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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c16: Chapter XVI. Social and Military Reforms

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c16

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Chapter XVI. Social and Military Reforms

c16.2

The main aims of the Sultans of Delhi in general and of 'Alāūddīn in particular were the conquest of independent kingdoms of India and of repulsing the Mughal invasions. The number of Mughal invasions in the time of 'Alāūddīn was the largest compared with the times of his predecessors and successors. So formidable were the onslaughts of the Mughals that on more than one occassion it appeared as if the empire would be lost to them. In such circumstances the reorganization of the state army was a great necessity and 'Alāūddīn took various measures to improve the strength, administration and morale of the army.

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The sufferings of the Muslim army at Ranthambhor and Chittor, which were reduced with the utmost difficulty, the unsuccessful expedition of Malik Jūna in the east and about the same time the appearance of Mughals under Targhī in Delhi itself, brought to the mind of the sultan the dire necessity of putting the armed forces on an efficient footing. In consultation with his trusted nobles he decided that the then existing fortifications should be repaired, that new ones should be built at strategic points, and that all of them should be strongly garrisoned. It was also decided to order fresh recruitment and raise a large army to fight external and internal foes.

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The army consisted chiefly of cavalry and infantry; elephants were also used in times of war. The Dīvān-i-'Arz (Muster Master) kept a descriptive roll of every soldier. 'Alāūddīn introduced the system of branding horses,¹ so that at the time of review no horse could be presented twice or replaced by a worse one. A strict review of the army of the state was occasionally made and the horses and arms of the soldiers were examined. 'Alāūddīn maintained a large standing army on a permanent basis, and did not disband his troops as soon as a conquest was accomplished or a foreign invasion repulsed. According to Ferishtah the Sultan maintained a standing army of 4,75,000 horsemen well equipped and accoutred. The salary of a soldier was fixed at 234 *tankhas* per year or 19½ *tankhas* per month, and if the soldier had two horses he was given an additional allowance of 78 *tankhas* per year or 6½ *tankhas* per month for the maintenance of the additional horse.

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¹ Barani.

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The passage in Barani² relating to the salary of a soldier is defective and has aroused much controversy. In the passage quoted below 'Alāūddīn says:—

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² Barani p. 303.

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دولیست سی و چهار تنکه بمرتب دهم و هفتاد و هشت تنکه بدواسپه دهم و دواسپه و استعداد براندازه آن از ومرتب طلبم ويك اسپه و استعداد بر اندازه يك اسپ ازو طلبم —

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*Martab* means a beast of burden, *murattab* means one who gives ترتيب or arranges and *martab* may also be a derivation from مرتبه which means position or dignity. Therefore, it is difficult to fix the meaning of the word *martab*. In the above passage, however, *martab* or *murattab* stands for a soldier whose salary was fixed by the sultan at 234 *tankahs*. In those times raw men were not recruited and given training by the state. Only professional soldiers were enrolled. It stands to reason, therefore, that a soldier possessed (at least) one horse. But if he possessed two horses he was given an extra allowance of 78 *tankahs* for the additional horse. Thus a man with two horses, who was technically known as *do as-pah* got 234 *tankahs* as his personal salary as a soldier possessing one horse and 78 *tankahs* for maintaining the second horse. Since he received allowance for an extra horse the sultan insisted upon his maintaining the additional horse. Ordinarily a soldier getting 234 *tankahs* was required to keep only one horse, and was technically known as *yak aspah*. It is obvious that no extra allowance was paid to a *yak aspah* or to one who had more than two horses.

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So the above passage of Baranī may be translated as follows :—

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"I give 234 *tankahs* to a *martab* (*murattab*) or soldier, and give 78 *tankahs* (more) to a *do aspah* (or two-horse soldier.) I expect the *do aspah* to maintain two horses and their corresponding equipment. (But if he is not a *do aspah* and an ordinary soldier) I expect him to maintain one horse and its corresponding equipment."

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This idea is repeated in another passage of Baranī³ wherein he says that the salary of a soldier and the extra allowance of a *do aspah* were quite sufficient for them.

