Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c8: Chapter VIII. Jaisalmer and Ranthambhor

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c8

Language
English

Contents

Chapter VIII. Jaisalmer and Ranthambhor

c8.2

Speedy success in Gujarat whetted ‘Alāuddīn’s appetite for further conquest. He turned his attention towards the Rajput states, all of which were independent of the sultanate of Delhi. The Rajputs were the flowers of Indian chivalry. If they could be subdued, the prestige of the Imperial arms would be immeasurably enhanced, and in proportion the prospects of future expansion.

c8.3

*Attack on Jaisalmer.*

c8.4

As early as 1299 Rajputana had tasted of the ‘Alāī arms. The bardic lore of Rajputana gives two invasions of Jaisalmer¹ by the Khaljīs, the first one in 1286, in the time of Jalāluddīn, and the other in 1295 by Sultan of ‘Alāuddīn. The unlearned bards to whom the facts about these invasions were known through tales carried down from generation to generation wrongly assign the first invasion to ‘Alāuddīn and the second one to Jalāluddīn.² This is simple anachronism and no “willful perversion” of facts as Col. Haig is prone to think.³ But only on the ground of this mistake it cannot be said that Jaisalmer was never invaded in the time of ‘Alāuddīn.⁴ True, contemporary Muslim chronicles make no mention of an invasion of Jaisalmer, yet there is positive mention of one in the bardic literature. The first invasion came off in 1286 in which 3,800 Rajputs died on the battle field and 24,000 women perished in the flames. Jaisalmer was occupied by a Muslim garrison, but its occupation did not last longer than a couple of years.

c8.5

¹ Jaisalmer is everywhere encircled by desert. It is an oasis in which wheat, barley and even rice are produced. Tod, vol. III, pp. 1261-62.

c8.6

² Nainsī: *Khyat* (Hindi) vol. II, pp. 298-305.

c8.7

³ *Cam. Hist. India* vol. III, pp. 532.

c8.8

⁴ *Ibid.* p. 532.

c8.9

The second invasion of Jaisalmer came off in the time of its Bhatti chief Dūdā who was elected to occupy the throne because, probably, the royal prince had died fighting the Musalmans or had retired to some secluded place.⁵ Dūdā ruled for ten years and even extended his raids to Ajmer and carried off the horses of the Sultan⁶ from Anāsāgar (lake) where they used to be watered. This outrage provoked another attack upon Jaisalmer and the same tale of woe and misery was repeated. 16,000 women sacrificed themselves in the fire of Jauhar while Dūdā with Tilak Singh and 700 of his clan fell on the field of battle.

c8.10

⁵ Also see *Indian Historical Quarterly* 1935 pp. 150-52.

c8.11

⁶ *Khyat* has Fīroz Shāh which means Jalāluddīn but in this case obviously 'Alāūddīn is meant.

c8.12

The date of 'Alāūddīn's invasion of Jaisalmer given by the bards is doubtful as 'Alāūddīn had not even ascended the throne in 1295 A.D. But *Tarīkh-i-M'āsūmī*, probably the only Persian history which refers to this invasion, mentions that the army of 'Alāūddīn raided Jaisalmer on its way to Gujarat (1299) and the date of M'āsūm is quite acceptable in view of the fact that the Rajput bards were not very keen on citing dates and even where they have done they are liable to be incorrect. Mīr M'āsūm says:—

c8.13

ازسلطان علاالدین حکمی رسید که الح خان به تسخیر گجرات نامزد شده بانصف لشکرسنـده ازراه جیسلمیر عازم گجرات شود چون الح خان بالشکریان به جیسلمیر رسید، آن قلعه رافتح نموده کفار بسیار بقتل رسانید، و دویست سوار در قلعهٴ جیسلمیر گذاشته بدیگر لشکر با عسکر (?) گجرات ملحق شد —⁷

c8.14

⁷ *Tarīkh-i-M'āsūmī* Text p. 44.

