Twilight of the Sultanate c11.s3: Murder of Mubārak Shāh
Twilight of the Sultanate c11.s3
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Murder of Mubārak Shāh
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In August, 1433 (late Zilhijja, 836 H)⁵¹ Malik Kamāluddīn, entitled Malikul Sharq Kamālul Mulk, arrived in the capital with his troops. Of late his credit had risen with the Sultan. He had done excellent work and had exhibited extreme loyalty during the past few months. All historians bear testimony to his sobriety, sagacity and experience.⁵² On the contrary Sarwarul Mulk, who had ever basked in the sunshine of royal benignty and held the two highest offices of the Vazīr (Prime Minister) and the Dīvān (Finance Minister), had been remiss in the performance of his duties.⁵³ He was an extremely intriguing man and as early as September 1422, taking advantage of the absence of the Vazīr, Sikandar Tuhfā, in the Punjab against Jasrat Khokhar, had induced the Sultan to transfer the Vazārat to him and give the governorship of Delhi to his son Malik Yūsuf. Sikandar was made governor of Lahore from where Mahmūd Hasan, whose record of work against Jasrat Khokhar had been simply excellent, was shifted to Jalandhar. As Sir Wolseley Haig rightly observes: "These changes bred much discontent; to which may be traced the assassination of Mubārak Shāh which took place twelve years later".⁵⁴
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⁵¹ Yahyā states (T.M.S., 231) that Kamālul Mulk arrived on 1 Zilhijja, but since the 'Id-uz-Zuha or 'Id-i-Kabīr falls on 10 Zilhijja and since Kamālul Mulk arrived in Delhi after the Sultan, he could not have come on 1 Zilhijja. Yahyā is ordinarily correct in his dates, but here he, or his scribe, has obviously slipped up. The arrival of Kamālul Mulk may be on the last but not the first day of Zilhijja.
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⁵² T.M.S., 231; Ferishta, I, 169; T.A., I, 286.
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⁵³ T.M.S., 232.
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⁵⁴ C.H.I., III, 212.
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Now the Sultan, who wanted to reward Kamāluddīn, added the work of financial administration (Kār-i-Ashrāf)⁵⁵ to his portfolio of Deputy Military Secretary (Nāib-i-Lashkar),⁵⁶ although the formality of depriving Sarwarul Mulk of the post of Dīvān was not observed. It was in fact not only to reward Kamālul Mulk that Mubārak Shāh had effected the change, but also to reduce the power of the Vazīr. Khizr Khan had employed his Vazīr, Tājul Mulk, largely on military duties and so had Mubārak Shāh employed his Vazīrs, Sikandar Tuhfā and Sarwarul Mulk.
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⁵⁵ T.M.S., 232; Ferishta, I, 168-69.
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⁵⁶ Badaonī, Ranking, I, 393.
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This had greatly enhanced the powers and prestige of the Vazīrs. The present Vazīr had become all in all. He was chief of the Army, Finance Minister and Auditor General (Ashrāf). Mubārak Shāh, therefore, had very good reasons to put a check on his power by appointing Kamālul Mulk as Auditor General and asking the Vazīr to manage the finance department jointly with him.⁵⁷
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⁵⁷ Tripathi, *op. cit.*, 188.
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Sarwar continued to be the Vazīr, but the division of his portfolio rankled in his heart. And when his influence and prestige were eclipsed by the more energetic and popular Kamāluddīn, he flew into paroxysms of rage. Sarwarul Mulk had yet another thorn in his side; he had been deprived of Deopalpur There can be no doubt that the policy of the Sultan of constant transfers and changes of assignments must have bred discontent, but excepting the last one, in all other transactions Sarwarul Mulk had been the gainer and not the loser. He was as ungrateful as he was scheming. He forgot all the favours the King had bestowed upon him from time to time, but gloated with bitterness over the loss of the finance portfolio. In sheer desperation he conspired with Mīrān Sadr the Nāib-i-’Āriz-i-Mumālik, Qāzī Abdus Samad the Royal Chamberlain, and scions of two rich Khattrī families of Delhi to do away with the King.⁵⁸ For generations Mīrān Sadr and his relations had been obliged to the royal family and had held several high offices,⁵⁹ but this did not deter him from lending a hand in the conspiracy for which there was no justification. Outwardly things went on as smoothly as ever, but the traitors lay in waiting for an opportunity to strike.
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⁵⁸ T.M.S., 232; Ferishta, I, 169; T.A., I, 286-87.
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⁵⁹ Badaonī, Ranking, I, 393.
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Meanwhile, as seen earlier, Shaikh ’Alī was thrown out of India and his nephew Muzaffar made complete submission to the Sultan (May, 1433). Mubārak’s joy knew no bounds. He went on pilgrimage to Multan, effected important transfers and decided to build a new city in keeping with the traditions of the Sultans of Delhi. On Sunday, 1 November, 1433 (17 Rabiul Avval, 837 H)⁶⁰ the foundations of Mubārakābād were laid on the bank of the Jumna.⁶¹ The Sultan was so enthusiastic about the new township that he used to go to its site pretty often and personally supervise its construction.