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³ Ibid. p. 319.

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”ازپس آنكه نرخھائے اسباب ارزانی گرفت حشم مرتب بدویست سی چهار تنكه و دو اسپه بھفتاد و هشت تنكه بسيار شدو مستقیم گشت“ -

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The idea again finds confirmation in the following passage in which Qazi Mughīsuddīn enjoins upon the king to live the life of an ordinary soldier,⁴ and spend only 234 *tankahs* on himself and his family.

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⁴ Baranī pp. 293-294.

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”چنانكه خداوند عالم اهل جهاد را دویست سی و چهار تنكه تعین كرده است همان مقدار خداوند عالم را از برای نفقه خاصه و حرم خود بباید داشت“ -

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The passages of the contemporary chronicler cited above leave no doubt that the salary of an ordinary trooper (*ahl-i-* *jihād*) was 234 *tankahs*, while the one who possessed two horses got an extra allowance of 78 *tankahs*. Dr. I. H. Qureshi,⁵ however, is inclined to agree with Ferishtah that there were three grades of soldiers getting 234, 156 and 78 *tankahs* respectively. The passage in the Lucknow text of Ferishtah reads:—

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⁵ *Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi*, pp. 234-35.

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”مواجب سالیانه سپاهی را برین نهج مقرر ساخت — اول دویست وسی و چهار تنکه دوم يك صدو پنجاه وشش تنکه سوم هفتاد وهشت تنکه و چون عمال بدین دستور عمل نمودند چهار لك و هفتاد و پنج هزار سوار بقلم در آمد“ —

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Dr. Qureshi thinks that the three grades of cavalrymen were *murattab*, *savār* and *do aspah* and got 234, 156 and 78 *tankahs* respectively. He quotes a passage from Barani⁷ to show that *savār* was superior to *do aspah*, since while the former drove away a hundred Mughals before him the latter imprisoned only ten.

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⁷ Barani p. 320.

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”لشکر اسلام بر لشکر مغل چنان چیره گشت که یکدو اسپه ده مغل را رشته در گردن انداخته می آورد ايك سوار مسلمان صد سوار مغل را پیش کرده می دوانید“ —

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Now, to begin with, as has already been pointed out, the meaning of the word *martab* or *murattab* is very doubtful. There is nothing to show that he was a superior officer in the army. Had he been one, Barani would have given his rank or at least would have said so. On the contrary a *martab* is nothing more than an ordinary soldier (*ahl-i-jihād*) as both got 234 *tankahs*. Barani nowhere mentions a *savār* as a second grade officer or that the lowest grade soldier was known as *do aspah*. In the above passage Barani simply uses the word *savār* in the sense of a horseman. He does not specifically mention that a *savār* was in any way superior to a *do aspah*. He simply means to say that the Indian soldiers became so dominant that a *do aspah* could bring ten prisoners of war and a soldier or cavalryman could drive before him a hundred Mughals. It is more difficult to arrest ten than to drive away a hundred men, and the passage quoted above does not prove the superiority of *savār* to *do aspah*. It is only a hyperbolical way of asserting the supremacy of Indian soldiers and the passage should not be taken literally.

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⁶ Ferishtah p. 114.

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To conclude. The salary fixed for a soldier by 'Alāuddīn was 234 *tankahs* a year or 19½ *tankahs* a month. For maintaining an extra horse he got 6½ *tankahs* more. There were, however, no gradations of soldiers on the lines suggested by Ferishtah.

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The salary of the trooper was pretty meagre, but 'Alāuddīn seems to have been very particular in keeping his soldiers contented. His instructions to Malik Tājuddīn Kāfūr while the latter was marching on an expedition to Warangal clearly show the keen interest 'Alāuddīn took in the welfare of his soldiers. He used to lavish largesses on his generals and troops whenever they returned from the Deccan. But the king could not give his soldiers a high salary. He was also opposed to assigning them lands for their maintenance. Consequently he cheapened the necessaries of life, controlled the market, and undertook other economic measures which will be studied in the next chapter. These reforms were undertaken primarily for the benefit of the soldiery, and indicate the interest the sultan took in the well-being of the army on which depended the fulfilment of his ambitions and the defence of the state.