c8.15

*Conquest of Ranthambhor (1301).*

c8.16

The attack on Jaisalmer was a mere raid as compared to the invasion of Ranthambhor. In fact Ranthambhor⁸ was the first state to be selected for the trial of strength with the Rajputs; firstly, because of its proximity to Delhi; secondly, because of the failure of Jalāluddin to capture it; and thirdly, because of its reputed impregnability. Added to these were a handy excuse and a justification. The Mughal rebel Muḥammad Shah and his brother Kehbru, the leaders of the mutiny near Jalor, had been given shelter by the Rana of Ranthambhor. Though no contemporary historian gives this fact as a cause for the invasion but circumstantial evidence supported by later writings unmistakably does strengthen the hypothesis.⁹

c8.17

⁸ Ranthambhor now lies in the S. E. corner of Jaipur state. It is situated on a rocky plateau 1578 ft. above sea level. According to Amir Khusrau it was situated at a distance of two weeks’ march from Delhi and was surrounded by a massive wall 3 *kos* in circumference. *See Jour. of Indian Art* 1915-16 p. 36 footnote. *Deval Rani* p. 65.

c8.18

⁹ *Hammīr Kavyās* mention Hammīr’s gaving shelter to Muhammad Shah as the cause of ‘Alāuddīn’s invasion. This is corroborated by Iṣāmī.

c8.19

At the time of ‘Alāuddīn’s invasion Ranthambhor was ruled by the Chauhān prince Hammīr Deva, a direct descendant of the renowned Prithvi Raj.¹⁰ Muslim invaders had repeatedly tried to establish their authority in Ranthambhor but without success. It was attacked by Qutbuddin Aibak in 1209, and was captured by Iltutmish in 1226, but it regained its independence soon after., In 1291 Jalāluddīn Khaljī marched against it but finding the fortress impregnable gave up the idea of capturing it. But ‘Alāuddīn was made of a different stuff. He ordered his two generals Ulugh Khan, governor of Bayana and Nuṣrat Khan, governor of Kara, to invade Ranthambhor with the forces at their command. The joint armies¹¹ moved towards the Rajput stronghold and on their way captured and plundered Jhain¹² without encountering any resistance. Before arriving in Ranthambhor Ulugh Khan sent a message to the Chouhan prince that his master bore no grudge against the Rai and if the latter either put the fugitives to death or surrendered them to him, the imperial armies would return to Delhi. He further argued that when his suppliants had not proved faithful and loyal to those who had given them life and honour, how could they be expected to behave otherwise towards their new patron? In the end Hammīra was asked to be ready for consequences in case he refused to act in accordance with the instructions contained in the letter.¹³

c8.20

¹⁰ An important record stone found in Kota state chronologically mentions the Chouhans of Ranthambhor—Prithvi Raj, Vagbhata (Bahada), Jaitra Simha and Hammir. Hammir is described as having defeated some Arjuna in battle, wrested Malwa and then built a three storied golden palace named Pushpaka, which, it has been suggested, may be identical with the present state palace of Jaipur at Ranthambhor.

c8.21

¹¹ According to Hammīr Kavya (Bid. Ind. Text English preface p. 29) the imperial forces consisted of 80,000 cavalry and a very large infantry.

c8.22

¹² ‘Iṣāmī writes that when Ulugh Khan took Jhain it got a new name of “Shahr-i-Nau.” Badaoni corroborates him and says, “It (Jhain) is known under the name of Nau Shahr.” Neither Jhain nor any site bearing its changed name Nau Shahr is traceable on the maps now. A small place “Naigaon”, however, which exactly means Shahr Nau lies at a short distance east of Ranthambhor. This may probably be indentified with the Jhain of Barani. *Futūh* p. 261. *Badaoni*, vol. I p. 190.

c8.23

¹³ *Futūh*, p. 263.

c8.24

But Hammīr was not to be cowed down. He declined to betray his guests into the hands of those who were determined to kill them. He sent word that he did not want to court the sultan's enmity, but he was not afraid of it either. To the gallant Chouhān the promise of shelter to the Mughal nobles as well as the ancient glory of his house formed the severest justification for accepting the challenge of the Muslim generals.

