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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c13.s2: Causes of the Success of 'Alāī Expeditions

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c13.s2

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Causes of the Success of 'Alāī Expeditions

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The various invasions of Malik Kāfūr, for the time being, destroyed peaceful conditions in the Deccan peninsula. All the prominent kingdoms of the south—the Yadava, the Kākātīya, the Hoysala and the Pandya—succumbed to his terrible onslaughts. Incalculable wealth was carried off to the north and places and shrines venerated by the Hindus for centuries were desecrated, looted and razed to the ground. Perhaps nowhere during his march did Kāfūr meet a really tough resistance.

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The causes of the success of the royal army in the Deccan are not far to seek. The southern kingdoms of Devagiri, Telingana, Hoysala and the Pandya, like the Rajput states of the north, were constantly fighting against one another.⁴⁴ When ‘Alāūddīn had marched to Devagiri in 1296, Singhana Deva had gone towards the Hoysala frontiers with his forces; when Kāfūr marched against the Hoysala country, its king Ballāla Deva was absent in farther south trying to snatch a portion of the Pandya country; and the two princes Sundra Pandya and Vīra Pandya were constantly fighting with each other. Not only that, in place of uniting and helping one another in face of a foreign foe they assisted the invaders against their own neighbours. Thus Ram Chandra helped Mālik Kāfūr in the conquest of Telingana and Vīra Ballāla escorted the imperial army farther south in M'abar. Sundara Pandya even begged Malik Kāfūr’s assistance against his step-brother and proved to be a source of untold misery to his own countrymen.⁴⁵

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⁴⁴ See also *A‘ijāz-i-Khusravī* Vol. I p. 18, and Vol. II p. 175.

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⁴⁵ There is one happy instance in this dark picture where the Pandya prince Vira sent a detachment to reinforce the army of Ballāla Deva, when the latter was fighting Malik Kāfūr.

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The defeat of the southern princes was not wholly due to their disunity. The army of ‘Alāuddīn, on account of his various military reforms, was efficient, well-equipped and organised. The sultan, moreover, had particularly instructed Malik Naib to be generous and considerate to his men in a far off and unfamiliar land. The Turk was a tough fighter and in him were combined zeal for religion and greed for plunder. In discipline, strategy, and tactics the northerners were far superior to the southern armies. Even in physical prowess the soldiers of the south could not be a match to those of the north. Marco Polo bears testimony to the poor quality of the soldiers of south India in the 12th and 13th centuries. “The people of the country”, says he “go to the battle all naked, with only a lance and a shield, and are most wretched soldiers . . . .”⁴⁶ The traveller continues to say that they were mostly vegetarians, ate rice and were very orthodox people. They were more particular about regular baths and untouchability than about fighting.⁴⁶ This may be said to be a very harsh estimate of the soldiers of the south, yet there is no doubt that they could not successfully fight the armies who used to put the Mongols to flight.⁴⁷ Moreover ‘Alāuddīn never meant to annex the far-off land beyond the Vindhyas. For him his southern expeditions were financial ventures. His mobile forces swooped down upon the southern kingdoms, denuded them of their wealth and then came back triumphantly.

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⁴⁶ Yule: *Ser Marco Polo*, II, pp. 326-27.

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⁴⁷ *Futūh*, p. 275.

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*Nature of Deccan Conquest.*

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By an irony of circumstance Deccan has proved an effective stepping stone for many a general and prince. 'Alā-ūddīn, Mahābat Khan, Shahjahān and Aurangzeb all began their careers in the Deccan. Similarly Kāfūr's campigns in the south have immortalized his name in the history of the Sultanate period. Vassāf does not exaggerate when he says that the brilliant achivements of Kāfūr in the Deccan eclipsed the victories of Mahmūd of Ghazna in Hindustan.⁴⁸ Really speaking the motives behind the campaigns of Kāfūr in the south were the same as those of Mahmūd in the north. It was the fabulous wealth of the Deccan, above everything else, that promped him to invade the kingdoms beyond the Vindhyas; and in securing the treasures of Warangal Malik Naib took possession of all possible wealth—"Everything that the Rai's country possessed......even the last nail in the fort".

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⁴⁸ *Vassāf* p. 527.

