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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c18: Chapter XVIII. Last Days of 'Alāuddīn

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c18

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Chapter XVIII. Last Days of 'Alāuddīn

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Notwithstanding the various measures the sultan had undertaken for strengthening his state and notwithstanding the brilliant victories Malik Kāfūr was achieving in the south as late as the year 1313, the government of 'Alāuddīn was gradually losing in strength and stability. As the health of the king was deteriorating with advancing age, his passion for centralization of power in his own hands was increasing. Like Aurangzēb in his old age, 'Alāuddīn also would listen to no advice, would tolerate no opposition. In contrast to his early years when he had able counsellors like 'Alāulmulk, Nuṣrat Khān and Ulugh Khān, he had only favourites and flatterers now at the close of his reign. In addition to this he had become extremely peevish and suspicious. It is, therefore, not surprising that it was during his last days that the appaling massacre of the neo-Muslims took place. Conversion of jagīrs into crown-lands had already rendered many a Mughal destitute. Some of the ex-servicemen had obtained employment under high officials and barons, but most of them had been left unemployed. These disgruntled souls accused the Sultan of tyrannising over the people, of forcibly seizing money, of imposing prohibition and instituting various kinds of heavy taxes. They had also shown resentment at the execution of Abaji Mughal during Kāfūr's expedition to M'abar. Confident of the support of the neo-Muslims in the army and the approval of the people in general, who would obtain deliverance from the tyranny of the Sultan,² they plotted to assassinate the king. The plot was discovered and the rage of the Sultan flared up. It was ordered that on an appointed day all the Mughals should be killed wherever they were found, and "their wives and children should be handed over to their assassins."³ The orders were carried out to the very letter and some twenty to thirty thousand Mughals, most of whom had no knowledge of the plot, were ruthlessly massacred. Although not without reason, still, the neo-Muslims were extirpated with horrible barbarity and nothing can justify the inhuman way in which the whole section of them—innocent or guilty—were exterminated.

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¹ *Futūh*, p. 291.

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² Baranī, p. 365.

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³ Ibid. pp. 335-36.

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Such tyranny on the one hand and the disgraceful attachment to his favourites on the other, had affected the Sultan's prestige. His infatuation for the eunuch Kāfūr had made the latter the most powerful man in the country; and as the king's health rapidly declined this mean and ungrateful wretch committed innumerable crimes to serve his own selfish ends. With the removal from office of Maliks Hamīduddīn and A‘izzuddīn and with the assassination of Sharf Qayinī, the departments of Revenue (Dīvān-i-Vuzrā), Finance (Dīvān-i-Risālat) and Correspondence (Dīvān-i-Inshā) were altogether ruined. Talented officers were removed from service and in their stead unworthy clerks and despicable sycophants disgraced the honourable offices allotted to them.⁴ A nincompoop like Bahāuddīn Dabīr was made ‘Umdatul Mulk.⁵ If one or two able men like Malik Qīrān, the Amīr-i-Shikār, and Malik Qīrā Bēg commanded some respect, they neither held a high office nor power at the court. Thus, while the king had concentrated all power in his own hands, no wise person was left to offer opinion on knotty problems.

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⁴ This is Barani's figure. Ferishtah has 14 to 15 thousand. Ferishtah, p. 120.

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⁵ Barani pp. 334, 337.

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⁶ *Ibid.* p. 337.

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*Weddings of Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan.*

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The decline of the government became rapid after the marriages of the royal princes. In 1312 Shamsul Haqq, surnamed Khizr Khan, the eldest son of the king, was married to the daughter of Alp Khan, governor of Gujarat and brother of the Malka-i-Jahān. But Khizr Khan was never happy with this marriage. He had fallen in love with Deval Rani, daughter of Rai Karan of Gujarat. The strange circumstances under which she had been captured in the south have been related before.⁷ Since then she had lived with her mother Kamla Devi in the royal palace where Khizr Khan fell in love with her. This fact was soon discovered: but since Māhrū, the darling of ‘Alāuddīn’s younger days, was keen on marrying her son to the daughter of her brother, it was decided to separate the two. Deval Devi was sent to the Qasr-i-Lal with her friends. Tongue-tied with bashfulness, Khizr Khan did not say a word in protest, and Malka-i-Jahān after making elaborate preparations and inviting Rajas⁸ and governors from distant parts of the empire married her eldest son to the daughter of Alp Khan on 23rd of Ramzān 711 (February 4th, 1312).