c8.25

No sooner did Ulugh Khan receive Rānā Hammīr's reply than he ordered his army to march to the destination. The army erected their camps in the neighbourhood of the fortress and ordered construction of entrenchments and batterries (Gargach)¹⁴ By this time Hammir Deva had completed his preparations for defence. Yahya estimates that the Rāī had under his comand 12,000 cavalry, famous elephants and innumerable footmen.¹⁵ According to Amīr Khusrau the Raja had about 10,000 fleet-foot horses.¹⁶ The Rajputs unceasingly sent forth missles and projectiles from the fort.¹⁷ By chance Nusrat Khan was struck by a missle and died of his injuries within a short time. The Muslim camp went into a mourning at the loss of such an able commander. Upon this the valiant Rajputs, mistaking the silence in the imperial camp as a sign of its having been overtaken by a sense of defeat, relinquished their defensive position, and sallied forth from the fort and attacked the besiegers.¹⁸ Ulugh Khān could not withstand the impact of the onslaught and precipitately fell back on Jhain. That ‘Alāuddīn had underrated the strength of the Rajputs, was clear to everybody. Ulugh Khān duly reported to the sultan the death of Nusrat Khān, and the retreat of the army from Ranthambhor. ‘Alāuddīn now decided to march in person.¹⁹

c8.26

¹⁴ *Arrada, gargach, minjniq* and *pashīb* frequently occur in the description of warfare in the medieval period. The first three are stone throwing machines, although it is difficult to give their exact points of distinction. *Pashīb* was a raised platform constructed by sand other materials to escald the walls of the fort.

c8.27

¹⁵ *T.M.S.* p. 77.

c8.28

¹⁶ *Deval Rani* p. 65.

c8.29

¹⁷ Barani (p. 272) has *sang-i-maghrabi*. In all probability *sang-i-maghrabi*, or western stone, was some kind of missle used in warfare in 'Alāuddīn's days. It is difficult to agree with the view that the *sang-i-maghrabi* were cannon balls as suggested in the *Islamic Culture*, 1938, pp. 405-18.

c8.30

¹⁸ Ferishtah says that the Rāi attacked with 200,000 men. The figure seems exaggerated.

c8.31

¹⁹ A number of Hamīr Rāsas depicting the life-story of Rana Hammīr of Rastambhapura (Ranthambhor) have been written from time to time. The earliest Rasa is by the Jain euridite Nyaya Chandra Sūri (C. 1450 V.S., 1393 A.D.) written at Gwalior. Almost all Rāsas give the same facts about the life of their hero, with a few minor differences here and there. According to these Mahākavyās Rana Hammīr was the son of Jaitra Singh and his queen Hīra Devi. After giving the prince excellent advice about the business of the government, the old father retired to jungle to live a life of recluse and conferred the government on Hammīr, in Sam. 1330 (1283 A.D.). Rana Hammīr gave shelter to a fugitive Mahim Shah who had incurred the displeasure of sultan ‘Alāúddin because a queen of the sultan, Chimna Begum by name, had bestowed her affections on the Mughal nobleman. (According to Muslim historians Muhhammad Shah had fled from the Muslim camp after the Jālor mutiny). Sultan ‘Alāúddin demanded the surrender of the fugitive but the Rana refused to surrender him. Consequently the Sultan invaded Ranthambhor. At that time Rāna Hammīr was twenty-eight years old. Secretly he threw hides into the provisions stored up in the fortress and thus polluted them. Muslim historians also affirm that the fort capitulated on account of scarcity of provisions. According to the Hammīr Kāvyās Rānā Hammīr was not killed on the field of battle but when he began to despair of victory he severed his head with his own hands and offered it to god Mahādeva. *J.A.S.B.* 1879 pp. 186-252. *Ind. Ant.* Vol. VIII, 1879 pp. 55-73.

c8.32

According to the Mahākāvya of Jodhrāj (composed 1828 A.D.) "the fort is very strong and inaccessible........Five large tanks strengthen the defences of the fort........It is guarded by a body of 600 Nāgās, all veteran soldiers.....Its supply of provisions and ammunitions is immense."

c8.33

In his defence against the forces of ‘Alāuddīn Hammīr was helped by Rao Randhīr, an uncle and subbordinate of the Rāna. Two princes of Chittor, Kanh and Balansi also came to the help of their uncle Hammīr, but Sarjan Sah, a merchant of the Sharnoji (Bania) sect of Buddhists, promised ‘Alāuddīn help in the capture of the fort. Sharnoji was inimical to the Rajput prince and he made up his mind to avenge the death of his father at the hands of the Rāna.

