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Twilight of the Sultanate c11.s1: Katehar—Bayana—Mewat—Doab

Twilight of the Sultanate c11.s1

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Katehar—Bayana—Mewat—Doab

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BESIDES THE PUNJAB, the recalcitrant western Uttar Pradesh with its numerous independent principalities formed another problem-tract for Mubārak Shāh Saiyyad. The eastern U. P. had already been gradually occupied by Jaunpur. It could not be reclaimed until the Jaunpur kingdom was destroyed and this was beyond the power of the Saiyyads. So the Saiyyad monarchs concentrated on re-establishing their authority in western U. P. only. This was the policy of Khizr Khan, and of his successors. However, ever since his accession right up to A. D. 1433, Mubārak Shāh’s attention and armies were concentrated on the Punjab, and he could deal with the problem-tract of western Uttar Pradesh only in a desultory manner.

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For a year and a half since Mubārak’s accession, his attention had been kept concentrated on the Punjab by Jasrat Khokhar, giving a welcome opportunity to the Rajas and Zamindars of U. P. to avoid payment of tribute. Having finished with Jasrat for the time being, the Sultan marched into Katehar at the beginning of A. D. 1423 (Muharram, 826 H),¹ and began to exact revenue and tribute at the point of the sword. Mahābat Khan of Badaon,² who had defied Khizr Khan in his last days, fearing the Sultan’s wrath, submitted to him and joined him in his expedition. They crossed the Ganga and ravaged the territory of the Rathors, putting a large number of them to the sword. Such behaviour so alarmed Rai Sumer’s son Deva Rai, who had submitted to Khizr Khan in 1421 and was all along in the suite of the Sultan, that he fled to Etawah. He successfully defended the town against Malik Khairuddīn Tuhfā, brother of Sikandar Tuhfā, who was tricked into raising the siege on a promise, and not actual payment, of tribute.³ The Sultan who was back in Delhi in May, 1423 (Jamadiul Ākhir, 826 H)⁴ was not naturally happy at Khairuddīn's performance and transferred his charge of 'Āriz-i-Mumālik to Malik Mahmūd Hasan, a nobleman "worthy, righteous and trustworthy".⁵

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¹ T.M.S., 200.

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² It was an important out-post in the fifteenth century and its governors, who were always chosen from among the best nobles, had to keep the Katehariyā Rajputs under control.

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³ According to Ferishta, I, 164, a son of the Rai was sent to the King as a hostage for his father's future good conduct.

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⁴ T.M.S. Text has Jamadiul Avval. In a note Basu adds that another MS. has Ākhir. JNS and Elliot's MSS. also have Jamadiul Ākhir. T.M.S., Basu's trs., 208 n. 1.

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⁵ T.M.S., 201.

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Jasrat was not slow to take advantage of the Sultan's preoccupation in the east; he attacked and killed the Raja of Jammu and invited Shaikh 'Alī from Kabul. Shaikh 'Alī did not come, but trouble was reported from another quarter. It was reported that Sultan Hoshang Shāh of Malwa⁶ was marching upon Gwalior.⁷ A prince of restless and unscrupulous disposition, Hoshang was constantly provoking wars on all fronts—against Gujarat, Bahmanī and Jaunpur kingdoms. It is not surprising, therefore, that he wanted to try his strength with the Sultanate of Delhi also. Refusing to learn a lesson from his defeat at the hands of the king of Gujarat in March, 1423 (Rabiul Ākhir, 826 H),⁸ Hoshang Shāh shortly after proceeded to attack Gwalior. Though the Raja of Gwalior was independent and not always loyal to Delhi, Gwalior was deemed to form a part of the Sultanate; hence Mubārak Shāh started with a large force to defend it. On the way, he brought to book Muhammad Khan Auhadi⁹ of Bayana who, having assassinated his uncle Mubārak Khan, had risen in revolt. The Sultan sacked Bayana¹⁰ but later pardoned and reinstated Muhammad when he had paid tribute and put "his neck into the collar of obedience".¹¹ Meanwhile Hoshang Shāh arrived at Gwalior, invested the fort¹² and stationed troops to guard the fords on the river Chambal.¹³ Mubārak's advance-guard, led by Malik Mahmūd Hasan and Nusrat Khan, managed to cross the river by an unfrequented ford and in a surprise attack seized some prisoners and goods, but the Sultan set the captives free on the ground that they were all Muhammedan. This gesture as well as the desire of both sides not to enter into a general conflict, brought about peace and presents were exchanged. Hoshang returned to Malwa, but the Sultan stayed on in the Chambal region "levying contribution on the infidels", before finally returning to Delhi in June, 1424 (Rajjab, 827 H).¹⁴

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⁶ Some chroniclers have Dhar, Ferishta has Malwa. The towns of Ujjain and Dhar have supplied capitals to Malwa from the time of the legendary Hindu dynasties. Hunter, Imp. Gaz., IV, 245.

