration of the government from 1296, his brother had to wait till 1302-3, when he was also permitted to participate in the affairs of the state. As Vira Pandya was openly favoured by Kulasekhara, Sundara naturally grew jealous of him. The climax was reached when by the end of 709 A.H. (May 1310 A.D.)¹⁴ Sundara killed his father and the two brothers began to wage a war for the possession of the throne. In a battle Sundara was worsted and begged the Sultan of Delhi to help him to secure the crown. This, it is alleged, brought about Kāfūr's invasion of the Madura country.

c12.25

¹⁴ Vaṣṣāf Text p. 531.

c12.26

Thus at the time of Malik Kāfūr's invasion south India presented a sorry spectacle of discord and internecine warfare. The boundaries of the four principal states used constantly to change because of the constant conflict between the Yādavās, the Hoysalas, the Kākatiyas and the Pandyas.

c12.27

*Wealth of the Deccan.*

c12.28

In spite of the frequent warfare among the various kingdoms, no foreign conqueror had robbed the Deccan of its wealth which had been accumulated for centuries. A great many historians and travellers testify to the enormous wealth in the Deccan. Marco Polo describing the treasures of M'abar says, "When the king dies none of his children dares to touch his treasures. For they say: 'as our father did gather together all this treasure, so we ought to accumulate as much in our turn.' And in this way it comes to pass that there is an immensity of treasure accumulated in this kingdom."¹⁵ The Venetian traveller describes at length the jewellery the king wore about his person as well as the ways in which they used to obtain "very fine and great pearls" in M'abar. Nobody was permitted to take outside the kingdom pearls of high value. "This order has been given" says Marco Polo, "because the king desires to reserve all such for himself; and so in fact the quantity he has is something almost incredible."¹⁶ The fact that an enormous amount of wealth was squandered by the Pandya kings on endowments to temples and in securing horses of foreign breed is attested by contemporary inscriptions and writings of Vaṣṣāf and Polo.¹⁷ The latter further adds that the Pandya king "maintains great state and administers his kingdom with great equity, and extends great favour to merchants and foreigners, so that they are very glad to visit his city" (of Cail or Tinnevelley).¹⁸

c12.29

¹⁵ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, II, p. 323.

c12.30

¹⁶ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, II, p. 323.

c12.31

¹⁷ Vaṣṣāf p. 529

c12.32

¹⁸ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, II, p. 357.

c12.33

Another writer who speaks about the wealth of the south is Shihābuddin Abul Abbās Aḥmad, the author of *Masālikul Absār*. According to him gold had been flowing into India for a number of centuries and had never been exported.¹⁹ Amir Khusrau, Barani and Ferishtah are all unanimously of opinion that the gold and treasures 'Alāūddīn and his general Malik Kāfūr brought from the south were enormous. Not only 'Alāūddīn but some years later Muḥammad Tughlaq also obtained immense booty from the Deccan. On one occasion the loot from a single temple amounted to a sum that was carried on 200 elephants and several thousand bullocks. Even after the immense amount of wealth 'Alāūddīn and Muḥammad bin Tughlaq carried away to the north, Bahmani and Vijayanagar kingdoms in the south still possessed vast treasures. The Arab traveller Abdurrazzāq who visited Deccan in the 14th century bears testimony to the power and prosperity of the Vijayanager kingdom. "The country is for the most part well cultivated and fertile. In the king's treasury there are chambers with excavations in them, filled with molten gold, forming one mass. All the inhabitants of the country, whether high or low, even down to the artificers of the *bazar*, wear jewels and ornaments."²⁰ Ferishtah also asserts that even the poor in the Deccan put on gold ornaments and the high class people used to eat in gold and silver plates.²¹

c12.34

¹⁹ Elliot, III, p. 583.

c12.35

²⁰ *Matl'aus S'adāin*, Elliot, IV, pp. 106-7

c12.36

²¹ *Ferishtah*, p. 120.

c12.37

Such was the wealth of the Deccan which tempted the sultans of the north to lead plundering expeditions into this prosperous land. Both Mahmūd of Ghazna and Muḥammad of Ghaur had an eye on the Deccan. Mahmūd proceeded to Gujarat and sacked it successfully but Muḥammad was repulsed from there. Anyway neither of these two conquerors could march into the Deccan, but the idea of conquering the south and obtaining its wealth had gained fascination for ambitious conquerors. It was ‘Alāuddīn Khaljī who for the first time had penetrated into the Deccan in 1296.