Attempt on 'Alāuddīn's Life

c8.s1.1

Soon after the sultan left Delhi with a large army for Ranthambhor. He halted at Tilpat²⁰ for some time during which he used to go out hunting. One day when he had gone in a neighbouring village called Badah, he ordered arrangements to be made for big game shooting (nargah).²¹ While such preparations were going on the sultan seated himself on a basket chair (morha). All of a sudden he heard some men shouting "Lion, Lion", and a shower of arrows rained on him. Completely confused, he at once got down from the morha with which he shielded himself. Two arrows, however, struck his arm, and he fell down unconscious. This treacherous and cowardly attack had been planned by his nephew Sulaimān Shāh, surnamed Ikat Khān, a son of his younger brother Muhammad. Ikat Khān held the post of Vakīl-i-dar. It occured to him that just as 'Alāuddīn had obtained the throne by murdering his uncle, so also could he kill his uncle and occupy the throne. With this intention he had come to the hunting ground with some followers,—most of whom were neo-Muslims,—and had attacked the king. Fortunately, 'Alāuddīn was wearing a thick garment stuffed with cotton (قباء دگله) and the arrows had not struck any vital part of his body. He had only became unconscious. Ikat Khan arrived on the spot and tried to severe the head of the king. But some of the loyal retainers had guessed everything, and they hedged 'Alāūddīn round from all sides and began to cry loudly that the Sultan was dead. The foolish and inexperienced Ikat, partly because he was unable to dismount and lay hands on the sultan, and partly because he was in a hurry to seize the throne, readily believed the welcome shouts of the paiks. He dashed off towards Tilpat, entered the royal pavilion and seated himself on 'Alāūddīn's throne. He proclaimed to the people that he had slain the king, and they readily believed him for they thought that had he not done so, he would hardly have ventured to mount the throne. "A great tumult and uproar consquently arose thoughout the imperial camp, and everything began to turn topsy turvy. The elephants were caparisoned with haudās and brought before the royal pavilion; the household servants came out, and every one stood in waiting at his proper post."²² Ikat Khan, after giving an audience to the courtiers and men wished to enter the royal *haram*, but Malik Dīnār, the chief custodian, together with his men barred his way, and insisted on Ikat's bringing the sultan's head before he could be permitted to enter it.

c8.s1.2

²⁰ It is a plain about 12 miles east of old Delhi and south of Kilughari.

c8.s1.3

²¹ Baranī p. 273. *Nargah* was the name of the sport in which an animal was encircled from all sides and then shot at.

c8.s1.4

²² *Barani* p. 274.

c8.s1.5

As Sulaimān was pondering over the strange demand of the Malik, "the head of 'Alāūddīn all too soon appeared, set alertly as ever on its shoulders, as the living sultan showed himself to the army on a neighbouring knoll." It had so happened that when 'Alāūddīn had been wounded by the arrows most of his men had fled helter skelter. Only a few of his loyal bodyguards (paiks) had remained with him. When Sulaimān had gallopped off towards Tilpat, the sultan's attendants dressed his wounds and nursed him. Soon did 'Alāūddīn regain consciousness, but the loss of blood had made him extremely weak and nervous. He thought that some influential barons must have lent their support to the young man, otherwise he could not have dared to make such an audacious assault. Consequently, he decided to abandon his camp, and proceed straight to his brother Ulugh Khān at Jhāin and consult him on the future course of action. But Malik Hamīduddīn, who held the post of Amīr-i-Kōh (Director of Agriculture) advised the king to proceed to the royal camp immediately. "No sooner will the insignia of royalty become visible to the people and the courtiers", argued he, "and the safety of your august person become known to them, than will they repair to your threshold—and in the twinkling of a moment the head of the traitor Ikat Khān will be cut off and fixed on the point of a spear. Should the night, however, elapse without it being made known to the people that your majesty is safe, it is probable that some one may join the wretch, and the insurrection become much more formidable than at present."²² The suggestion appealed to the sultan and he set out for the camp immediately. On the way whosoever from amongst his men saw the sultan alive, at once joined him, so that, by the time he arrived near the encampment he had a following of five to six hundred horse. 'Alāuddīn ascended an eminence and showed himself to the people. All the courtiers forthwith repaired to the royal presence. Finding that all was over for him, Ikat Khān fled towards Afghānpūr. Malik A'izzuddīn and Malik Naṣīruddīn Nūr Khān, two prominent nobles were sent in pursuit and overtaking him in the vicinity of Afghānpūr they chopped off his head. The traitor's head was fastened to a spear-point and was paraded in the camp. It was later sent to Delhi where also it was paraded throughout the city and then finally it was sent to Ulugh Khān at Jhāin. Qutlugh Khān a younger brother of the rebel was also beheaded instantly. The sultan, whose rage knew no bounds, put to death all those who had the least knowledge or connection with the revolt, confiscated their property, and sent their wives and children as prisoners in various forts.