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⁷ Yahyā, followed by all other historians, writes Alp Khan. Ferishta, I, 165; II, 238, gives only the title. Nizāmuddīn writes both, saying "Alp Khan, the governor of Dhar who had taken the name of Sultan Hoshang". T.A., I, 275. Hoshang had ascended the throne in A.D. 1407 (810 H).

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⁸ Ferishta, II, 238.

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⁹ T.M.S., 202. Ferishta, I, 165, has Amīr Khan, son of Dāūd Khan, son of Shams Khan, ruler of Bayana. T.A. also has the same (I, 275). Badaonī has Shams Khan Auhadī, son of Auhad Khan, and is followed by Ferishta and all others. But while here Ferishta has Amīr Khan, a few lines later he has Muhammad Khan, and thus he contradicts himself, but not Yahyā. Muhammad Khan may therefore be accepted. At this place Badaonī and Nizāmuddīn also have Muhammad Khan.

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¹⁰ Bayana or Biana in the erstwhile Bharatpur state in Rajasthan, lies 50 miles S.W. of Agra.

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¹¹ T.M.S., 202.

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¹² Ferishta, II, 238.

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¹³ Chambal is one of the principal tributaries of the Jumna. It rises in Malwa, flows through Central India where it is joined by Kali Sind, Parbati and Banas, and falls into the Jumna 40 miles south of Etawah. Hunter, Imp. Gaz., III, 331.

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¹⁴ T.M.S., 202-03; also Ferishta, I, 165, II, 238.

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In the winter of A. D. 1424 (Muharram, 828 H)¹⁵ Mubārak Shāh marched towards Katehar. The last he had been there was two years back, in December 1422, and revenues from that turbulent region had fallen into arrears. To punish its ruler the Sultan plundered the country as far as the foot of the Kumaon hills¹⁶ and compelled Rai Har Singh to pay three years' revenue and tribute,¹⁷ in place of two. He then descended into the Doab, but a recent famine and consequent scarcity of provisions there compelled him to retire towards Mewat where the Mewatīs, habitually addicted to rebellion, were up in arms. There too he did not gain anything much, for the Mewatīs, after destroying their effects,¹⁸ fled to the mountains of Tijārā, their stronghold.¹⁹ Their scorched-earth policy had rendered pursuit difficult and the Sultan returned to Delhi in June, 1425 (Rajjab, 828 H)²⁰ determined to visit the country again. True, in those days a supply corps was thought to be a superfluity. The invading army depended for its supplies on the loot in the enemy country; and ordinarily there should have been no difficulty for Mubārak. But uncertain conditions for more than a generation like instability of government, Tīmūr's invasion, constant campaigns against petty rulers and zamindars and consequent harassment of the peasantry with no thought of providing irrigation facilities or remitting land revenue in times of difficulty had greatly affected agricultural production.

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¹⁵ T.M.S., 203; Ferishta, I, 165; T.A., I, 275. Only Badaonī (Ranking, I, 385) has 827 H.

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¹⁶ T.M.S., 203. Badaonī also writes that he went to Kumaon and Katehar. (Ranking, I, 385). T.A. does not mention Kumaon but follows T.M.S. in other details. Ferishta's account is very brief. He does not only not mention Kumaon, but says that after punishing the rebels (of Katehar) the Sultan returned to Delhi. Ferishta, I, 165.

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¹⁷ T.M.S., 203; Ferishta, I, 165, and T.A., I, 275.

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¹⁸ B.M. and J.N.S. MSS. (Basu's Trs. n. on p. 211) of the T.M.S. have كل خلق را خراب كرده, which Elliot translates as "having driven off all the population". But Nizāmuddīn has the correct version: "Leaving their country unoccupied and in ruins". T.A., I, 276.

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¹⁹ T.M.S., 204 has درین كوه جهره كه محكم ترین جایگاه ایشانست. (In the hill of Jahrah, their point *d' appui*). Earlier when Bahadur Nāhar fleeing from the Kotla had taken refuge in Aug.-Sept., 1393, he had sought shelter in the mountain of جهر (Jahar), T.M.S., 154. Ferishta on this occasion reads the place-name as پنجهر (Panjahar). In all probability the place meant is Tijārā only. Also Hodivala, 405.