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⁶⁰ T.M.S., 232. Ferishta, I, 169; T.A., I, 287.
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⁶¹ There is some difference of opinion about the site of the city. Col. Mackenzie in his map places it half way between Sahpoor and Roshan Sarai, but he forgets that Yahyā is emphatic about its being built on the Jumna (T.M.S., 232). So also has been said by Nizāmuddīn and Badaonī. (T.A., I, 287; Badaonī, I, 279). Yahyā's testimony is of the greatest value as he witnessed the laying of the foundations of the city in question. In all probability the modern village of Mubārakpur is the site of Mubārakābād. The tomb of Mubārak Shāh (who was killed there) still stands there and the village has most certainly derived its name from the ancient monument. Also Āsar, 26 and 41; Journal Asiatique, 90; J.A.S.B., 1866, 216 and Map; J.A.S.B., 1870, 83; Thomas, *Chronicles*, 332-33.
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Meanwhile news was brought that the siege of Bhatinda had at length been brought to a successful close, the fort had been captured and Paulād killed. A little later Mīrān Sadr brought the head of the rebel. Mubārak Shāh could hardly restrain his joy at such a happy event; he paid a flying visit to Bhatinda to arrange for its administration and punish the zamindar accomplices of the rebel. On his return he learnt from travellers coming into Delhi (was the intelligence service so inefficient?) that a war had broken out between Sultan Hoshang of Malwa and Sultan Ibrāhīm of Jaunpur for the possession of Kalpi. Kalpi was in the royal dominions and any attack on it from any quarter was an affront to the royal authority which Mubārak Shāh was determined to vindicate.⁶² He sent orders to his Amīrs and governors to report with their armies and began preparations to march to the relief of Kalpi. On hearing of Mubārak Shāh's determination, Ibrāhīm returned to Jaunpur, but Hoshang Shāh, undaunted, attacked and captured the city from the royal governor Abdul Qādir, better known as Qādir Shāh.⁶³ Mubārak Shāh now collected his forces at the Chautra of Shergarh for the expedition.
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⁶² Ferishta, I, 169; II, 306; T.A., I, 287; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 394.
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⁶³ Ferishta, II, 306.
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But Sarwarul Mulk, who was waiting for an opportunity, now set to work Mīrān Sadr and the Khattrī desperadoes to finish off the Sultan before the latter moved far away from the capital. On 19 February, 1434 (9 Rajjab, 837 H)⁶⁴ the Sultan went to the site of Mubārakābād only with a few attendants. As he got busy with his evening prayers, Mīrān Sadr craftily removed the few guards and Sadhāran, son of Gangū Khattrī,⁶⁵ posted himself at the door to prevent any outside relief. Next moment Sīdh Pāl, grandson of Gangū, appeared from his hiding and struck Mubārak Shāh with his sword while Sīdh Pāl’s slave Rānū completed the work with a spear.⁶⁶
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⁶⁴ T.M.S., 234; Ferishta, I, 169.
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⁶⁵ T.M.S., 234 has سدهارون کانکو. Ferishta, I, 169 explicitly has سدهارن ولد کگو.
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⁶⁶ T.M.S., 235; Ferishta, I, 169.
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Mubārak Shāh’s murder was the sad end of an unfortunate king. He had ruled for a little more than thirteen lunar years⁶⁷ under extremely trying circumstances. Ever since his accession, the Punjab had been at the mercy of local rebels or foreign invaders. The Khokhars, the Turkbachchās and Shaikh ’Alī were occupying or sacking one or the other of its regions. The aim of the rebels was to carve out an independent kingdom, the aim of Shaikh ’Alī was loot and plunder. Because of the preoccupations of the Sultan in the Punjab, the ever restless western Uttar Pradesh grew still more restive. Mewat, Gwalior, Etawah and most of the districts of western Uttar Pradesh hardly cared for the Sultanate or the Sultan, and only paid some tribute when forced to do so. Withal the kings of Jaunpur and Malwa tried to grab at the Sultanate’s territories. Mubārak Shāh fought against the rebels and the foreign free-booters to the best of his resources and always remained at their heels. He and his officers did commendable work. They repeatedly chased out the invaders and stamped out local rebellions. But they hardly succeeded in alleviating the suffering of the people of the Punjab, who must have suffered untold privations for more than a decade. At last when the foreign menace had ended and the rebels were made to lie low, Mubārak Shāh himself succumbed to the knives of the traitors. The benefits of his strenuous efforts were nullified by his untimely death.
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⁶⁷ Yahyā and all other historians wrongly say that Mubārak Shāh ruled for thirteen years, three months and sixteen days. T.M.S., 235; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 394, text, 299; T.A., I, 287 and Ferishta, I, 169. They themselves give the date of his accession as 19 Jamadiul Avval, 824 H (T.M.S., 193; Ferishta, I, 163) and, therefore, his reign would come to thirteen years, one month and twenty days (lunar) only.
Cites (1)
- Tārīkh-i Mubārakshāhī — Yaḥyā b. Aḥmad Sirhindī