Social Reforms

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Curiously enough some of the social reforms of 'Alāuddīn were also an outcome of political exigencies and not of any philanthropic motives. One of the notable steps was the prohibition of sale and use of intoxicants. He enforced prohibition not because drinking was harmful to the people at large but because its use made people assemble in gatherings, lose themselves and think of revolt. It was with the intention of putting an end to any incentives to rebellion that the Sultan ordered prohibition.⁸

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⁸ 'Iṣāmī gives an interesting story in connection with the prohibition. He says that one day when the Sultan was sitting with his boon companions like Malik Qīra Beg, Malik Qīrān and others, one of the nobles present there obediently told him how the people were suffering on account of the famine that year, while the king was making merry. The Sultan was greatly moved with this remark and from that day he gave up wine, prohibited it among other people and undertook various reforms. (Futūḥ pp. 305-7). The story seems to be nothing more than hearsay.

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Wine is prohibited in Islam. Nevertheless wine drinking was perhaps the greatest vice of Muslim sultans and nobles in medieval times. 'Alāuddīn himself drank hard, and was advised by Malik 'Alāulmulk to stop drinking to excess and holding convivial parties if he wanted to be a successful monarch.⁹ It is not known as to what extent 'Alāuddīn followed the advice of his sagacious courtier, but with the successive outbreaks in his kingdom he determined to put a stop to the use of wine and other intoxicants. First he only ordered prohibition of the sale and purchase of wine, but afterwards prohibited the use of hemp, toddy (*bagni*) and other intoxicants as well.¹⁰ Gambling and dicing were also prohibited. In short ‘Alāuddīn prohibited all those things which encouraged convivial assemblies and in which people expressed themselves freely. There is no doubt that it was in such congregations that “evil politics” was discussed and conspiracies against king and government were hatched.¹¹

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⁹ Baranī pp. 270-71.

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¹⁰ Baranī p. 284 has بگی و بنگ و خمار - و شراب. *Bagni* or *Buggni* is described in Persian dictionaries as a kind of light and intoxicating beverage, which can be classed with *nabiz* or a lawful drink. Steingass says that *Bagni* is malt liquor or beer. "'Alāuddīn, inspired by a recent convert's burning zeal for total prohibition appears to have classed *Bagni* with the *unlawful and intoxicating* drinks and gone further than the theologians.'" (Hodivala pp. 276-77).

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¹¹ The conspiracy at Malik Tājuddīn Kūchī’s residence against Jalāl may be cited as an instance. Baranī pp. 190-91.

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‘Alāuddīn began by excommunicating from the capital vintners, drunkards, gamblers and vendors of toddy and hemp. High officials were ordered to mount on elephants and proclaim aloud in every market and street of Delhi, and at all the gates on the outskirts of the city that the use and sale of wine were strictly prohibited. As an act of goodwill the king himself gave up drinking wine. All the beautiful glass and porcelain vessels of the king’s place were smashed and piled in heaps before the Badaon Gate. Gold and silver vessels were melted and coined into money.¹² Large quantities of wine, which were stored in the palace cellars, were poured out into the streets. The people were also ordered to throw away any wine they possessed so that the streets of Delhi were “filled with mud and mire as in the rainy season.”

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¹² Ferishtah, p. 109.

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As soon as the orders were enforced the respectable people at once gave up drinking, but the habitual drinkers as also those whose livelihood depended upon the sale of wine resorted to illegal means to continue the sale and use of wine. They erected small stills or pans (*bhatthī*) and distilled wine from sugar. The product was sold in the black-market and drunk in secrecy. Not only was liquor fermented in the capital city by such illegal means, it was also smuggled into Delhi in leather bags, hidden under bundles of grass or fuel and by many other devices. But ‘Alāuddīn’s orders were never enforced partially. As soon as he came to know that wine was secretly sold he ordered the offenders to be severly punished. Their wine was seized and given to elephants of the royal stables, and the culprits were beaten with sticks, fettered and thrown into wells specially dug for the purpose in front of the Badaon Gate. In these monstrous holes many offenders rotted and died while those who got released after some time were so much shattered in health that they were almost half dead and took much time to regain their lost strength.

