History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c6: Chapter VI. Accession of ‘Alāuddīn
History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c6
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Chapter VI. Accession of ‘Alāuddīn
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“ Blood was still dripping from the severed head of the martyred Sultan,” writes Baranī, “when the Imperial canopy was raised upon the head of ‘Alāúddīn, and he was proclaimed Sultan.” While the proclamation of his accession was made by officers riding on elephants, the head of Jalāluddīn, like that of an ordinary criminal, was paraded on a spear in the streets of Kaṛa and Manikpur. It was later on sent to Avadh to be exposed there to the public view.¹ At Kaṛa ‘Alāúddīn began to distribute titles and honours among his partisans. He conferred upon his brother Almās Bēg the title of Ulugh Khān, on Malik Hizabruddīn that of Zafar Khān, on Malik Sanjar that of Alp Khān and on Malik Nuṣrat Jalesrī that of Nuṣrat Khān. Nor did he ignore the less important men, and he raised to higher ranks most of the loyal and faithful Maliks and Amīrs. But the young king could not afford to waste much time on these formal proceedings, as the Capital of the empire was still in the hands of the sons of the late Sultan. Consequently, he started feverish preparations to seize Delhi and influential officers were advanced large amounts to enlist fresh troops. For some time rains as also the fear of Arkalī Khān's possible advance from Multan, to avenge the murder of his father, deterred ‘Alāúddīn from marching on to Delhi immediately. He was considerably afraid of Arkalī Khān who was known as the “Rustam of the Age” and whose military talents he had seen during the revolt of Malik Chhajjū. But when he heard that Arkalī Khān was not coming to Delhi his joy knew no bounds. Fully convinced of the worthlessness of the successor of Jalāluddīn and his inability to raise a fresh army because of the impoverishment of the Delhi treasury, ‘Alāuddīn made up his mind to march towards the Capital in the midst of the rainy season.
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¹ Baranī pp. 236-37.
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*Events at Delhi after Jalāluddīn’s murder.*
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Just after the assassination of Jalāluddīn, Malik Ahmad had returned to the capital and astounded everybody with the news of the terrible tragedy. There was no time for Malka-i-Jahān to shed tears over the death of the King, for the loss of even a little of it would have meant the passing of the throne to her husband’s murderer. She was a woman of ambition, and therefore, even without consulting the nobles,² she proclaimed her youngest son Qadr Khan as king with the title of Sultan Ruknuddīn Ibrāhīm. The Queen mother and her son left Kilughari and took up residence in the Kaushak-i-Sabz (the Green Palace). She began to rule in his name, received petitions and issued orders. At Multan, Arkali Khan felt bitterly against the injustice of his mother for setting his claims aside.³ He had had some dispute with her even in the life time of Jalāluddīn, but now he was so much incensed at her action that he stayed back at Multan, and did not even come to Delhi to claim the throne. Arkali was brave no doubt, but he was peevish and harsh by temperament, and was not quite beloved of his parents.⁴
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² Barani has treated Malka-i-Jahān too severely. He calls her the “silliest of the silly” and attributes her choice of the younger son to her ambition to rule in his name. A little reflection, however, would reveal that the problems at the capital after the murder of Jalāl were very knotty indeed. The government could not be carried on for long without a king. Arkali Khan was far away and his arrival from Multan would have taken some time. Malka-i-Jahān as well as some of her nobles knew it well that ‘Alāuddīn would spare no time in marching to Delhi if somebody was not proclaimed king instantly. Moreover, Qadr Khan was an offspring of old age and had been much loved by Jalāluddīn and Malka-i-Jahān. *Barani* pp. 176-177. *Miftāhul Futūh*, Elliot, Vol. III, p. 540.
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³ Barani pp. 238-39.
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⁴ Badaoni.