Second Expedition to Devagiri

c12.s1.1

It has already been seen how Ram Deva, the Yadava ruler, had submitted to prince ‘Alāuddīn in 1296. Since then he had sent yearly tributes to the court of Delhi, where the raider of Devagiri reigned as an emperor. But for two or three years before 1308 Ram Chandra had stopped sending any tribute.²² The actual reasons for this behaviour of the Maratha king are not known, but they can well be conjectured. It was a sheer chance that a freebooter had been successful over the Yadava king and even over his valiant son Singhana in 1296, but since then he had never been heard of in the Deccan again. For ten years Ram Deva sent the yearly tribute regularly. Thereafter he took advantage of the long distance between Devagiri and Delhi as also of the preoccupation of ‘Alāūddīn with the Mughals and the Rajputs, and witheld the tribute from 1305 or 1306 onwards. According to ‘Iṣāmī, Ram Deva’s loyalty was unflinching, but his son,²³ with the people of the land, tried to assume independence even against his father’s wishes. Ram Chandra was so incensed that he appealed to ‘Alāūddīn to punish his son.²⁴ But the events of the expedition do not corroborate his statement. The reason of the invasion given by Barani—that Ram Chandra had withheld the tribute for some years—seems to be most convincing.

c12.s1.2

²² Barani, p. 326. *Khazāin*, Habib Trs. pp. 69-73.

c12.s1.3

²³ ‘Iṣāmī always makes mention of only one prince, Bhillama; but it was chiefly Singhana who always opposed the Muslims from the north and carried on conquests in the south.

c12.s1.4

²⁴ *Futūh*, pp. 274-76.

c12.s1.5

Ram Chandra had calculated wrongly. Sultan ‘Alāūddīn could not bear to let go the handsome revenue from Devagiri which multiplied his accumulated treasures every year. Consequently in 1308²⁵ he deputed Malik Naib Kāfūr, the *hazārdīnārī* slave captured in Gujarat in 1299, with a large force to invade Devagiri and realise the arrears of tribute from Ram Deva. Malik Kāfūr’s 30,000 horses were reinforced by the armies of Khvājā Hājī, ‘Ainul Mulk Multānī and Alp Khān, the governor of Gujarat. These joint forces were to chastise the delinquent Maratha chief, to realise three years' tribute from him and to obtain possession of Deval Rānī the younger daughter of Rai Karan Baghela, ex-king of Gujarat then a fugitive in Nandurbar.

c12.s1.6

²⁵ According to Ferishtah this expedition was sent in 1306, according to Amir Khusrau in March 1307 (Ramzān 706 A.H.) and according to Barani some time in 1308. Ferishtah adds that the conquest of Sevana was accomplished in the year in which the expedition to Devagiri was sent. Amir Khusrau also describes the conquest of Sevana just after this expedition (*Khazain Habib Trans*, p. 53). Sevana was captured in 1308 according to Ferishtah and in 1310 according to Khusrau. The dates are perplexing. It appears that the contemporary writer Barani is correct and the year 1308 is most convincing as it falls nearest to the date of the conquest of Sevana.