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The intelligence department (*barīds* and *munhiyāns*) strictly supervised over everything that happened inside the capital and their very existence made the people renounce wine. Those who could not give up liquor in any case used to go into villages ten or twelve *kos* from Delhi and drink there, but inside the capital city or its environs like Ghayāspūr, Indarpat and Kilughari or even in villages four or five *kos* from it, the sale and purchase of wine was not at all feasible.

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The orders of the sultan had been carried to such an extreme to which perhaps even he himself did not want. He simply wanted that country wine, which is very intoxicating should not be drunk freely, openly or in large assemblies. As soon, therefore, as he came to know that wine drinking had been given up by the nobility and the respectable people of the city, and that the incorrigible *must* drink in spite of the severe punishments accorded to them, he relaxed his orders to some extent. He permitted private distillation and drinking in secret. In short, people were required to carry their wine like gentlemen and not to hold drink-parties. Nonetheless no public selling or use of wine was permitted.

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According to Barani, 'Alāūddīn's orders about prohibition had the desired effect, and "from the day that the use of wine was interdicted in the City, treachery and rebellion (کتکا جھاتی بلغالك) began to diminish and thought of rebellion left the minds of the people."

Prohibition of Incest and Adultery

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It was discovered that certain Shia sects like the Carmathians and Ismailians¹³ indulged in free licence and incest. According to Ferishtah such sects were found in some countries like Sham (Syria) but were never known to have existed in India. As soon as 'Alāuddīn came to know of these shameless people he ordered them to be severely punished. The "saw" of punishment cut them down after searching them in towns and cities, so that incestuous tribes were altogether extirpated.¹⁴

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¹³ *Baranī* (p. 336) calls them Ibahityan and Bodhkan and ascribes the event of their punishment to the closing years of 'Alāuddīn.

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¹⁴ *Ibid.* p. 336. *Khazain*, Habib Trs. p. 12.

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Prostitution was also stopped and all professional women of the city were compelled to marry within a prescribed period of time.¹⁵ This stopping of the immoral trade was one of the most important steps of Sultan 'Alāuddīn, as it preserved public morals. Similarly the sultan also put down adultery by enforcing a regulation according to which the adultress was stoned to death and the adulterer was castrated.¹⁶

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¹⁵ *Khazāin*, Allahabad University Ms. fol. 10(a). Habib Trs. p. 11. Baranī does not mention compulsory marriage for prostitutes. Ferishtah's statement based on the *Muhlikāt* of 'Ainuddin Bijapuri that the king classified prostitutes under three grades and fixed their fees, should be rejected as Khusrau, a contemporary, definitely states that 'Alāuddīn discouraged prostitution.

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¹⁶ Baranī p. 296.

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Charlatanism was discouraged and punished. "Blood sucking magicians," says Amīr Khusrau, were severely punished by being stoned to death.¹⁷ Although Baranī does not make mention of any steps against sorcerers and magicians, yet his assertion, that in 'Alāuddīn's time nobody had the courage to profess knowledge of "alchemy or magic" from fear of the Sultan, is significant. It is quite probable that in those days of superstition and universal belief in witchcraft, people may have been terrorised by certain magicians and quacks and 'Alāūddīn put an end to their nefarious trade.

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¹⁷ *Khazain*, Habib Trs. p. 12.

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Except for prohibition of wine, which probably was undertaken with a political motive, the other reforms of 'Alāūddīn were surely meant for the benefit of the public at large and the tranquillity of the country. That the sultan realised the evils of adultery, prostitution and sorcery and took steps to stop them shows that he was not only a military ruler but also a social reformer.

Cites (3)