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History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c20.s3: Qutbuddin and Nizāmuddin Aulia

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c20.s3

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Qutbuddin and Nizāmuddin Aulia

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So vindictive was the sultan's nature that since Nizamuddin Aulia was a pir of Khizr Khan, Qutbuddin began to entertain a feeling of animosity towards him.⁶⁷ He even abused the Shaikh openly and ordered his nobles to refrain from visiting him. Through sheer discourtesy he declared a reward of a thousand *tankahs* for one who would cut the saints' head.⁶⁸ He even did not acknowledge the salutations of Nizāmuddin when they once chanced to meet at the tomb of Shaikh Ziyāuddīn Rūmī. He began to patronize Shaikh-zādā Jām, who had for long been an opponent of Niẓāmuddīn, and even called Shaikh-ul Islām Ruknuddīn from Multān.⁶⁹

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⁶⁷ Ibid. p. 394.

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⁶⁸ Ibid. p. 396.

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⁶⁹ Barani p. 396.

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Thus, after the Devagiri expedition, all the qualities of generosity and large-heartedness which were characteristic of Quṭbuddīn at the beginning of his reign, disappeared, while his grosser nature gained an upper hand of his self. Gujarat and the Deccan had been brought under control and there was no independent chief or king in the country strong enough to challenge his authority. While this security, external and internal, had made Quṭbuddīn proud, Asad’s abortive conspiracy had made him ruthlessly cruel. Now he would not listen to any advice, nor would he trust anybody. There is no doubt that the plot was responsible for making him ruthless and unscrupulous, but his disgraceful habits were themselves responsible for the conspiracy. And though he extirpated the guilty as well as the not-guilty, he did not improve his own conduct. On the contrary his debauchery increased with time. Like the profligate Elagabalus of Rome (3rd century A.D.) the passions of the sultan could not be satisfied with “a long train of concubines” or a number of beardless boys. He preferred to dress himself in female attire and ornaments embroidered with laces and adorned with gems,⁷⁰ and occasionally went about dancing in the houses of the nobility. The king used to enjoy the sight of young eunuchs and ribald and dissolute women come stark naked to the court and cut indecent jokes with high officials like ‘Ainulmulk Multānī and Qara Beg. Toubah, a clown from Gujarat, openly used to abuse the noblemen and insult them with obscene pleasantries.⁷¹ In short, the court of Quṭbuddīn presented licence and obscenity in its utter nakedness. It was his sheer luck that the Mongols did not knock at the gates of India and the revolts against the sultanate were quickly suppressed.

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⁷⁰ Gibbon: *Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire*, vol. I, p. 128.

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⁷¹ Barani p. 396.

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*Revolt of Malik Yaklakhi at Devagiri.*

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About the time that Qutbuddin sent Malik Vahiduddin Qureshi as governor of Gujarat, intelligence arrived that Malik Yaklakhi had risen in revolt at Devagiri and had assumed the paraphernalia of royalty.⁷² The sultan was all rage and at once ordered some prominent nobles⁷³ to march to Devagiri, imprison Yaklakhi and send him alive to Delhi. A large force with a number of officers like Malik Talbagha Yaghda, Shadi Satila, Qutlugh the Amir-i-Shikar, Malik Tajulmulk and Khvaja Haji marched southwards to quell the insurrection.⁷⁴

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⁷² *T.M.S.* p. 84.

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⁷³ According to 'Isami and *T.M.S.* Khusrau Khan was sent to suppress the revolt of Yaklakhi, but that is wrong. Both Barani and Ferishtah only say that some prominent officers were sent. Khusrau Khan was already present in farther south, reducing Warangal and raiding cities in M'abar. *Futuh*. pp. 353-54. Barani p. 398.

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⁷⁴ *Futuh*. p. 356.

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After about two months the royal army reached the destination. Malik Yaklakhi was exceedingly proud and neglected to strengthen his position. He little knew that his army was not loyal to him and the officers and men whom he had imprisoned during his revolt were definitely inimical to him. Thus when the actual warfare started many of his officers and men deserted to the royal camp. To crown it all Talbagha of Nagor, Nasiruddin and Shams, who Yaklakhi trusted as his supporters, one day arrested him and his followers when they were dead drunk.⁷⁵ Then they sent Yaklakhi and his companions in chains to Delhi where his ears and nose were chopped off⁷⁶ and his partisans severely punished. The governorship of Devagiri was conferred on Malik ‘Ainul-mulk Multānī, and the deputy governorship on Malik Mujīr-uddīn Abu Rijā.⁷⁷ Malik Tājulmulk, son of Khvājā ‘Alā Dabīr, was appointed as the latter’s secretary. In a short time they brought the country under perfect control.⁷⁸

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⁷⁵ Ibid. pp. 357-58.