c8.s1.6

²² *Baranī* p. 275.

c8.s1.7

*The Fort of Ranthambhor besieged.*

c8.s1.8

The trouble of Ikat Khan having ended, ‘Alāuddīn arrived at Ranthambhor by forced marches and pitched his camp on the Ran, a hillock facing the one on which stood the great citadel. With the arrival of the sultan the siege was pushed on with full vigour. Leather bags were distributed to the soldiers to bring sand and stone-ballast and fill up the ravine that separated the two hills. But the Rai kept himself fully informed of the strategy of the royalists and foiled all attempts of the enemy to fill the ditch.²⁴ Moreover fire was constantly kept up from the fort in reply to the fire of the projectiles hurled by the besiegers and vast numbers were killed on both sides.²⁵

c8.s1.9

²⁴ *Futūh* p. 265.

c8.s1.10

²⁵ Barani p. 277.

c8.s1.11

*The Revolt of ‘Umar and Mangu.*

c8.s1.12

While the siege was thus dragging on indecisively intelligence reached the sultan of another revolt. Taking advantage of his absence from the capital his two nephews (sister's sons) ‘Umar Khan and Mangu Khan, governors of Badaon and Avadh respectively, started an insurrection in Avadh. The exact motive of this rebellion is not known. Very likely, the cruel nature of the Sultan had spurred the disaffected element in the country to rise against him. Add to this the unsettled procedure of succession in those times. Further, the rebellion of Ikat might have given an incentive to the two princes to try their luck as well. The sultan at once deputed some experienced nobles and the trouble was soon got under. The two raw youths were captured and sent to Ranthambhor, where, in the very presence of the sultan, their eyes were sliced "as pieces of melon". Their families and followers were exterminated.

The Insurrection of Ḥāji Maulā

c8.s2.1

Following close upon the abortive revolt of 'Umar and Mangu, intelligence arrived in the imperial camp of a serious outbreak in Delhi. This insurrection was one of the numerous attempts of the Ilbarites to regain the sovereignty. The chief conspirator was one Ḥāji,²⁶ a prominent slave of the former Kotvāl of Delhi, Malik Fakhruddin. Ḥāji Maulā was a man of "the most sanguinary, audacious and depraved disposition." At the time of revolt the Ḥāji was the superintendent of the crown lands at Ratol,²⁷ and Tirmizi was the Kotvāl of Delhi. Tirmizi seems to have been of a very harsh and uncompromising nature, and the people of Delhi were utterly disgusted with him. At that time he was engaged in the repair of the Badaon Gate, and to supervise the construction had taken up his residence in a small house close by. Also in those days temporary huts had been pitched in the plain of Siri where a new fort was under construction and the Kotval of Siri 'Alāūddin Ayāz, was staying there. Thus both the kotvāls were busy, one at the Badaon Gate, and the other at Sīrī and the sultan was far away in Ranthambhor. At this very time reports of the distress of the soldiery at Ranthambhor were constantly arriving, and it was rumoured that the troops were ever intent on relinquishing their jobs but for fear of the sultan's severe punishments. Considering the moment opportune and fancying that in their distress the people in the camp and at the capital would lend him their support, Ḥāji Maula rose in open rebellion. In the scorching heat of a noon in the month of Ramzān 700 (May 1301), when most of the people were taking a siesta, and very few people were passing to and fro in the streets, Hājī Maula accompanied by four armed men went to the residence of Tirmizī and called him to come out. He declared that he had been deputed by the sultan to deliver him a message. The kotvāl without suspecting any danger came out of his house, and was instantly beheaded. Everybody present there was quite bewildered when Hājī Maulā produced a forged warrant from under his arms, and told the people that he had killed the kotvāl by the order of the king. He then ordered all gates under the charge of Tirmizī to be shut up. The news of the kotvāl’s murder spread like wild-fire, and the towns folk were so frightened that "the door of every house throughout the city was kept closed." After disposing off Tirmizī the Hājī attempted to kill ‘Alāuddīn Ayāz, the kotvāl of the new fort, under the same pretence of a royal warrant. But Ayāz had come to know of the Hājī’s treachery and when he was called by the Hājī to come out and listen to a royal command, he refused. At the same time he had the gates of the new fort strongly secured.