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It were these developments which had impelled 'Alāuddīn to start for Delhi at once. So heavy were the rains that year that "Ganga and Jumna had become vast rivers and every (paltry) stream looked like a Ganga or Jumna." The roads had become impassable through mud and mire. Yet 'Alāuddīn struck the tents. He exhorted his officers and nobles to do their best to raise a large army, and not to be mindful in fixing high salaries. In addition, a small minjniq⁵ was constructed and at every halt five *man* of gold coins were hurled from it.⁶ This reckless squandering of wealth had the desired effect and people "military and non-military" flocked to him in large numbers. When 'Alāuddīn arrived near Badaon his army had swelled to 56,000 horses and 60,000 foot. Here he detached a contingent from the main force, and placing it under Zafar Khān ordered him to march on to Delhi by way of Kol (modern Aligarh), while he himself marched at the head of the main army through Badaon. He had instructed Zafar Khān to march at a rate corresponding to that of his so that the armies might converge on the Capital at the same time.
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⁵ *Minjniq* is a warlike engine, a catapult or a machine to raise weights.
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⁶ Barani p. 243 has
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Soon after 'Alāuddīn reached Baran (modern Bulandshahr) where more troopers were enrolled. Nusrat Khān addressed a meeting in the open space of the Masjid of the
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هر روز پنجمین اختر زر
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town and exhorted all high and low to join their standard.⁷ He openly declared that a hundred times of what he was squandering would be realised by him if Delhi fell into their hands; and if, perchance they failed in their attempt, it was better that the wealth obtained from Devagiri was disbursed among the people rather than it fell into the hands of their adversaries.∗ The capture of Delhi, however, was not so difficult as 'Alāuddīn had thought. Even while he was halting at Baran, some influential Jalālī nobles like Tājuddīn Kūchī, Amajī Ākhūrbēg, Amīr 'Alī Dīvāna, 'Usmān Amīr Ākhūr, Amīr Kalān, 'Umr Surkha and Hīranmār, who had been sent out to oppose the advancing hosts had changed sides. For this treacherous and shameless conduct each of them had received 20, 30 and even 50 *man* of gold from 'Alāuddīn, who as a matter of policy displayed extreme generosity on such occasions. The soldiers who had come with these nobles were also given 100 *tankahs* each. The renegade barons used to say publicly: "the people of the City certainly find fault with us and declare that we have been guilty of base ingratitude . . . . , but these inconsiderate persons do not perceive that in reality the kingdom of Jalāluddīn came to an end the day he set out from the palace of Kīlugharī and of his own free will went in hot haste to Kara, and there put his neck and those of his intimate associates in jeopardy. What can we do but join 'Alāuddīn"?‡ The desertion of the veteran Jalālī nobles caused such an irreparable breach in the Delhi camp that the cause of Sultān Ruknuddīn Ibrāhīm was doomed to failure. Of the nobles at Delhi a section had already ceased to sympathise with the Queen mother on account of her injustice in setting aside the claims of Arkalī Khān, while another wavered between allegiance to the sons of the late king and his nephew.
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⁷ Baranī p. 224.
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∗ Ibid, p. 224.
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‡ Ibid pp. 245-46.
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At such a critical moment, when the Jalālī party had completely collapsed, and Malka-i-Jahān saw no chance of success, she sent for Arkali Khan from Multan. "I was wrong in placing your younger brother on the throne" she wrote to him, "while you are still living, for none of the Maliks and Amīrs stand in any awe of him, and most of them have deserted to Sultan 'Alāūddīn, so that sovereignty is passing out of our hands. Make haste, therefore, if you can …… and mount the throne ……" ¹⁰ Arkali Khan lost no time to understand that the situation had become altogether hopeless. Moreover the rancour in his heart against his mother dissuaded him from going to Delhi and taking up a dying cause. He sent an evasive reply: "As the nobles and their retainers have all gone to the enemy, what would be the good of my coming"?
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¹⁰ *Baranī* p. 245.
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When the intelligence of the final reply of Arkali Khan reached 'Alāūddīn, he ordered the drums of rejoicings to be beaten. Scattering gold and collecting followers he reached the river Jumna where he won over many more nobles of the late sovereign by filling their palms with gold. For some time, 'Alāūddīn's progress was impeded, the river being in spate. But as soon as the flood subsided he crossed the Jumna at the ford of Baghpat,¹¹ and encamped on its bank.¹²
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¹¹ Baghpat is given in Fuller's Ms. Baranī's text has Kath. Baghpat lies in north of Delhi on Jumna. It is in Meerut Distt.