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⁷⁶ Barani p. 397.

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⁷⁷ Barani p. 398 has مخيرالدين ابورجا Mukhir has no meaning while Mujīr means protector against oppression. Hājīuddabīr, *Zafarul Vāli* p. 157, gives the correct name Mujīruddīn, writing on Barani’s own authority. Obviously his Ms. of Barani had the correct spelling of the name which is Mujīruddīn Abu Rija.

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⁷⁸ Barani p. 398.

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*Khusrau Khan in Farther South.*

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It has been said before that when Qutbuddīn had left Devagiri after crushing Harpal Deva he had nominated Khusrau Khan to lead an expedition into farther south. Khusrau Khan accordingly marched into Telingana and on his arrival there the Raja and officers of the country fled away. The invader obtained some loot, and about one hundred elephants fell into his hands.⁷⁹ Barani, always deficient in the description of battles is altogether silent about the engagements which Khusrau Khan fought in the Kākatiya country. But Amīr Khusrau gives a graphic, and at places, an exaggerated account of the exploits of Khusrau Khan. The advance of the imperial army was marked by ravages committed equally by the Hindu and the Turkish soldiers. Every inhabited part on the route was made desolate. When the army arrived in Warangal the Hindu inhabitants fled confused. The royal forces encamped “three bow-shots” from the city. Khusrau Khan ascended an eminence from where he reconnoitred the fort. The Hindu horsemen of the Rai numbered more than 10,000 whereas the foot-soldiers were beyond computation. Despite their numerical superiority the southerners were overwhelmed in the battle by the small Muslim cavalry.⁸⁰ Some booty of gold and jewels fell into the hands of the imperial army which pursued its enemy to the gates of the citadel and burnt down all the gardens and groves so that the "paradise of idol-worshippers became like hell." Next morning Khusrau Khan attacked the outer walls of the fortress which were breached. A large number of Hindus were slain and many others taken prisoner. Anil Mehta, the principal commandant of the fort fell in this engagement. After taking the outer walls Khusrau began the investment of the inner fortress. He ordered Khvājā Hāji, the 'Āriz, "to distribute the army to the proper posts, to dig the trenches, and spring a mine." These preparations alarmed Pratap Rudra Deva and he sent messengers to sue for peace. He agreed to surrender five districts and promised to pay a large tribute including more than 100 elephants, 12,000 horses, gold, jewels and gems beyond compute. Flushed with victory the imperial general subjected the Rai to many indignities before accepting the truce, but in the end he relinquished most of the ceded and conquered territory except the fortress of Badrkot "which the Khan had object in demanding."

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⁷⁹ Ibid. p. 398.

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⁸⁰ *Nūh Sipehr*, Elliot vol. III p. 560 gives the number of Muslim cavalry at 300. So vast a difference between the strength of the two forces is incredible.

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After defeating the Raja of Warangal, Khusrau Khan marched towards M'abar. According to both Baranī and Iṣāmī he attacked Masulipatam (Patan of the Muslim historians, lying near Motupille on the mouth of Krishna) and there robbed a wealthy merchant Khvājā Taqi by name.⁸¹ Sirāj Taqi was a very rich man and having learnt that a *Muslim* army was coming on, had not fled. Khusrau robbed him of his jewels and wealth and killed him. 'Iṣāmī's version that Khusrau Khan asked Sirāj Taqi to surrender his daughter to his embraces,⁵² and the old Musalman preferring death to such a humiliation committed suicide, does not seem to be improbable.

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⁸¹ Baranī pp. 398-09. *Futuh*. pp. 459-60.

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⁵² *Futūh*, p. 359.

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Khusrau Khan marched on (up to the mouth of the river Krishna) and attacked Maithli (Motupille).⁵³ Twenty elephants and a diamond weighing six dirhams fell into his hands. Having captured this booty he entered the country of M'abar.⁵⁴ Heavy rains detained Khusrau Khan in M'abar. He had quite a large army and some captured booty. On his way to M'abar he had entertained evil designs against his master. He was an upstart and possessed an evil disposition. As in the case of 'Alāuddīn, the wealth of the Deccan had aggravated his ambitions. It has been said before that when he was settling terms of treaty with the Kakatiya Raja, Khusrau Khan had insisted on the occupation of "Badrkot, a fort as high as heaven, which the Khan had an object in demanding."⁵⁵ He had planned to kill those nobles whose confidence he did not enjoy and to rule over M'abar with the support of his forces. But Khusrau's designs were soon known to many a well-wisher of the state and Malik Tamar, fief holder of Chanderi, Malik Mal Afghān, Malik Talbagha Yaghda of Kara, Malik Tigin and Malik Haji, the Naib-i-Ariz, one day openly asked Khusrau to return to Delhi before his foolish plans were known to the king. As these nobles had large contingents under their command, Khusrau Khan dared not oppose them and prepared to return. But the nobles who apprised the king of Khusrau's evil designs did not even receive the attention they deserved. The sultan only ordered that Khusrau Khan should at once be sent back to Delhi. From Devagiri Khusrau was taken in a palanquin post haste to Delhi where he arrived in a week's time. For the time being his grandiose schemes were shattered to pieces.