c8.s2.2

²⁶ Ḥāji Maulā was the chief *Shahnah* of Delhi in the time of Sultan Jalāluddīn. *Ferishtah* p. 107.

c8.s2.3

²⁷ Ratol or Rataul lies 15 miles north-east of Delhi and is included in the Baghpat Tehsil of Meerut District.

c8.s2.4

Hājī Maulā was now all powerful in Delhi. He released all the prisoners of the state, some of whom joined him. To give strength to his cause and to gain fresh supporters, he ransacked the royal treasury and squandered its money among the populace at large. He distributed arms and horses to his followers and "whosoever became his ally had his lap filled with gold." Nonetheless Hājī Maulā’s position was not safe. He was an imposter, a usurper who had no claim to the throne. He, therefore, hunted out a puppet who could play the nominal king, while he himself could enjoy the real power. The choice fell on a Saiyyad named ‘Alvī, who, according to Barani, was known as a descendant of Shāh Najaf, and on his mother’s side was related to Sultan Shamsuddīn Iltutmish. This innocent man was forcibly abducted from his residence by the Hājī, and placed on the throne. All the nobles and great men of the capital were compelled to come and pay him homage. The people in general were terribly afraid because 'Alāuddīn's revenge was implacable. Owing to the dread of the miscreants, the people of Delhi gave up food and sleep, and passed their days and nights in greatest anxiety. 'Alāuddīn had been apprised of the revolt only three days after its outbreak. He had kept the fact secret from everybody, but as a precautionary measure had sent Malik Hamīduddīn to Delhi.²⁸ But when the reports of the insurrection and of the accession of a puppet king at Delhi began to pour in, he sent his brother Ulugh Khān to punish the rebels. But before Ulugh Khān arrived in Delhi, the trouble had almost been got under by Malik Hamīduddīn. Hamīduddīn accompanied by his sons and relatives had forced his way into the Ghaznī Gate, and entering the city had marched to the Bhāndarkal Gate. A short skirmish had ensued between him and the rebels. Hājī Maulā was defeated, but his power for mischief was not totally destroyed. By chance some followers of Zafar Khān had arrived at the capital from Amroha to present a petition to the court. They joined the royalists. The Hājī's party was utterly destroyed. The gallant Amīr-i-Koh dragged the Hājī down from his horse and sat upon his chest. In spite of the constant shower of arrows he did not stir from there until he had done the Hājī to death. He then went to the Red Palace, and struck off the head of the worthless 'Alvī. It was fixed upon a spear, paraded through the streets of Delhi, and then sent to the sultan at Ranthambhor.

c8.s2.5

²⁸ Hamīduddīn was present in the royal camp at the time of Ikat Khān's revolt. He, therefore, surely accompanied the sultan to Ranthambhor. From Ferishtah's narrative it appears that the Amīr was present in Delhi when the revolt broke out. It appears that Hamīduddīn was sent to Delhi either when the revolt of 'Umar and Mangu broke out or at the very start of the insurrection of Hājī Maulā.

c8.s2.6

Malik Hamīduddīn then rounded up all the confederates of Hājī Maulā, from whom he recovered all the money they had received from the traitor, and restored it to the royal exchequer. While this inquisitorial process was going on Ulugh Khān arrived from Ranthambhor, and put to death all the rebel captives "making a torrent of blood to flow." Determined as he was to extirpate the rebels as also to set an example for the people, he put an end to the line of Malikul Umara Fakhruddīn, the former kotvāl of Delhi. The descendants of the kotvāl had no concern with the revolt; their only fault was that Hājī Maulā had been their man in days gone by.