c12.s1.7

According to Ferishtah, Kamlā Devī, the wife of Rāja Karan, who had been forced into the imperial *haram* after the fall of Gujarat and who had now been reconciled to her lot, requested ‘Alāuddīn to secure her daughter Deval Devī from the custody of her father. Kamlā Devī had two daughters by her former husband. The elder one had died but the younger one, who was an infant of six months²⁶ at the time of the invasion of Gujarat, was left with Rāja Karan. Kamlā's motherly instinct was roused when she heard of an army being sent to Devagiri, where Karan had taken refuge, and she requested the Sultān to obtain Deval Devī. In this way the ex-queen of Gujarat proved to be the cause of much misery and humiliation to her former husband.²⁷

c12.s1.8

²⁶ For her age see Chapter XVIII note 7

c12.s1.9

²⁷ This incident has not been mentioned by Ziyā Baranī. Nizamuddīn mixes the two expeditions of Gujarat of 1299 and 1308 into one and says that Deval Ranī was captured when Karan lost Gujarat. Amīr Khusrau describes the capture of Deval Devī under a separate expedition but does not give any date for it. Ferishtah, however, gives this expedition in detail and describes it in the events of the year 706 (1306 A.D.).

c12.s1.10

Eversince the kingdom of Gujarat had been overrun by the Muhammadans Rai Karan had taken refuge with the Yadava king of Devagiri—another victim of the invincible arms of ‘Alāuddīn. Rām Chandra had treated the fugitive well and had given him Baglāna, a portion of his own territory, to rule. Rai Karan established his capital at Nandurbar²⁸ and began to rule there in peace. Singhana Deva, son of Ram Deva, had all this time cherished to obtain the hand of Deval Devi, a Rajput princess, but Rai Karan even in his exile was reluctant to agree to this mesalliance and had constantly refused the offer. Meanwhile, Malik Kāfūr marched southwards and was joined by Alp Khan and 'Ainul Mulk Multani. After crossing Malwa Kāfūr sent a message to Rai Karan to deliver his daughter or be ready for an encounter with the imperial armies. Karan Beghela spurned the humiliating alternative and prepared for defence. Malik Naib Kāfūr desired Alp Khan to march with his forces through the mountains of Baglana and obtain possession of the peerless princess while he himself proceeded towards Devagiri. For two months Karan stood at bay and baffled all attempts of Alp Khan to force a passage. Singhana Deva finding the Baghela king in pressing circumstances renewed the offer of marriage and sent his younger brother Bhillama to escort the bride to Devagiri. The Rajput king, in his helpless state, sent the princess to Devagiri with a small escort under Bhillama.

c12.s1.11

²⁸ Ibn Battūtah describes Nadurbar (Nandurbar) as a small town inhabited by the Marathas.

c12.s1.12

But fate had decreed otherwise. As the bride was on the way to her new home, Karan was being hard pressed by Alap Khan and in a severe engagement was totally defeated. Leaving his baggage and tents on the field of battle he also fled towards Devagiri hotly pursued by the enemy. One day while the royalists were pursuing Raja Karan, about three hundred Muslim soldiers after obtaining permission from their commander went out on a visit to the famous caves of Ellora. Suddenly they saw a body of troops advancing towards them and mistaking them for a contingent of the retreating enemy fell upon them and a tough fight ensued. These troops were not a force of Rai Karan but the escort of Deval Rani, the destined bride of Singhana. An arrow pierced her horse and she fell upon the ground. The rowdy soldiers at once surrounded her, but on being told that she was the much-sought for Deval Devi, they took her to their general. The capture of Deval filled the heart of Alp Khan with joy and the princess was despatched to Delhi to be admitted into the royal *haram* to live upto a tragic and unfortunate end.²⁹

c12.s1.13

²⁹ The tragedy of her later life is described in chapter XX.

