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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c20.s1: The Interregnum

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c20.s1

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The Interregnum

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The death of ‘Alāūddīn left Kāfūr the master of the situation. After shedding a few crocodile tears,¹ he burried the emperor's dead body in a mausoleum built by the sultan himself in front of the Jamā‘ Masjid (Quvvatul Islam mosque).² Next morning he sent for the nobles and officers of the state and showed them the will of ‘Alāūddīn nominating Shihābuddīn ‘Umar for the throne. ‘Iṣāmī writes that as the condition of ‘Alāūddīn became very critical Malik Naib suggested to him to set aside the claims of ‘Khizr Khan and nominate ‘Umar Khan for succession. On account of extreme weakness and insensibility the sultan could not give any reply, and as generally happens, his silence was interpreted as his consent, and prince ‘Umar Khan was declared heir-apparent.³ The nobles submitted to the dictates of the document bearing the king's seal and ‘Umar Khan, a child of about six years, was raised to the throne as sultan Shihābuddīn ‘Umār Khaljī.⁴

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¹ *Futūḥ* p. 341.

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² Barani, p. 369. For the location of the tomb see Appendix C.

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³ *Futūḥ* pp. 335-36.

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⁴ Barani p. 372. *Futūḥ* p. 335.

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Shihābuddīn was the most agreeable puppet Kāfūr could ever find. Despite his being a eunuch, the Naib married the infant king's mother, who was a daughter of Ramdeva,⁵ and began to rule in Shihāb's name. Malik Naib's excellent martial qualities had marked him for a great conqueror, but surely he was lacking in statecraft. Without first strengthening his position he began to rule with all the excesses of a king. He was under the presumption that all the nobles of ‘Alāūddīn were with him and in place of tactfully befriending them, he alienated them by his atrocious and unbecoming acts.

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⁵ *Futūḥ* pp. 335, 344. *Zafarul Vālī* p. 837.

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On the very first day of his accession to power, Kāfūr sent Sumbul to blind Khizr Khān at Gwalior.⁶ He gave him ‘Alāūddīn’s ring, which he had removed form the dead king’s person,⁷ to facilitate his work. He promised the Barbēgī of the court as a reward for the heinous crime.⁸ Sumbul reached Gwalior in no time. Because of the royal insignia he was enabled to reach his prey without difficulty.⁹ Poignant were the tears that rolled down the prince’s cheeks as he sat down to lose his sight. “The eyes that could not bear the touch of antimony”, says Amīr Khusrau, “now bore the tortures of a blinding needle.”¹⁰

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⁶ *Futūh* pp. 337-38. *Deval Rānī* p. 261.

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⁷ *Futūh* p. 341.

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⁸ Baranī p. 373.

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⁹ *Futūh* p. 338.

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¹⁰ *Deval Rānī* p. 263.

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On the day Sumbul was despatched to Gwalior, Shādī Khān, a brother of Khizr Khān, was blinded in the Kaushak-i-Sīrī. His eyes were sliced from their sockets “like pieces of melon.” Khizr Khān’s mother was also sent as a prisoner to Gwalior and was deprived of her ornaments and valuables.¹¹ Shortly after Mubārak Khān, another son of ‘Alāūddīn, was imprisoned at Delhi. All the other sons of the deceased monarch, viz. Farīd Khān, ‘Usmān Khān, Muhammad Khān and Abū Bakr Khān also fell into the hands of the Regent.¹²

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¹¹ She was already under detention when ‘Alāūddīn’s eyes closed. Now she was sent to Gwalior. This is confirmed by the fact that she was at Gwalior with her son Khizr Khān when he was murdered in 1318.

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¹² *Futūh*, pp. 341-42.

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Feeling secure at the score of the royal princes, whom he had either imprisoned or blinded, Kāfūr began to rule with a sense of security. He used to seat the child-king on the throne on the terrace of the Hazār Sitūn for a showboy, and address nobles and officers after the fashion of 'Alāüddin, making the high officials and barons stand in his presence. In the day he carried on the business of the government and at night used to gamble and dice in the company of his friends.¹³ When closetted with confidential associates he used to discuss ways and means of removing 'Alāūddin's scions and officers. Little did he know that his movements were spied by those whose destruction he was planning.

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¹³ In a parallel passage Nizāmuddin Ahmad and Ferishtah suggest that he played Chaupar. Prof. Hodivala (pp. 283-84) says that it may be *Pachīsī*, firstly because *Pachīsī* is a very popular and antiquated game, and secondly because *kaori* is not made use of in Chaupar while its use is necessary in the latter game. But from *Kaori bākhtan* may be meant dicing and gambling for which the term is very commonly used in India.

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The situation came to a crisis when the Regent attempted to blind Mubarak Khan whom he had already imprisoned. He had hired some footsoldiers (paiks) to blind the prince, but when they approached Mubarak, he took out a jewelled necklace from round his neck and throwing it before them reminded them of the duty they owed to the sons of the late king. Impressed by Mubarak's harangue they not only left him untouched¹⁴ but determined to finish the traitor. In the execution of this act they had the connivance of high military officers who used to see the Regent waking up all the night in bolted chambers discussing in secrecy. Four paiks whose names are given as Mubshar, Bashīr, Saleh and Munīr,¹⁵ one day went to the chambers of Kāfūr and murdered him, only thirty five days after his usurpation of power.¹⁶

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¹⁴ Ferishtah p. 124.

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¹⁵ *Futūh* pp. 342-43. Ferishtah also gives the name of two, Mubashar and Bashir.

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¹⁶ Baranī and 'Isāmī have 35 days. Ferishtah only 25. As 'Alāuddīn died on 7th Shawvāl (January 6th, 1316) and Kāfūr was killed 35 days after the former's death, he must have been murdered on or about the 12th of Zil qada 715 (February 11th, 1316).

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After the assassination of Malik Naib, Mubarak Khān was brought out of confinement and appointed Regent to Shihāb-buddīn. By his devotion to duty and attention to the affairs of the state, Mubarak won the barons over to his side. No sooner than his position was made secure he blinded Shihāb-uddīn and sent him to Gwalior two months after his assumption of regency.¹⁷ He also crushed the power of the paiks who had slain Malik Naib and on that account had become arrogant and proud. They openly boasted of having brought about the death of Malik Kāfūr and the accession of Qutbud-dīn. As such they expected preferential treatment from the Regent and the nobles. Soon after Qutbuddīn ascended the throne he ordered the execution of Mubshar and Bashīr. The other contumacious paiks were also taken to different places and beheaded.

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¹⁷ Baranī p. 377.

Cites (2)