History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c7.s3: The Wild Projects of 'Alāuddīn
History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c7.s3
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The Wild Projects of 'Alāuddīn
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Intoxicated with all these incentives to pride 'Alāuddīn thought of the most extraordinary and fantastic schemes and began to "conceive of impossibilities and absurdities." One of his plans was to found a new religion, so that like the Prophet his name also might be carried down to posterity. Prophet Muḥammad had, the Sultan would argue with his boon companions, four comrades Abu Bakr, 'Umar, Usmān and 'Alī, and so had he, four equally brave and loyal generals—Alp Khān, Nuṣrat Khān, Ulugh Khān and Ẓafar Khān. He could, with the force of his arms, and those of his daring and faithful servants, establish a religion which would continue to flourish long after he had passed away from the land of the living.²²
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²² It is useless to speculate upon the nature of the religion 'Alāuddīn had in mind. Probably the Sultan himself did not think about it beyond his expressions of a wish to introduce a religion. He wanted to do something which would immortalize his name as the Prophet's had been. Beyond this wish, however, 'Alāuddīn had neither the determination nor the intuition to found a religion. But the people in general were apprehensive of his inordinate ambition, and knowing that he had repeatedly expressed a wish to found a new religion they believed that that new religion must be quite different from the Muhammadan faith, and that its enforcement would entail slaughter of a large number of Musalmans. *Barani* pp. 262-64.
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Another plan of 'Alāuddīn was to repeat the role of Alexander, and carry his conquests far and wide. As Edward Gibbon aptly remarks "So long as mankind shall continue to bestow more liberal applause on their destroyers than on their benefactors, the thirst for military glory will ever be the vice of the most exalted characters."²³ The praises of Alexander transmitted by a succession of poets and historians have kindled the imagination of many an ambitious prince, and 'Alāuddīn is only one of them. He used to consult his intimate companions on the plan of leaving a viceroy at Delhi to carry out the administration, and himself marching out and bringing to his feet both east and west as the Greek emperor had done. He even caused himself to be styled Sikandar Sāni (Alexander the Second) in his coins as well as in the public prayers.
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²³ Gibbon: *Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire*.
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Although everybody in and outside the court could see that the Sultan talked about these projects out of sheer arrogance and stupidity, yet being afraid of his bad temper they could not but express their approval. Their hypocrisy led the king to imagine that his schemes were simple and practicable. In one of the drinking parties, however, in which the Sultan used to elaborate his awry schemes, Malik ‘Alāulmulk, ‘whose bulky person could not take the trouble of visiting the Sultan more than once a month’, also happened to be present. In course of conversation he fearlessly told the Sultan that religion was a matter of revelation from God, and could not be founded on the basis of human intellect or wisdom. He argued that world conquerors like Changīz had tried hard to propagate their creed by shedding the blood of Muslims at large, but they had failed to subvert the faith of Islam. Moreover, argued the Kotvāl, if the people heard that the king was thinking of encroaching upon their religious beliefs, they would, one and all, turn away from his allegiance, and tumult and sedition would arise on every side. As to the plans about world conquest ‘Alāulmulk expressed his admiration at the idea but added that conditions were not so favourable as they had been in the time of Alexander. The kingdom of Delhi did not have such a stable foundation as the Greece of Alexander. Again the Sultan did not have counsellors and intellectuals such as Aristotle, who would manage the affairs of the state during the absence of the sovereign.³⁴
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³⁴ The whole dialogue between ‘Alāūddīn and ‘AlāulMulk shows the vague and fantastic notions Barani had about the history of Greece. *Barani* pp. 264-71.
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The Sultan listened with rapt attention to the peroration of ‘Alāulmulk. He promised not to talk in future about founding a religion. “But”, asked he, “When so much wealth and elephants and horses have come into my hands, if I make no conquests, and subdue no territories, and content myself with the kingdom of Delhi only, of what use will all these resources be to me, and how shall I acquire a reputation for wonderful achievements?”
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In answer to this, ‘Alāulmulk suggested two alternatives. Firstly, there was a vast field for conquest in Hindustan itself. The strong and independent kingdoms of Ranthambhor, Chittor, Chanderi, Malwa, Dhar, Ujjain and the provinces of Bihar and Bengal,³⁵ were still unsubdued in the north, while to the south of the Vindhyas, the field was open for innumerable enterprizes. Secondly, the Sultan could effectively check the inroads of the Mughals by strengthening the strongholds on the north-west and by appointing trustworthy commandants. And when the whole of Hindustan had been conquered and the Mughal menace ended for ever, the Sultan could, if he so wished, embark upon a policy of extra-territorial aggrandisement and send his armies abroad.
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³⁵ The text has ‘from the east bank of the Saru (Sarjū),’ which means practically the whole of Bihar and Bengal.
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The counsellor also brought home to the king's mind the necessity of refraining from drinking to excess, and from the constant pursuit of field sport. Excessive drinking, said he, caused delay and interruptions in the smooth working of administration, and it produced a very bad effect on the general public, who were surely induced to revolt if the king was negligent. ‘Alāulmulk also suggested that if he could not altogether give up drinking he should take wine in small quantities, but all alone without holding convivial parties.
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This bold and candid piece of advice impressed the Sultan; he could now clearly discern the impracticability of his grandoise schemes. ‘Alāulmulk was generously rewarded with a “garment wrought in gold with pictures of tigers, a woven belt, half *man* gold, ten thousand *tankahs*, two caparisoned horses and two villages”, and he was raised head and shoulder above the other nobles of the state.³⁶
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³⁶ Barani p. 271.
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By the irony of circumstance ‘Alāūddin received a yet more practical lesson from the invasion of Qutlugh Khvājā, which occurred about the close of the year 1299. This invasion, which was one of the greatest that occured in ‘Alāūddin’s time, would be treated in detail in another chapter, suffice it here to say that the victory of the Sultan over his enemies was as miraculous as it was glorious, and awakened him from his unpracticable dreams. He now determined to finish independent kingdoms by subjugating them and unify the country by giving it a uniform administration.
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Hereafter 'Alāūddīn embarked upon an unceasing round of conquests. Mightiest thrones tumbled before his troops, and the most powerful Rajas bowed to his authority. From 1300 to 1310 he waged incessant wars in northern India; the most bloody of them, as can well be expected, were fought in the historic land of Rajputana. He also sent a successful expedition of Malwa. But the most humiliating episode of 'Alāūddīn's life occured in Bengal, wither, in all probability, his army met with a crushing defeat.
Cites (1)
- Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī — Shams-i Sirāj ʿAfīf, Persian