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⁵³ *T.M.S.* p. 85.

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⁵⁴ Ibid. p. 85. Badaoni, Ranking, vol. I p. 286.

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⁵⁵ *Nuh Sipehr*, Elliot vol. III p. 560.

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At Delhi the sultan was extremely delighted to see him, and regarded the loot of some gold and jewels and the hundred elephants as quite large a booty. The disappointed Vazir finding the sultan so joyous at his exploits began to whimper and complain against Maliks Tamar and Talbagha, who had stood in the way of fulfilment of his designs in the Deccan. The sultan, blinded by the infatuation he had for Khusrau, severely punished these well-wishers of the state without even letting them have their say. Malik Tamar was thrown into prison and his *Jagirs* were given to Khusrau. Malik Talbagha, who had exposed the Vazir a little too openly was publicly insulted, his fief was seized and he was imprisoned. These acts of flagrant injustice disgusted the courtiers and many of them resigned their honours and jobs on one pretext or another. The outcome of it all was that no one dared in future to apprise the king of Khusrau's machinations for fear of similar punishments.

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*Death of Qutbuddin.*

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After such a quick fall of his enemies the work of the Vazir became easy. The cruel treatment meted out to Maliks Tamar and Talbagha and the ascendancy of Khusrau had induced many a selfish noble to side with him.⁹⁶ Many other victims of the Sultan's licence or wrath also clung to him. Bahāuddin Dabir, who had been ordered to send his wife to the royal *haram* sought the protection of Khusrau and became one of his best supporters.⁹⁷ One day Khusrau pleaded to the king that while he was so kind to him as to send him on distant expeditions, the officers accompanying him did not obey him. They had large forces at their command and since he had none of his people with him they could overlook his orders with impunity. If, therefore, he could call some relations and friends from Gujarat⁸⁸ he could be very successful in future campaigns. The request was granted and a large number of Khusrau's friends and relatives arrived in Delhi. On their arrival he took them into his confidence and gave them horses and robes and wealth. Thus, according to Ferishtah, he was enabled to marshall a corps of 40,000⁸⁹ Barvaris, all his loyal supporters. He used to consult the leaders of these Barvaris and some other trusted adherents such as Yūsuf Sūfī and the sons of Qīrat Qīmar about his intended revolt. About this time the sultan went to Sarsava⁹⁰ and the Barvaris decided to kill him while he was busy in sport. But Yūsuf Sūfī and some others warned Khusrau that if they attacked the king so openly, the royal army would fall upon them and cut them down. On the contrary if the king was killed in his own palace, and the antagonistic nobles imprisoned, the way to the throne would be rendered very easy. At last it was unanimously decided to finish the king in the palace of Hazār Sitūn.⁹¹ In the meantime the sultan returned from Sarsava and the crafty Vazīr begged for another favour from him. He left the palace so very late every night, said he, that he was deprived of the company of his relations who had left their native place only for his sake. If, therefore, they could be allowed to enter the palace at night they could come and see him there. Qutbuddīn ordered that the keys of the palace gates should be left with Khusrau's men so that they could enter the palace any time they liked. This is Baranī's version. Ibn Baṭṭūṭah, however, says that it was customary in those days that when a Hindu accepted Islam, the sultan used to present him with a robe of honour and a gold ornament. According to his narrative Khusrau Khan informed the sultan that some of his relations wanted to embrace Islam but felt shy in waiting upon him in the day time. The king allowed them to come and pay respects at night.⁹² Whatever the pretence, Khusrau was successful in securing entrance for his men into the palace at night.

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⁹⁶ Barani p. 401.

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⁹⁷ Ferishtah pp. 126-27.

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⁸⁸ Barani has, p. 402, در بهلوال و زمین گجرات بفرستم Behalvāl may be either be Naharvala, capital of Gujarat, or Bhilmal about 50 miles west of Abu. Since Barani always spells Naharvala correctly it is probably Bhilmal, then ruled by Parmar Rajputs. It may be recalled that Khusrau's brother Hisamuddin had collected followers at Patan to rebel against Delhi sultanate. So the ground for Khusrau's rebellion had been in preparation for some time past.