c12.s1.14

Deval Rani had been captured and the forces of Alp Khan marched to join Malik Naib in punishing Ram Deva. Malik Kāfūr arrived in Devagiri plundering and ravaging on the way and in the capital itself. It appears that Ram Chandra was not at all prepared for an invasion and stood to resist the invaders only with a feeble army. He was totally defeated in the battle that ensued. His son, unwilling to surrender to the enemy, fled away from the field of action with a few followers.³⁰ Ram Chandra sued for peace. Malik Kāfūr captured some elephants and treasure and sent Ram Deva, his family and relations to Delhi to make submission to the Sultan personally.³¹ ‘Alāuddīn was overjoyed at the success of his commander. He received Ram Deva kindly and provided for him princely comforts at the capital. After a stay of six months Ram Chandra was permitted to return to his kingdom and was honoured with the title of Rai Rayān and a canopy. Added to these distinctions the Yadava prince was given one hundred thousand gold tankahs and the

c12.s1.15

³⁰ *Khazain*, Habib Trans, pp. 51-2.

c12.s1.16

³¹ Hajiuddabir says that Ram Chandra met Malik Kāfūr because he had confidence in ‘Alāuddīn, but Kāfūr arrested him and seized whatever he had. He took him to Delhi and told the king what he had done. The sultan chid him for misbehaving with a vanquished prince and honoured Ram Deva. *Zafarul Vali*, p. 155.

c12.s1.17

This version may not be discredited. ‘Alāuddīn's instructions to Kāfūr on the occasions of later expeditions clearly show that ‘Alāuddīn apprehended some unbecoming behaviour on the part of Kāfūr towards the vanquished princes.

c12.s1.18

district of Navasari was added to his dominions.³² Ram chandra was back in Devagiri by the end of the year 1308.

c12.s1.19

³² Barani p. 326. Ferishtah p. 118.

c12.s1.20

Ram Chandra felt very grateful to ‘Alāūddīn for his considerate behaviour and thenceforward he was ever subservient to the Delhi Sultan, never disobeyed his orders and until he died he sent tributes to the capital regularly.³³ The treatment accorded to Ram Deva was not without ulterior motives. On the contrary this was a great diplomatic move of ‘Alāūddīn. He had now an unflinching ally in the south who would surely help the Sultan in his further plans. As would be seen later Ram Chandra gave invaluable help to Malik Kāfūr during his march further south.

c12.s1.21

³³ *Baranī* p. 326 has ازان تاریح تازیست را مدیو سلطان علاالدین را اطاعت کرد و سر از خط فرمان بیرون نیا ورد و انقیاد زندگانی بسرو برد و خدمت متواتر در شهری فرستاد —

c12.s1.22

*The Campaign of Warangal* (1309-10).

c12.s1.23

The expedition to Devagiri was a grand success indeed, and Sultan ‘Alāūddīn turned his attention to the kingdoms lying farther south. As Dr. Aiyangar aptly remarks, “ ‘Alāūddīn's object in these various invasions of the Deccan and the farther south appears to have gone no further than making them the milch-cow for the gold that he was often much in need of for the efficient maintenence of his army to keep Hindustan free from internal disturbance and invasion by the Mughals from outside.” That this was actually his policy is clear from the instructions he gave to Malik Kāfūr on the eve of the expedition against Warangal According to Amir Khusrau it was on the 25th of Jamādiul Avval 709 (31st October, 1309) that the Sultan ordered Malik Naib Kāfūr "to lead his lucky horses" towards the south and reduce the kingdom of Telingana with its capital at Warangal (Arangal of the Muslim historians). In spite of the fact that Muslim arms had no two previous occasions won brilliant victories in Devagiri, the Sultan quite realised that south India was an alien land. And, therefore, before sending Malik Naib to the south 'Alāuddīn gave him some very valuable instructions. He told him that he was going to an unfamiliar country and should, therefore, not be very much self-willed and obstinate. He should work in cooperation with Malik Sirājuddīn, the 'Arīz-i-Mumālik, and other important officers. He should treat the troops leniently and avoid any cause of resentment or revolt. He was advised to connive at minor acts of misconduct and disorderly behaviour of the soldiers. If any soldier wanted a fresh horse or a loan it was to be given to him. In short, he was neither to be so lenient to the commanders, nobles or soldiers as to render them impertinent and disrespectful, nor was he to let his severity turn them into his enemies. As to the treatment to be meted out to the king Warangal, Malik Kāfūr was advised to capture the fort and overthrow the Raja; and if Rai Pratap Rudra Deva (Laddar Deo of Muslim chronicles) consented to surrender his treasures and elephants and also agreed to pay a yearly tribute thereafter, the royal commander was not to insist for more, lest the Rai should be forced into desperate resistence. If he was successful in securing all the treasures and elephants of Warangal, he should not insist that the Rai should come to wait on him and "for the sake of his own name and fame, he should not bring the Rai with him to Delhi."³⁵

