History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c17.s1: The Market Officials

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c17.s1

Language: English

The Market Officials

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Such an elaborate system of market control under which prices of articles were fixed, the merchants registered, and profiteering and speculation strictly forbidden, could not be worked without a large and efficient staff of officials. 'Alā-ūddīn appointed Malik Qabūl, who was a trustworthy servant of Ulugh Khān and whom Barani credits with wisdom, discretion, and trustworthiness, as *shahnah* or superintendent of the market. He was granted a large estate and was given a large body of cavalry and infantry to help him in the discharge of his duties. His powers were extensive and he was put in charge of all the travelling-marchants of the city. He saw to it that they regularly brought grain to the grain market, sold it at rates fixed by the crown and that nothing was hoarded or sold in the black-market. He used to report to the Sultan about prices prevailing in the market and also about the general condition of the *bazār*. His reports were verified through other sources which would be mentioned below; and if there was even a little difference between the reports of the superintendent and other officials of the *bazār*, a thorough enquiry was conducted to find out the cause of discrepancy and the defaulters were severly punished. The *shahnah*, who held a high position and big estates, was in constant dread of the sultan, and was liable to be taken to task for any delinquency. He tried his utmost to see that nothing happened in the market against the orders or wishes of the sultan lest the wrath of the king should fall on him. In spite of his high authority in the market, Malik Qabūl could not suggest a single amendment or change in the king's orders. When once or twice in seasons of drought he requested the sultan to raise a little the price of grain, he was awarded twenty cuts. Consequently the superintendent could not afford to be anything but an extremely harsh and strict officer. He moved about in the grain market whipping the fraudulent merchants publicly. The strictness of the *shahnah* compelled the market people to be honest in their dealings.

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Other officials of the grain market were the *barīd-i-mandi*, who reported the quality of the wares, and the *munhiyāns* who may be compared to the secret service police of to-day. These officials were inferior to the *shahnah-i-mandi* in status, but they submitted their reports separately and directly to the sultan and not through the *shahnah*. Thus the shrewd monarch received reports of the market from three different sources and scrutinized them carefully. This compelled the market officials to be correct in their accounts and honest in their dealings. The traders also could not deviate from the market regulations, since they would not receive any favour from a single officer.

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*The Cloth Market.*

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Next to food, the other important item of price control was cloth. In fact the sultan established separate markets for all the commodities needed by the soldier. There was a horse market, a slave market, markets for cattle and for sweets, spices, fruits, weapons, shoes etc. Ziyāuddīn Baranī describes in detail the condition of the Cloth Market, the administration of which was regulated on the lines of the Grain Market. Just as Malik Qabūl was appointed *shahnah* of the Grain Market one Yāqūb was appointed as Dīvān-i-Riyāsat to control the Cloth Market, but his jurisdiction extended to other markets also. The Sultan had given him the post of Dīvān-i-Riyāsat in addition to his duties as *Nāzir* (Superintendent *Dārogha*) and *Muhtasib* (Censor of Public Morals) of the empire.²¹

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²¹ Baranī p. 317.

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Thus his powers were very extensive indeed, and although Malik Qabūl was all in all in the Grain Market, he was in reality subordinate to Yāqūb in rank, since Barani at one place says that Yāqūb appointed *shahnahs* for each of the various market in the town.²² The Divān-i-Riyāsat was "not only trustworthy and upright but also ill-tempered, hard, close, cruel and coarse." The respect and obedience he commanded on account of his position as well as temper, and the severe punishments he freely inflicted upon the bazār people, improved the tone of transactions in the markets.

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²² Ibid. p. 318.

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The Cloth Market was located in the building known as the Sarai 'Adl. It was established "inside the Badaon gate, in the direction of Kaushak-i-Sabz, which for years had not been used." The Sarai 'Adl was open from early morning till late in the night, the hour of the last prayer. The public, therefore, could buy wares any time during the day. It was the only market in the town which dealt in cloth, since no trader was permitted to sell his goods secretly or at prices higher than those fixed by the sultan. Those who dared to contravene this regulation were severely punished and their goods lapsed to the crown. Ziyāuddīn gives a long list of silk and cotton cloths, the prices of which were fixed by the crown. It is difficult to ascertain the prices of cloths now because the measure and currency of those days cannot be calculated in modern money, and also because in many cases the contemporary chronicler does not give measure of the cloth whose price he mentions. He simply mentions the name of the stuff and its price without mentioning any specific measure. But it is well-nigh certain that cloth was not cheap in those days. While wheat was sold at 7½ *jitals* per *man*; a *chādar*, obviously of ordinary size, was sold at 10 *jītals*. Long-cloth of good quality, twenty yards in length, was sold for one *tankah*. It is the only thing for which Barani gives a measure. Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirāgh, writing in *Khairulmajālis* says that in the time of 'Alāuddīn a quilt (*lihāf*) could be made in one or two *tankahs*. He gives the details of various stuffs needed in its preparation. The upper piece (*fard*) could be had for 20 *jītals*, border of ordinary quality for 30 *jītals*, cotton and lower piece (*astar*) for 12 *jītals*. Carding and sewing meant a further cost of 4 to 6 *jītals*. Compared with to-day cotton cloth was fairly cheap. But at another place the Shaikh writes that in those days a whole feast could be arranged in one *tankah*. Compared with food, therefore, cloth of even ordinary quality was not cheap in those times.