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⁸⁹ Ferishtah p. 127.

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⁹⁰ It is a small town in the Saharanpur district of the United Provinces.

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⁹¹ Barani pp. 402-3.

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⁹² *Ibn Battūtah*, vol. III pp. 197-98.

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In delivering the keys of the palace gates the sultan handed over his own death warrant to the Barvaris. Every night, after it was quite quiet, about three hundred well armed Barvari's used to enter the palace and move about here and there. The people saw these armed ruffians freely enter the palace at dead of night, but they dared not inform the sultan of their movements for fear of his wrath. But intelligent people understood everything and whispers of the intended revolt of Khusrau went round the palace. Qazī Ziyāuddin, the Vakil-i-dar, however, could not bear to see such a state of affairs. He had been tutor to the king in calligraphy and so could speak to him pretty plainly. One day he openly told the sultan of what was going on in the palace. "I rely on the mercy of Your Majesty," began the veteran officer, "and will say what I see every day. The Barvaris enter the palace every night and everybody knows that their intentions are wicked. The life of Your Majesty is in danger. During the regime of the late sultan 'Alāuddīn if somebody drank water more than usual, the sultan was at once informed of it. It is strange indeed that while such a great noise is being made in the palace and your life itself is in jeopardy, Your Majesty is quite neglectful. I request you to inquire into the matter. If there is something fishy, you may take steps to punish the miscreants. If you find the allegations unfounded, your love for Khusrau will only be increased.”⁹³ The sultan at once lost his temper and scolded the Qāzī in unbecoming terms. In place of holding an inquiry, he repeated to his favourite all that the Qāzī had said. Khusrau at once began to shed crocodile tears. “Since Your Majesty bestows upon me your favours”, said Khusrau, “the great nobles are anxiously trying to bring about my death.” Quṭbuddīn consoled the cunning Vazīr saying that he was the only person in whom the sultan reposed his implicit trust.

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⁹³ Barani p. 405.

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Late on the same night as Qazi Ziyāuddīn, the superintendent of the night guard was taking his rounds, and very few persons had remained in the palace, Randhol, a relation⁹⁴ of Khusrau Khan, entered the palace with a few Barvarīs and accosted him. He offered the Qāzī a *pān* and while they were talking, Jahariya, another Barvarī, shot an arrow at the Qāzī and killed him on the spot. This cold blooded murder created consternation in the Hazār Sitūn, which was now filled with Barvarīs. Quṭbuddīn heard the noise from his chamber and asked Khusrau Khan to go out and see what the matter was. The clever intriguer came out on the terrace, shouted a few words to show that he was scolding somebody, and then returned to the king's presence saying that some horses had been let loose and people were trying to catch them.⁹⁵ Just then Jahariya dashed towards the king's private apartments and killed its chief guards Ibrāhīm and Is-ḥāq.⁹⁶ Then alone did Quṭbuddīn realise the situation and he tried to escape into the *haram*. But Khusrau was too cunning to lose him at that stage and caught him by the hair. The king had drunk hard that night and due to his intoxications and physical strength he easily threw the traitor on the ground and sat tight upon him. Jahariya reached the spot, which was indicated to him by the shouts of Khusrau pinned under the weight of the sultan.⁹⁷ He struck off the head of Qutbuddin and threw it down the battlements of the palace. A few servants of the king, who had been left on the upper storey, also fell to the daggers of the Hindus. According to the author of the *Tarikh-i-Mubarak* Shahi Qutbuddin was murdered on the night of the 5th of Rabiul Avval 720 (April 26th, 1320).⁹⁸

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⁹⁴ Barani p. 406 has نیاے خسرو خاں. Niya means grandfather as well as maternal uncle.

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⁹⁵ Barani pp. 406-07

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⁹⁶ Barani p. 407, Ferishtah p. 128.

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⁹⁷ *Barani* pp. 307-8. *Futūh*, p. 363.

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⁹⁸ Amir Khusrau gives the date to be Jamadi-us Sani 720 (July 1320). The text of *T.M.S.* p. 86, wrongly has 721 H. but the translator's Ms. had the correct year 720 H. (*T.M.S.* Tra. p. 86). Ferishtah also wrongly has 721. *Tab. Akb.* and *Badaoni* have 720. Later events lead us to the conclusion that the date of *T.M.S.* is preferable to that of Khusrau's *Nūh Sipehr*. Also see the last footnote in the next chapter.

Cites (5)