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¹² Baranī p. 246 has جوده – در صحرا جوده is nothing but جود which may be read for جون in *shikast*. It has often been mantioned in Persion histories and is correctly written as Jūn in the Tājul Māāsir. Jūn means river Jumna. The gate of the city opening on the river side was known as the Jūn gate and the plain of Jūn was the tract of land lying between the river and the gate of Jūn.
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Ruknuddīn had little hope of success, still he arrayed his ranks to give battle to his cousin. But just on the eve of the engagement, the left wing of his rickety forces openly deserted to the enemy and his fate was sealed for ever. Finding his own life in jeopardy he left the capital secretly through the Ghaznī Gate with the queen-mother and some well-wishers like Aḥmad Chap and Alghū.¹³ The wretched plight of the royal family drew sympathy from all high and low and for a few days the people of Delhī felt very unhappy.¹⁴
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¹³ Ruknuddīn Ibrāhīm reigned for a period of one month only. *Badaoni.* Ranking vol. I, p. 245.
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¹⁴ *Futūḥ* pp. 237-38.
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*‘Alāuddīn’s accession at Delhī.*
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‘Alāuddīn entered the capital in triumph on the 22nd Zilhijjah 695 (20th October, 1296).¹⁵ The great nobles of the city, the justices of the peace, the custodians of the keys of the fort and other dignitaries of consequence, came out to wait upon him, “whereupon the earth assumed a totally different aspect.” The newly crowned king assumed the title of Abul Muẓaffar Sultān ‘Alāud-duniya-va-dīn Muḥammad Shāh Khaljī. He took up his residence in the Kaushak-i-Lāl or the crimson palace¹⁶ where sultan Ghayāṣuddīn Balban had formerly resided. According to the time honoured custom the khutbah was read and coins struck in ‘Alāuddīn’s name.
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¹⁵ This date has been given by Amīr Khusrau. *Khazāin* Allahabad University Ms. p. 7., Habīb’s Trans. p. 7) *Baranī* does not give the exact date but simply says that ‘Alāuddīn was crowned towards the end of the year 695 A.H. There were two formal accessions of ‘Alāuddīn. The first was at Kara just after the murder of Jalāluddīn on the 16th (Khusrau) or the 17th (Baranī) of Ramzān 695 H. and the second at Delhī after ‘Alāuddīn had completely overcome all opposition.
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¹⁶ This was built by Balban about the year 1265 A.D.
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To commemorate the auspicious occasion liberal gifts were bestowed upon the people at large, and for some time wine and beauty and music and mirth became the order of the day. Pavilions were erected in the bazārs and wine, soft drinks and pān were distributed free. The army was given six months' salary as a reward, the Shaikh and 'ulama were awarded gratuities, and all high and low partook of the royal bounty. Such a lavish distribution of wealth and unstinted generosity helped the people to forget the assassination of the late king.¹⁷
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¹⁷ Ferishtah text, p. 101. Briggs vol. I p. 324.
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Like a far-sighted statesman 'Alāuddīn gained the support of the Jalālī officers by conferring upon them high offices of the state. A coalition ministry of some notables of the old regime and his own favorites nobles was set up. Khvājā Khatīr, the well-known Khavājā Jahān (Prime minister) of Jalāluddīn, was confirmed in his former office. Qāzī Sadr-i-Jahān Sadruddīn 'Ārif was appointed Qāzī-i-Mumālik (Chief Justice), Malik 'Umdatulmulk was appointed Dīvān-i-Inshā (Secretary of State); and of his sons Hamīduddīn and A'izuddīn, the former was enrolled among the supervisors of the Court, and the latter was appointed Superintendent Correspondence Department. Saiyyad Ajal was allowed to continue as Shaikhul Islam and Khatīb, Nuṣrat Khān Jalesrī was appointed Kotvāl of Delhi, while Malik Fakhruddīn Kūchī was made Dādbēg-i-Haẓrat (Judge of the Capital). Malik Abājī, a nobleman of Sultan Jalāluddīn, was appointed Superintendent of the Royal Stables (Akhūrbēg), and Malik Hiranmār was given the post of Junior Chamberlain (Naīb Bārbak). Hizabruddīn Zafar khan,¹⁸ who later proved worthy of his honourable charge, was appointed Minister of War ('Āriz-i-Mumālik). Malik 'Alāulmulk, the uncle of the historian Ziyāuddīn, was appointed governor of Kara, while his father Muy'idumulk was appointed Mayor of Baran. Malik Jūna continued in his old post of Naib Vakī-i-dar.¹⁸
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¹⁸ Badaonī has Badruddīn. Yahya names him Yūsuf and says that he was a sister's son of 'Alāuddīn *T.M.S.* p. 71.