c12.s1.24

³⁴ Aiyangar: *Invaders* p. 87.

c12.s1.25

³⁵ Barani pp. 327-28.

c12.s1.26

Having received these instructions, Malik Kāfūr left Delhi with the Red canopy and a large force under his command. He first went to Rabri (Rewari), his own fief, and then took the road to the south. He marched on the old route through Chanderi, crossing many fast flowing streams like Chambal, Kuwari, Sindh and Betwa³⁶ and traversing hilly tracts. On the way many rajas and governors joined the forces of Kāfūr. The army reached Irijpur,³⁷ otherwise known as Sultanpur, after fifteen marches. As Malik Naib was already acquainted with the road to Devagiri he marched straight towards that kingdom *en route* to Warangal. The army arrived at Khanda³⁸ in the first week of December 1309 (Rajjab 709) where it stayed for a fortnight. In the next march the royal forces reached a place called Nilkanth³⁹ by Amir Khusrau, and said to be lying on the borders of Devagiri. From there they marched quietly, for the Vazīr Kāfūr, "acting according to the emperor's orders, protected the country from being plundered by the troops," because they were passing through the territories of the Rai Rayan Ram Deva, an ally of the Sultanate of Delhi.⁴⁰ Ram Chandra on his part looked to all the conveniences of the imperial army while they were marching towards Warangal on a path "narrower than a guitar-string and darker than a beauty's lock." He established markets on the way through which the army passed so that the soldiers might buy the necessaries of life for themselves at rates fixed by the Sultan at Delhi.⁴¹ He even reinforced the Muslim army with some of his Maratha forces, and made adequate arrangements for provisions and other necessaries of the advancing forces. He himself went for some distance with Malik Kāfūr, and then returned to Devagiri.

c12.s1.27

³⁶ *Khazain* has Jūn (Jumna), Chambal, Kunwari, Binās and Bhoji. Jumna is a mistake, for there was no need to cross it while going south. Chambal and Kunwari (Kuwari of the map) are well known rivers. Banas is an off-shoot of Chambal, but here probably river Sindh is meant which the army must have met after Chambal on its southward march. Bhoji is undoubtedly modern Betwa, which flows near Bhilsa and Chanderi.

c12.s1.28

³⁷ Irij lies 65 miles south-east of Gwalior. It should not be mistaken for Ellichpur. Also Hodivala pp. 252-53.

c12.s1.29

³⁸ Prof. Aiyangar was inclined to identify it with Khandar, somewhere in north of Bidar, but on later thought considered it to be Khandwa. But according to Amīr Khusrau when the army left it after a stay of 14 days, it crossed the Narbada. Khandwa lies in south of Narbada and not to its north, and therefore, Khanda cannot be Khandwa. The place is difficult to identify.

c12.s1.30

³⁹ This place is difficult to identify. It lay somewhere between Daulatabad and Sirpur.

c12.s1.31

⁴⁰ *Khazain*, Habib Trans., pp. 58-9.

c12.s1.32

⁴¹ *Ferishtah* p. 119.