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⁷ According to Khusrau Deval Rani was only six months old at the time of the first invasion of Gujarat, 1299. (*Deval Rani* p. 82). He confirms this statement by saying at another place that she was eight years when captured (p. 93). According to Ferishtah she was four years when she was separated from her mother in 1299 (*Ferishtah* pp. 116-17). There is no reason to accept Ferishtah’s statement against that of the contemporary Khusrau.

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⁸ According to ‘Isami Ram Deva of Devagiri was invited to this function. *Futūh*, p. 316.

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Khizr Khan, however, could not forget his object of love. He kept away from his wife and used to meet Deval secretly. His health began to deteriorate and Māhrū grew anxious about her son. Thinking it advisable not to risk the life of her son for the sake of her brother’s daughter, Malka-i- Jahān obtained 'Alāuddīn's permission to marry Khizr Khān to Deval Devī.

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About this time Ram Deva of Devagiri died and his son assumed an attitude of hostility. Malik Naib Kāfūr was despatched to crush the rebel. During his absence in the Deccan Alp Khan and Malka-i-Jahān gained ascendancy at the court. Māhrū began to make preparations for the marriage of her second son Shādi Khān with the second daughter of her brother. The king was keeping indifferent health, but Malka-i-Jahān was bent upon celebrating the nuptials. She sent out invitations to governors and nobles in far off provinces. Malik Kāfūr also came to the capital, where prince Shādi was married to the daughter of Alp Khan with great eclat. On this occasion Deval Devī was also given in marriage to Khizr Khān, whose days of torturous separation were over. These marriages took place some time during the years 1313 and 1314.

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Meanwhile the health of the Sultan began to take a turn for the worse. The last three years of his life were full of bitterness and anguish. His inordinate ambition and his passion for glory had entailed hard and strenuous work. Added to this were his irregular habits and his extreme sensuousness.⁹ All this had severely told upon his bodily vigour. Naturally his hand began to lose control of administration. His favourites on the one hand and able and worthy men on the other began to entertain ideas of enimosity. Alp Khan and Kāfūr were ranged in opposition. To all outward appearances the former was gaining strength. He had given proof of his talents on various occasions. He had administered the province of Gujarat for the past fifteen years and was very popular with the people there. He was the real brother of the chief queen of the realm and was also in the good books of the sultan. He had two royal princes as his sons-in-law, the elder of whom had been declared heirapparent to the throne by the Sultan, who to ensure Khizr Khan's accession after his own death had obtained written promises from all the barons of the state.¹⁰ Thus the position of Alp Khan at the capital was quite strong. Naturally, Malik Naib Kāfūr, who wielded great influence with the king, felt alarmed at this state of affairs. Captured in the sack of Gujarat in 1299, he had all along enjoyed the affections of the Sultan and had risen from post to post until he became the Vazīr. He was commander of the forces that went to the Deccan several times between 1308 and 1313. So brilliant were his achievements that 'Alāuddīn, highly impressed with his capabilities, appointed him viceroy of the Deccan, with headquarters at Devagiri.¹¹ It was on the occasion of the marriage of the royal princes that he was called to Delhi, where he found the royal consort, her brother Alp Khan and prince Khizr Khan in great ascendancy. An ambitious genéral like Kāfūr, who of late had been the only guiding spirit of the king, could now know well that he was lost if he did not stir betimes.

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⁹ Ferishtah p. 122.

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¹⁰ Barani pp. 367-68. خضر خان را و لیعهد ملك خود گردانید و عهد نامه نویسانید و دستخط ازان كبار ملوك دران بستد ـــ

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¹¹ Vide chapter XII.