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²⁰ T.M.S., 204; Ferishta, I, 165; T.A., I, 276.

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Next year when the Sultan marched into Mewat, Jalāl Khan and Qadr Khan, the grandsons of Bahādur Nāhar (contemptuously called Jallū and Qaddū by the chroniclers), repeated their tactics of laying waste their country and retired into the hill fortress of Indūr.²¹ There they were besieged and after "making dying struggles"²² they fled to Alwar.²³ The Sultan dismantled Indūr and proceeding to Alwar laid siege to it. Unable to hold on against a superior force, Jallū and Qaddū sued for peace. Amnesty was granted to them; but Qadr Khan, who was suspected of double-dealing, was imprisoned.²⁴ Mubārak Shāh returned to Delhi in July, 1426 (Sh'abān, 829 H).

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²¹ Indūr is mentioned in the Āīn. (trs., II, 192) as a Mahāl in Sarkar Tijara. Its fort was situated on a high hill. "It is now a ruined town lying about ten miles east of Tijara." Powlett, *Gazetteer of Alwar*, 134-5. It was a well-known stronghold of the Mewatīs. According to Elliot it lies on the western brow of the Mewat hills between Nūh and Kotla, 8 miles south of Nūh. Elliot, *Races*, II, 88, 100.

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²² T.A., I, 276.

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²³ Alwar is in Rajasthan, Lat. 27° 4′ and Long. 76° 7′.

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²⁴ T.M.S., 204. According to Ferishta both Jallū and Qaddū tried to escape but were imprisoned. Yahyā and Nizāmuddīn, however, speak of the confinement of Qaddū only.

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The end of the year A. D. 1426 found Mubārak Shāh in Bayana. He had marched through Mewat sacking it on the way. On his arrival in Bayana, Muhammad Khan Auhadī shut himself up in the fort which was situated on the summit of a hill. But some deserters²⁵ from his ranks indicated to the Sultan a secret passage to the mountain fastness and he entered it on Friday, 31 January, 1427 (2 Rabiul Ākhir, 830 H).²⁶ At the sudden appearance of the royal forces, Muhammad Khan lost his nerve and sued for peace. Mubārak Shāh showed no clemency, took possession of everything Muhammad possessed and sent him with his family a prisoner in the palace of Jahān Numa.²⁷ He divided the iqt'ā into two. Bayana proper was put in the charge of Muqbil Khan and the pargana of Sikrī²⁸ in charge of Malik Khairuddīn Tuhfā. Collecting tribute from the Rais of Gwalior, Thankir²⁹ and Chandwār the Sultan arrived back in Delhi in April, 1427 (Jamadiul Ākhir, 830 H).³⁰

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²⁵ Ferishta, I, 165.

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²⁶ T.M.S., 205.

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²⁷ The text of T.M.S. has Jahānpanah (p. 205). In another MS. it is given Kaushak-i-Jahān-numāI (p. 205 n. 8). Ferishta and Badaonī have Jahān Numa. Nizāmuddīn only says that Muhammad was sent to Delhi.

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²⁸ Sikrī, later celebrated as Fatehpur Sikrī where Akbar built his capital, lies 18 miles west of Agra. Strangely enough, K. K. Basu has confused it with another Fatehpur lying 80 miles west of Allahabad and writes a long no's on p. 313 of his translation of the *Tarīkh-i-Mubārak Shāhī*.

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²⁹ E and D., IV, 63 has Bhangar.

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³⁰ T.M.S., 206.

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But Bayana would not let Mubārak Shāh rest in peace. Shortly after his internment, Muhammad Khan Auhadī effected his escape. He collected most of his old followers in Mewat and attacked the royal garrison of Bayana. Malik Muqbil was out on an expedition to Mahāban,³¹ and the scanty following of Khairuddīn Tuhfā³² could not withstand the attack. He fled to Delhi and Muhammad Auhadī once more occupied the fort. At this the Sultan sent Malik Mubāriz with a large force, but when he learnt that Muhammad Khan had appealed to the king of Jaunpur for help, Mubārak Shāh himself marched in person to Bayana in October, 1427 (Muharram, 831 H).³³

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³¹ T.M.S., 206 has مهر ماون; T.A., I, 277 has بجانب مياون; Ferishta, I, 165, has بهاؤن. It is the modern Mahāban, in Mathura district, U.P., near the left bank of the Jumna, 27° 27′ N. and 77° 45′ E.

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³² T.M.S., 206; T.A., I, 277. Ferishta has Nāsiruddīn, I, 165.

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³³ T.M.S., 207.

Cites (2)