c12.s1.33

Amir Khusrau gives a list of names of places, now difficult to locate, through which the royal army passed. For certain, it passed through Basīrgarh (Wairagarh) which was in the doab of the two rivers Yashr (Basihar) and Buji.⁴² On emerging from Devagiri and entering the borders of Telingana Malik Kāfūr began to ravage towns and villages on his way. Before marching straight to Warangal, he invested the fort of Sabar (Sirpur)⁴³ lying northwards in the kingdom of Telingana. The besieged fought valiantly, but unable to resist the terrific onslaught, preferred for their wives and children the consuming flames to dishonour, and for themselves a glorious death on battlefield to abject surrender. The governor (Muqaddam) of the fort was probably killed in action, and his brother called Ananīr by Khusrau, was left in charge of the fort on promise of obedience in future. By January 1310 (Sh'abān 709) the army reached in the vicinity of Warangal. A contingent of a thousand horsemen was detached and sent forward as a reconnoitring party. It took possession of the hill of Hanmuakonda (An-Makinda of Khusran) from where all the buildings and gardens of Warangal could be seen further south.

c12.s1.34

⁴² Prof. Hodivala says that there can be little doubt that Basīrgarh is a misreading for Bairagarh i.e. Wairagarh. The Alld. Uni. Ms. fol. 40(b) has Bairagarh بيراكر. The town is situated very close to the left bank of the Wain Ganga on a tributary of that river called Kobragarhi, about 80 miles S.E. of Nagpur. The names of the two rivers are obviously corrupt. One of them must be a tributary of Wain Ganga or the river itself. Also see Hodivala p. 254.

c12.s1.35

⁴³ It is situated 19.32 N. 79.45 E.

c12.s1.36

The fort of Warangal was made of stone, but it was encircled by a thick earthen wall which was perhaps stronger than the stone edifice itself. Its construction had been begun in the time of Ganapati Deva and was completed by his talented wife, the famous queen Rudramba Devi. It was one of the strongest forts in southern India. Malik Kāfūr twice examined the fortress before he pitched his tents round it, and ordered the commencement of the siege. Amir Khusrau describes the siege in his usual graphic style. "It was on the 15th of Sh'abān (January 18th, 1310) that Khvājā Naṣīrulmulk Sirājuddaula personally arranged the troops with a lighted lamp. Every division was sent to its appointed place in order to surround the fort and to protect the besiegers from the fire of the besieged, . . . Every *tuman* was assigned one thousand two hundred yards of land; the total circumference of the fort, as enclosed by the tents, was twelve thousand five hundred and forty six yards."⁴⁴ On the other side brave Rayas were appointed to all the towers (kangūrās) of the fort. Stones were collected and those who did not have stones threw down upon the besiegers bricks and small scimetars. As the besiegers were reflecting on the way by which the fort, which was surrounded and secured by a ditch alround, could be stormed, Vinayak Deva (Banik Deo of Khusrau) a governor in the kingdom of Telingana, one night attacked the Muslim army from the rear and created consternation in the royal camp. Many soldiers were killed on both sides but finally the Hindus were worsted and the attack proved abortive. Meanwhile Malik Qara Beg, of the left wing, carried on a raid in the neighbourhood and captured some elephants.

c12.s1.37

⁴⁴ *Khazain*, Habīb Trs. p. 63.

c12.s1.38

The work of filling the moat round the fort was begun with feverish activity. To guard against a sudden attack from the enemy, orders were given to the soldiers to fell trees and construct a barricade. By throwing mud and stones and other things the ditch was filled at one place and the Muslim army could reach the bastions of the fort. Malik Naib called a council of officers, and all the generals unanimously agreed that the construction of *pashib* for escaldings the walls of the fort was a hard task. They decided to engage the enemy in a hand to hand fight before constructing a *pashib*. By the middle of February a breach in the outer walls was effected by the sinewy "diggers." After persitent efforts for a whole week the imperial general got possession of the outer fortress of mud and then began the investment of the inner fort of stone, by crossing another ditch that lay between the two lines of fortification.