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*Murder of Alp Khan.*

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The malady of the king was getting more and more serious. He was suffering from dropsy and other physical disorders.¹² On account of his disease and other mental infirmities that follow in the train of advancing years, he had become weak and peevish. When Malik Naib returned from the Deccan the sultan related to him the tale of his woes,—how he had been neglected by Malka-i-Jahān and Khizr Khān. Māhrū, complained the ailing king, was ever busy with marriages and other ceremonies in the *haram*, while Khizr Khān, having obtained his most cherished Deval was ever immersed in music and mirth and cared little about the king or the court. Here was a golden opportunity for Malik Kāfūr, who was as mean as he was talented, to poison the ears of the Sultan against all those whom he considered his arch enemies. One day when Kāfūr was in a private audience with ‘Alāuddīn he bitterly complained against his alleged enemies and said that they wanted to put an end to his life simply because he was favoured by the king. They only waited for the sultan’s death when they would assassinate him. As ‘Alāuddīn gave Kāfūr a patient hearing, the latter continued his plaintive rhetoric and accused Alp Khān of being the source of all the trouble. He said that Alp Khān had influence with the queen and the royal princes and that was the reason why he was reluctant to go back to his iqtā‘ in *Gujarāt*. He was simply waiting to usurp all power as soon as the sultan's eyes were closed for ever. If Alp Khān could be killed, concluded Kāfūr, there would be no fear for him from the princes.¹³ Despite ‘Alāuddīn’s kindness to Kāfūr, says ‘Iṣāmī, he refused to listen to the false accusations levelled against the faithful governor, and said that he did not suspect anything from him.¹⁴ But Malik Kāfūr knew how to do away with Alp Khān since the king was bedridden and was unable even to move. One day when Alp Khān was entering the royal apartments Malik Naib and Malik Kamāluddīn seized him and murdered him in cold blood.¹⁵

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¹² According to Barani, 'Alāuddīn was suffering from dropsy (استسقا) and according to Khusrau from fever. Ferishtah, however, writes that the sultan had developed a very dangerous disease on account of excessive sexual indulgence (p. 122). It is probable that he was suffering from dropsy for a long time and when he was about to die had developed fever also, which is very natural.

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¹³ *Futūh* pp. 329-30.

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¹⁴ *Ibid.* p. 330.

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¹⁵ *Futūh* p. 331. *T.M.S.* p. 80. Malik Nāib also sent Malik Kamāluddīn Gurg to Jalor to finish Alp Khān's brother Malik Nizāmuddīn Ulugh Khān who was the governor of that place (Ferishtah p. 123).

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Alp Khān's death cleared the way for Malik Nāib's unchallenged ascendancy—his position had been unassailable even before. The king was now seriously ill and Nāib Kāfūr himself transacted all business of the state in the king's name. Prince Khizr Khān was the next victim of Malik Kāfūr's maliciousness. The critical condition of the king had alarmed everybody in the palace. In spite of proper and regular treatment he was not showing any signs of improvement. Fervent prayers were offered for his recovery and his loving son Khizr Khān took a vow to go on foot on pilgrimage to the shrines of the saints at Hastanāpur when his father recovered from his malady. Curiously enough 'Alāuddīn showed some signs of recovery and the prince in fulfilment of his promise went on foot to Hastinapur. In his great joy he went to the place of pilgrimage accompanied by a troupe of musicians and dancers. Malik Kāfūr, who was in the look out for a pretext, cunningly misrepresented the intentions of the prince and told the king that while he was lying ill Khizr Khān was going on pleasure trips.¹⁶ He forthwith wrote a royal *firmān* in the name of the king saying therein that since Khizr Khān would surely have been troubled at the death of his maternal uncle and father-in-law, it would be better for him to go out for sport in place of returning to the capital. It was, therefore, ordered that Khizr Khān should proceed to Amroha and should not return to Delhi until he was asked to do so. In the mean time he should send without any objection all the insignia of royalty.

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¹⁶ *Deval Rani* pp. 236-37.

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the *chatr* and *durbash*, which would be returned to him on his return.¹⁷

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¹⁷ *Deval Rani* p. 236. To Amīr Khusrau, a devout disciple of Shaikh Nizāmuddīn Aulia, all this calamity befell Khizr Khan because he had failed to pay his respects to the shaikh while going to Hastanapur. According to Ibn Battutah Khizr Khan showed open resentment at the execution of Alp Khan which was done by the orders of the King. Alāuddīn did not like this attitude of Khizr Khan and sent him to Gwalior. *Ibn Battutah* vol III p. 188.

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When the royal order reached Khizr Khan he was taken aback. With a sad heart he surrendered all the insignia of royalty to Malik Hisāmuddīn and himself proceeded to Amroha. There was no peace of mind for him now. He could not make out why his father was so much incensed with him. Suddenly he decided to go back to Delhi and beg pardon for all his faults from the king. Day and night did he travel to reach the capital, writes the poet-historian Khusrau, and on his arrival there apologized to his father. 'Alāuddīn was extremely delighted to see his son beside him. He embraced him and pardoned him for all his shortcomings. Shamsul Haqq went to the royal *haram*, met his relations, and forgot his past privations.