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When all the wealth which could possibly be obtained in the Deccan was captured, there was no use annexing the kingdoms to, and inviting fresh troubles for, the Sultanate of Delhi. The constant and repeated wars in Rajputana had brought home to 'Alāūddīn the disadvantages of an annexationist policy. He was not prepared to repeat his mistakes of Rajputana in the Deccan. Moreover, the conquest of the south was never complete. No doubt the wealth of Devagiri, Warangal, Dwarsamudra and M'abar was looted or obtained through terms of treaties, yet neither Singhana, nor Pratap Rudra Deva accepted complete defeat. Singhana made constant efforts to regain independence and there is great doubt if the fort of Warangal ever capitulated. The Hoysala prince no doubt was completely defeated and he surrendered all wealth to save his sacred thread (*zunnār*), but Vira Pandya ever avoided a pitched battle with Kāfūr, who only ravaged Pandya country without being able to defeat its king. In these circumstances the annexation of these kingdoms would have proved a liability to the Delhi sultanate. Moreover the difficulties of Muhammad Tughlaq clearly show that it was not at all safe to annex the Deccan. But even without annexation 'Alāuddīn's ambition was fulfilled. Great kings like Ram Chandra and Ballāla Deva came to Delhi, they paid their respects personally to the sovereign, their treasures were taken away. The glory of the empire was enhanced and the treasury of the state was filled with the wealth of the Deccan.

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Malik Kāfūr's success in the Deccan was short lived. The third invasion of the Yadava kingdom by Malik Naib, his raids into many towns of other kingdoms like Telingana and Carnatic, and his fixing his headquarters at Devagiri clearly show that as soon as the victorious armies of the north used to turn their backs upon the vanquished kingdoms of the south, the latter used to assume an attitude of indifference if not of open hostility towards the sultanate of Delhi. The result was that when Malik Kāfūr was called to Delhi towards the close of 'Alāuddīn's reign, Deccan was again seething with disaffection and it was left to Mubarak Khaljī and Muhammad Tughlaq to reconquer south India once again.

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*Extent of 'Alāūddīn's Empire.*

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It would be proper to conclude this chapter with a survey of 'Alāuddīn's empire. On the north-west, river Indus may roughly be taken as the boundary line of the Indian empire. Beyond the Indus the land was constantly disputed between the Mongols and the Indians.⁴⁹ Deopalpur was in the charge of Ghazi Malik, Multan and Sivistan were first under Zafar Khan and later under Malik Kāfūr. In northern India the whole tract of land now comprised of the Punjab, Sindh and the United Provinces was under the direct control of the Central government. The various states of Rajputana could never be completely conquered and may conveniently be classified under tributary kingdoms.⁵⁰ On the east Turkish empire does not seem to have extended beyond Benares and Jaunpur (Sarju). Bihar and Bengal were ruled by Harasimha and Shamsuddīn Fīroz respectively, both independent of the Sultanate of Delhi.⁵¹ The portions now comprising of Orissa and the Eastern States Agency were not visited by any Muslim army of 'Alāuddīn or of his predecessors. Most of Central India with important places like Chanderī, Ellichpur, Dharnagri, Ujjain and Mandu were under direct control of governors appointed by the central government. Gujarat was a province of the empire and was ably governed by Alp Khan till the last years of 'Alāuddīn.⁵² Yadava, Hoysala, and Kākatiya kingdoms were tributaries. They were not occupied by Muslim governors, with the partial exception of Devagiri where Kāfūr established his headquarters for some time. Beyond Dwarsamudra Malik Kāfūr carried on predatory raids but the Pāndya princes never acknowledged Muslim suzerainty and never paid any tribute.⁵³

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⁴⁹ Vide Chapter XI.

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⁵⁰ Vide Chapter X. Barani (p. 323) says that some provinces like Ranthambhor, Chittor, Mandalkhor (Mandalgarh in Chittor) and Jalor came under the control of provincial governors and *iqta'dārs* (obviously both Hindu and Muslim).

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⁵¹ Vide Chapter VII.

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⁵² Vide Chapter XVIII.

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⁵³ Vide Chapter XIII.

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(رنتهنبور و چيتور و مندل كهير و دهار اوجين و ماندو كهر و علائيپور – و چنديرى وائرچ – و سوانه – وحالور – كه از بلاد مضبوط خارج بودند درضبط ولات و مقطعان در آمد –

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