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The prices of silk cloths were very high indeed. Delhi *Khazz* was sold for 16 *tankahs*, almost a whole month's pay of a soldier; *Silāhti*, an ordinary cotton cloth, which is known to this day and which was cheap in the time of Akbar,²³ was sold at 6 *tankahs*. The fact that 'Alāuddīn controlled the price of cloth and gave advance to merchants to import goods into Delhi, shows that cloth was still dearer before the Sultan issued the regulations. Barani relates that a regulation was introduced whereby people were stopped from buying silk stuffs at cheap rates in Delhi and selling them at prices four or five times higher outside Delhi. This clearly means that outside the metropolis the price of cloth was still higher. The following cloths and their controlled prices have been given by Barani:—

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²³ Blochmann: *Aīn-i-Akbarī*, p. 95.

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Delhi *Khazz* silk . . . . . 16 tankahs. Orange colour raw silk . . . . . 6 " " Half Silks, mixed with hair........... 3 " " *Shīrīn Bāft* fine . . . . . 5 " " " " " middling . . . . . 3 " " " " " coarse . . . . . 2 " "

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The control of prices of cloth brought to the forefront the same problems which had cropped up in the case of food grains. The merchants were reluctant to sell their goods in Delhi, since they were not allowed as much profit as they were accustomed to. Moreover, they bought their goods in far off places at prices which surely were not controlled, they incurred expenses in transporting them to Delhi, and then they were expected to sell their articles in the capital at prices fixed by the Sultan. In the case of agricultural produce 'Alāuddīn could compel the cultivators in the *doāb* and other regions to sell grain to the travelling-merchants at regulated rates, but he could not compel manufacturers of far off places like Devagiri and Multan, and places beyond Multan in the north west,²⁴ to sell to merchants goods at fixed rates. Consequently the Sultan provided more facilities to cloth merchants than to those who imported grain into Delhi. So far as the registration was concerned every merchant whether Hindu or Musalman who traded in Delhi²⁵ was ordered to get his name registered with the Dīvān-i-Riyāsat. He was also required to sign an agreement stipulating that he would bring a fixed quantity of goods in the city and sell them at controlled rates. The Sultan advanced money from the state treasury to the Multānī merchants to enable them to purchase commadites elsewhere and to sell them in the Sarai 'Adl at the controlled rates. The money advanced by the sultan amounted to about 2,000,000 *tankahs*. Ziyāuddin does not say if the merchants were expected to return the same to the public exchequer. It would appear that as the money was advanced for buying commodities at higher rates outside, and selling them at cheaper and controlled rates in Delhi, the merchants could not be expected to return it. But the observation of Barani that the king determined the prices of various goods leaving a fair margin of profit to the merchant²⁶ leads one to infer that the government money was returned by the merchant after his goods had been sold out. Ibn Battūtah's statement makes the point clear. He says that the sultan abolished all taxes on merchandise, advanced money to merchants and told them: "with this money buy bullock and sheep, and sell them; the price that they will fetch must be paid to the treasury, and you shall receive allowance for selling them."²⁷ Thus it would appear that the Multānī merchants and other traders who were induced to trade in Delhi were not traders in the true sense of the term, selling goods at profitable rates; but they were virtually agents of the government. They were advanced money to buy goods abroad and sell them in Delhi, and they received remuneration for this service. It may be surmised that such transactions must have caused an immense loss to the state.

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²⁴ E.g. Devagiri silks, horses, swords and other sundry articles were brought from far off places.

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²⁵ Baranī says "merchants of the empire" but this seems to be an exaggeration. 'Alāuddīn was only concerned with Delhi where the prices were controlled.

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²⁶ Barani p. 316.

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²⁷ Elliot, vol. III, p. 599.

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To put a stop to black-marketeering, restriction were imposed on the sale and purchase of high class fabrics. Silks were sold at high prices outside Delhi and there was danger of people's buying costly stuffs in the capital at controlled rates and selling them at prices four or five times higher outside. Thus the evil of profiteering at the cost of the state loomed large. Some cases of profiteering on the part of public men were brought to the notice of the sultan, who was not slow to issue orders to counteract it. (Accordingly nobody was allowed to buy costly stuffs as *tazbīb* and *Tabrezi*, Delhi foiselle silks (*khazz*), *kamkhob*, *shashtari*, *harīrī*, Chinese, *Bhīram* and Devagiri silks, cloths embroidered with gold threads²⁸ and other similar articles without first obtaining a permit from the Dīvān-i-Riyāsat. The Dīvān issued permits to Maliks and Amirs and other well-known persons with whose credentials he was satisfied. The purchaser had to give a written receipt in acknowledgement of the article bought by him and in this way any possibility of profiteering in the black market was eliminated.)

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²⁸ Barani p. 311. اسامى (? اسپهاتى) که بنام حشم در دیوان بگذرند —

Cites (3)

Devagiri (Daulatabad)
Multân
Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī — Shams-i Sirāj ʿAfīf, Persian