c12.s1.39

At Delhi the Sultan was anxiously following the progress of the expedition to Warangal. The posts which had been establish all along from Delhi to Warangal, and through which 'Alāuddīn used to get intelligence about the royal army, were disorganised obviously owing to enemy activity. Consequently no news about Malik Naib reached the Sultan for more than a month. 'Alāuddīn in his extreme anxiety sent Qazi Mughīsuddīn of Bayana to Shaikh Nizāmuddīn Aulia, a venerable saint of the day, to request him to prophesy about the success of the army. Nizāmuddīn gave a very encouraging reply by saying that he not only expected success that time but also hoped for further victories in future. The Sultan was overjoyed at the observation of the Saint, and by a strange coincidence of circumstances, the news of Kāfūr's victory at Warangal reached the capital the same day.⁴⁵

c12.s1.40

⁴⁵ Barani pp. 330-32.

c12.s1.41

When the siege had been sufficiently prolonged and the condition of the people inside the fortress had become very critical, Pratap Rudra Deva made overtures to Malik Kāfūr with terms of a truce. He promised to present treasures, precious stones, elephants, horses, and other valuable articles and also to send yearly tribute of the same value to Delhi. He also sent a golden image of himself with a golden chain round its neck to symbolise his humility and unconditional surrender. Malik Kāfūr, adhering to the advice of 'Alāuddīn, demanded of the Rai his entire wealth and threatened a general massacre of the population of the city if he was found keeping anything hidden for himself. Rudra Deva finding himself helpless consented to the terms of the treaty forced upon him, and surrendered all the treasures which had been accumulated during the course of many generations. According to Barani, Pratap Rudra Deva gave 100 elephants,⁴⁶ 7000 horses and other precious articles and promised to send an equal amount of tribute in future years.⁴⁷ Among the precious stones which the Rai surrendered was the famous Koh-i-Nūr, which according to many later writers, including Khafī Khan, was brought by Malik Kāfūr from the Deccan.⁴⁸

c12.s1.42

⁴⁶ Ferishtah p. 119 has 300 elephants.

c12.s1.43

⁴⁷ Barani p. 330. According to Khusrau the money promised by the Rai was 10,000,000,000 rupees; but this is only an imaginary figure.

c12.s1.44

⁴⁸ See Lanepoole: *Aurangzeb* p. 150. Travernier's *Travels* Vol. II APP. I. *Khazain*, Habib Trs. p. 77.

c12.s1.45

Now, in spite of the exaggerated accounts of Baranī and Khusrau with regard to the terms of the treaty, the inner fortress never seems to have capitulated to the Muslim invader; nor did Pratāp Rudra himself go to make submission to Malik Kāfūr. Only his envoys, who went to settle the terms of the treaty, bowed before the royal canopy.⁴⁹ ‘Iṣāmī also says that after the settlement of peace terms a robe of honour embroidered with jewels was sent to Rudra Deva *inside the fort*.⁵⁰

c12.s1.46

⁴⁹ *Khazain*., Habib Trs. pp. 74-75.

c12.s1.47

⁵⁰ *Futūh* p. 283.

c12.s1.48

By the middle of March, 1310, Malik Kāfūr returned towards the north through Devagiri, Dhār and Jhāin. So enrmous was the booty captured by him that a thousand camels ‘‘groaned under the weight’’ of the treasures. Before he arrived in Delhi the news of his victory had already reached the Sultan. On receipt of the intelligence of the victory festivities were held and the happy tidings of the success were read from the pulpits of the mosques. The victorious Vazīr was received in a decorated *darbar* under a black pavilion before the Chabūtra-Nāṣirī on 24th Muḥarram 710 (June 23rd, 1310).⁵¹ The treasures brought from the Deccan were displayed before the Sultan, who was greatly pleased with his favourite general and rewarded him generously.

c12.s1.49

⁵¹ Allahabad University Ms. (fol. 56) has Zilq’ada 710 A.H. which is equivalent to March-April 1310. The date given above from Prof. Habib’s translation of the *Khazain* seems more correct as Kāfūr must have taken one or two months to reach Delhi.

Cites (5)