c8.s2.7

*The Capitulation of Ranthambhor.*

c8.s2.8

The investment of Ranthambhor had proved to be a long drawn out affair. During this while a general like Nusrat Khān had perished, attempts on the sultan's life had been made, and the empire had been convulsed with rebellions; and yet 'Alāuddīn's determination to take the fort had not faltered in the least. The army was reduced to extreme distress, but not a single soldier dared to desert the camp for fear of the sultan's imposing a fine of three years' pay upon him.²⁹ While the open country around had altogether been ruined, a spirit of despair had begun to overtake the Imperial troops. Cut off from the capital, the soldiery was certain in its belief that they were destined to perish under the impregnable walls of Ranthambhor. In secret 'Alāuddīn would deliberate with his confidential nobles about the causes of the successive revolts and the seriousness of the situation, but outwardly he showed as if nothing of importance had happened, and pressed the siege with great vigour. The soldiers, finding it impossible to fill the whole ravine, concentrated on filling a small portion of the moat with bags filled with sand and stone and succeeded in reaching the outskirts of the fort. But the Hindus kept throwing fire and missles and succeeded in keeping the enemy away from the battlements for two or three weeks more. At last provisions fell short in the fortress and soon famine raged to such an extent that one "grain" of rice could be purchased only for two "grains" of gold. "Man can bear every affliction but that of a starving stomach," says Amīr Khusrau, and the valiant Rajputs could not bear the pangs of hunger. In the imperial camp, on the other hand, gold was distributed freely among the troops to give them fresh incentive to fight. When nothing remained in the fort except hardship, despair and starvation, the heroic act of Jauhar was performed. A blazing fire was lit and the ladies of the Rai, headed by Ranga Devī,²⁰ the chief queen of Hammīr, perished on the pyre. The remnant of the Rajput soldiery, their nobles and king donned saffron garments and dashed forth to engage the enemy in a last combat. They fought desperately for there was not the least desire to save a single life. The battle raged fiercely and blood flowed on everyside. Muḥammad Shāh and Kehbru, grateful to the last to the Rajput king for his hospitality and sacrifice, fought side by side with their patron. At last the great Rana Hammīr fell, fighting gallantly on the field of battle, as yet in the prime of his life.²¹ 'Iṣāmī asserts that none of the Rai's family was captured alive.²²

c8.s2.9

²⁹ *Baranī* p. 279.

c8.s2.10

²⁰ Har Bilās Sarda: *Hammīr*, p. 44.

c8.s2.11

²¹ A memorial tablet at Gadhala, District Shivapur, also says that the hero of *Hammīr Mahākāvya* was slain in 1301 A.D. *Arch. Sur. India Rep.* 1916-17, p. 20.

c8.s2.12

²² *Futūḥ*, p. 267.

c8.s2.13

The gallant fight and death of Rana Hammīr has been attributed by some writers to his persistence (Hammīr hath);²³ but it must be admitted that Hammīr is one of those gallant sons of Rajputana who died fighting the Muslim invader to save the ever-cherished independence of thier motherland. Once he had given shelter to Mughal noblemen, he could never betray them into the hand of their enemy. Hammīr fought with sublime courage, and upheld the noble traditions of the chivalrous race to which he belonged.

c8.s2.14

²³ Ten beautiful paintings of 19th century depicting the capture of Ranthambhor as described in the *Hammīr Kāvyas* are contained in the Journal of Indian Art, 1915-16.

c8.s2.15

Ranthambhor had capitulated on Tuesday the 3rd of Zil-qada 700 (July 11, 1301).³⁴ Its fall had been accelerated by the defection of Ranmal and Ratanpāl, two ministers of Hammīr. Ranmal, who had gone to ‘Alāūddīn to settle terms on behalf of the Rajputs, agreed to desret to the sultan, and obtained a written undertaking from him granting him complete amnesty. Ranmal showed the document to his Rajput friends and some of them together with Ratanpāl left the beleagurd garrison for the royal camp.³⁵ But after ‘Alāūddīn had captured the fort he punished the faithless Rajputs, Ranmal and others, saying that when they had not proved true to their old patron how could they be expected to be faithful to him.³⁶ But just the contrary was the treatment he accorded to Mīr Muhammad Shah whose wounds he ordered to be dressed. Even in pangs of death, the valiant soldier spurned any offer of attention. He openly insulted the sultan for which he was trampled under the feet of the elephant. But the sultan could never forget the bravery and loyalty of the Moghal noble and gave him decent burial.