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¹⁸ Barani pp. 247-48,. Ferishtah p. 102.
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*India in 1296.*
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The city and the court wore a happy aspect but the condition of the country at large gave a cause for anxiety. India was then passing through a crisis. In the north-west the Mughals were sending out harassing expeditions every year. Another restive element were the Gakkhars in the Punjab. Multan and Sindh were held by Arkali Khan, who ruled virtually as an independent king. Towards the south-west of Sindh lay the prosperous kingdom of Gujarat ruled by the Baghela Rajputs. Adjacent to Gujarat were situated the various kingdoms of Rajputana, all independent of one another and of the Sultanate of Delhi. No Muslim ruler had been successful in completely defeating or subjugating any of them. On the other hand the existence of states like Chittor and Ranthambhor was an open challenge to the prowess of Delhi Sultanate. In Central India Malwa, Dhār, Ujjain and the vast tract of Bundelkhand was still out of the pale of Muslim domination and enjoyed perfect independence. The whole tract now comprising Bihar, Bengal and Orrisa was in the hands of Hindu Rajas or independent Muslim kings. In Bengal Nasiruddīn Mahmūd, a son of Balban, and after him his successors, had been ruling independently. In the Doab, the most fertile part of the country, the entire strip of territory from Meerut to Pilibhit together with the sub-montane region of Kamaon in the north, was in the hands of intractable feudal barons, Hindu and Musalman. In the territories of Avadh, Benares and Gorakhpur, the suzerainty of Delhi was not yet fully established. South of the Vindhya mountains, again, Muslim armies had not yet conquered any kingdom. 'Alāūddīn had marched into Devagiri but as soon as he had returned to the north, the Yadavas had by and by recovered their lost prestige and power. The other mighty kingdoms of Warangal, Dvarsamudra, and those ruled by the Cholas, the Cheras and the Pandyas had never heard of a Muslim invader.
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*Problems before 'Alāūddīn.*
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Such was the state of the country with its problems of unification, administration and defence that the new king was called upon to tackle. The sons of Jalāluddīn were still living and could gather formidable strength any moment. Therefore, the foremost problem confronting 'Alāūddīn was of overthrowing the surviving scions of the late king.¹ Then there was the task of reconciling a nobility which had been accustomed to plotting against the crown.² No less important was the task of defending the frontiers against the Mughal invaders, who had set their heart on the conquest of Hindustan, and on one or two occasions had penetrated as far as Delhi itself.⁴ Again, the sultan had to conquer the independent states if he wanted to consolidate his power and perpetuate Muslim rule in the country.⁵ One of the chief characteristics of the sultanate period was that with the advent of a new dynasty, the process of conquest had to be repeated once again. Thus Gujarat, Chittor, Ranthambhor, the Deccan and Bengal, all had to be conquered repeatedly. In fact the subjugation of Rajputana is the test by which every king of Delhi should be judged. At the time of 'Alāūddīn's accession, most of northern India and the whole of the Deccan was beyond the sphere of Muslim domination.⁵ Therefore, the conquest of the whole of Hindustan was the greatest problem and the highest ambition of the king.⁶ On the top of it all was the problem of placing the administration on an efficient and stable footing. The big landlords were a thriving menace. There being little contact between the local administration and the Central government, because of lack of responsible officers, the local magnates like Khūts and Muqqadams were left to enjoy a large measure of independence. The sultan had to think out ways and means of bringing them under control, and utilising their services to the best interests of the state.
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Northern India at the beginning of the XIV Century
Cites (1)
- Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī — Shams-i Sirāj ʿAfīf, Persian