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Khizr Khan had been brought up in the school of love and not of adversity. Born with a silver spoon in his mouth he displayed the indolent security of hereditary princes. Naturally he could not understand the machinations of Malik Kāfūr. Malik Naib on his part was bent upon clearing his path of all possible rivals for real power. Once more he began to poison the ears of the sultan against the royal prince. He said that while the sultan was seriously ill the prince had come back from Amroha without receiving any orders and was planning with Malka-i-Jahān to seize the throne. 'Alāuddīn, who had seldom permitted anybody to tutor him with impunity, had, owing to infirmity of age and disease, become a tool in the hands of his favourite Vazīr Hazārdīnārī. He was led to believe that the prince was wasting all his time in the *haram* and did not care to nurse his ailing father. On this charge he was sent to be imprisoned in the Gwalior fort. If Amīr Khusrau is to be believed, the king wept bitterly when he bade farewell to his son, and said that fate and not the king was punishing him.¹⁸ It is pitiable to think how this man of action had become a fatalist in his old age and how his implacable justice had given way to things which to all appearances were wrong. Having obtained repeated assurances from Kāfūr that no harm would be done to the prince, ‘Alāuddīn bade good bye to his son.¹⁹ Khizr Khān was sent as a state prisoner to Gwalior where his beloved Deval joined him to share his distress.²⁰ Khizr Khān's mother, the Malka-i-Jahān, the well-beloved Māhrū of ‘Alāuddīn's days of youth, also could not escape the rapacity of the cruel eunuch and was kept a state prisoner in the Red Fort of Delhi.

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¹⁸ *Deval Rānī* p. 250.

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¹⁹ According to Baranī (p. 372) Malik Kāfūr had obtained from the king a *firmān* setting aside the claims of Khizr Khān to the throne and giving it to his younger son Shihābuddīn. With this deed under his arms Kāfūr reigned after ‘Alāuddīn's death in the name of Shihābuddīn, a boy of five or six years. For details see chapter XX.

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²⁰ For the last days and death of Khizr Khān see chapter XX.

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While Kāfūr had gained unrivalled ascendancy at the capital, while he was killing generals like Alp Khān and imprisoning princes like Khizr Khān, in short, while he was playing almost the king, the affairs of the empire were drifting towards a chaos. The last phase of ‘Alāuddīn's reign is characterized by a succession of revolts in the various provinces. Upon receiving the news of the murder of their favourite governor Alp Khān, the army of Gujarat unfurled the standard of revolt. Under the command of their leaders Haider and Vazīrak they resolved not to submit to any imperial *firmān*.²¹ Malik Kamāluddīn Gurg was sent to Gujarat to quell the insurrection, but instead of being able to suppress the infuriated soldiery, he himself was ruthlessly killed. The affairs in Gujarat continued to be chaotic until the death of ‘Alāuddīn. Insurrections broke out in Chittor also where Maldeva, the puppet of ‘Alāuddīn, was constantly harassed by Hammīr, the ruler of Sesoda. In the Deccan Harpal Deva, son-in-law of Rām Deva, assumed independence at Devagiri and destroyed many royal outposts. The intelligence of these insurrections used to set the dying king’s body aflame with rage. All his life-work seemed to be undone. Whatever he had conquered seemed to be lost. His eldest son was far away at Gwalior, his beloved wife was kept away from him and he was leaving the country more disturbed than he had found it. He had lived an extremely busy and tiresome life and from the disorders of dropsy and also perhaps from the fatal effects of the poison administered by Malik Kāfūr,²² ‘Alāuddīn found refuge in a silent death on the 7th of Shavvāl 715 (January 6th., 1316).²³

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²¹ *Futūh* pp. 332-33.

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²² *Baranī* p. 369.

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²³ This is the date of Amīr Khusrau (*Deval Ranī* p. 259) ‘Isāmī has 11th Shavvāl (*Futūh* p. 336) Hājuddabīr has 6th (*Zafarul Valī* p. 828) but makes confusion with the year which he says to be 711 A.H. Baranī (p. 369) has 6th Shavvāl but does not give the year. Vassāf (p. 647) gives 716 A.H. as the year of ‘Alāuddīn’s death.

Cites (6)