c8.s2.16

³⁴ *Khazain*. Habib trs. p. 41.

c8.s2.17

³⁵ *Zafarul Vāli* p. 807.

c8.s2.18

³⁶ Ferishtah, p. 108., Har Bilas Sarda: *Hammir* pp. 38-42. The defection of the ministers has also been mentioned by Chandra Sen Sūrī in the *Hammīr Kāvya*.

c8.s2.19

The surrender of Ranthambhor witnessed the usual zeal for iconoclasticism and plunder. A number of temples, chief amongst which was the temple of Yahar Deo (Har Deva) were razed to the ground. Many "temples and houses in the city were destroyed" and "the centre of Kufr became the abode of Islam."³⁷ The fortress of Ranthambhor together with the territory of Jhain was entrusted to the care of Ulugh Khān and the Sultān returned to Delhi.

c8.s2.20

³⁷ *Khazāin* Allahabad University, Ms. fol. 27 a & b.

c8.s2.21

*Death of Ulugh Khān.*

c8.s2.22

Almās Bēg governed Ranthambhor for about six months after which he started for Delhi. On his way to Delhi he suddenly died. 'Isāmī attributes the death to poisoning and writes that when Ulugh Khān had heard of the almost fatal injuries to the king, during the revolt of Ikat Khān, he had remarked that if the sultān was dead, his brother was alive to fill the vacant throne. 'Alāuddīn learnt about it from one of his confidential servants. He grew suspicious about his brother and ordered that the latter should be poisoned.³⁸ Hājiuddabīr, on the authority of Husām Khān's *Tabqāt-i-Bahādur Shāhī*, also says that Ulugh Khān was poisoned on his way from Ranthambhor to Delhi.³⁹ Ziyā Baranī says, "Ulugh Khān for four or five months during the sultān's absence, enlisted a large force, to effect an invasion of Telingana and M'abar, but he fell a victim to cruel fate and was overtaken by death about the time of his approach to the capital. They brought him dead to the city and buried him in his mansion. The calamity made the sultān very sad. He gave away many charities for the soul of the dead".⁴⁰ Thus Baranī not only does not mention poisoning to be the cause of Ulugh Khān's death; his last sentence goes even to prove the king's innocence. But taking into account the vindictive and unpropitiating temperament of 'Alāuddīn, it is not improbable that he may have been instrumental in his brother's death.

c8.s2.23

³⁸ *Futūh* pp. 272-73.

c8.s2.24

³⁹ *Zafarul Vālī* p. 811.

c8.s2.25

⁴⁰ *Baranī* p. 299.

c8.s2.26

*Measures undertaken to ensure Further Conquests.*

c8.s2.27

After his return from Ranthambhor, 'Alāūddīn spent his time in hunting in the suburbs of Delhi. He did not enter the City,⁴¹ perhaps because he had been very much terrified by the various revolts that had recently occured in the capital. Though contemporary writers do not refer to the fear complex, and attribute the sultan's reluctance to enter the capital to a sense of displeasure and dis-satisfaction on his part towards the inhabitants who had displayed a disloyal behaviour; yet it is clear that 'Alāūddīn assured himself of the security of his life before entering the City where so many efforts to dethrone him had been made in quick succession. Even his predecessor Jalāluddīn had refrained from entering Delhi in the same circumstances. 'Alāūddīn sentenced many prominent men of Delhi to exile, and punished every conspirator who had escaped the cruel justice of Malik Hamīduddīn and Ulugh Khan. The king then set to stamp out the very root of sedition. He confiscated a large number of fiefs, prohibited the sale and use of wine, and even restricted the normal intercourse of barons and influential men. All these measures so varied and so severe in their character will be studied in another chapter, suffice it to say here that the regulations had the desired effect, and in future no serious revolt occured in Delhi. Secure at home, the sultan could once more think of subjugating the independent kingdoms.

c8.s2.28

⁴¹ *Ibid.* p. 283.

Cites (5)