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Twilight of the Sultanate c8.s1: Iqbāl Khan

Twilight of the Sultanate c8.s1

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Iqbāl Khan

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On Tīmūr's departure from Delhi, Nāsiruddīn Nusrat Shāh the Pretender, who during his invasion had escaped into the Doab, now finding the field clear, decided to make an attempt for the throne.⁴ Encouraged by 'Ādil Khan of Meerut,⁵ he occupied the palace of Fīrōzābād, which was still in ruins, and sent Shihāb Khan of Mewāt against Mallū Iqbāl Khan who was at Baran. But Shihāb was defeated and killed by Iqbāl Khan with the help of the Hindu zamindars of the Doab over whom he had influence, and the latter proceeded towards Delhi in the middle of January, 1399 (Jamadiul Avval 801 H)⁶. About now, Nāsiruddīn Nusrat suddenly died, and Delhi quietly passed into the hands of Iqbāl Khan. He made Sīrī his headquarters.⁷ People who had migrated to various places during Tīmūr's upheaval, now started returning to Sīrī which again began to show signs of life.⁸

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⁴ T.M.S., 167; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 359.

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⁵ T.M.S., 167.

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⁶ *Ibid.*, 168.

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⁷ Sīrī was built by Sultan 'Alāuddīn Khaljī in 1303 on a village of the same name. It was situated about three miles to the N.E. of the Qutb Mīnār. The fort was still under construction when the Mongols invaded India. They were completely defeated, and the heads of some 8,000 of them were used as bricks in the construction of the walls. Tīmūr has described Sīrī in detail. In 1548 Shēr Shāh destroyed this city of 'Alāuddīn. Lal, *History of the Khaljīs*, 375-76.

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⁸ T.M.S., 168; T.A., I, 257.

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Iqbāl Khan had under his sway only the capital city and its environs. The empire had been parcelled out into independent kingdoms. Sindh and the Punjab were under Khizr Khan. Gujarat was ruled by Zafar Khan Wajīhul Mulk and Malwa by Dilāwar Khan. Nearer home, at Samana, ruled Ghālib Khan and at Bayana, Shams Khan Auhadī. Mahoba and Kalpi were under Mahmūd Khan, son of Malikzādā Fīrōz. In the east, the region from Qannauj to Bihar comprising of Sandilah, Dalmaū, Kara, Avadh, Bahraich and Jaunpur was under Mubārak Shāh Qaranfūl, an adopted son of Khwājā Jahān. Every one of these cast his greedy eyes on the Capital of the Sultanate.

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With Delhi in his hands, Iqbāl Khan became keen to reclaim as much of the lost territory of the Sultanate as possible. Paucity of resources, however, prevented him from undertaking any major operations. In November, 1399 (Rabiul Avval 802 H)⁹ he marched to Bayana against its ruler Shams Khan Auhadī. He defeated him between Nūh and Tappal,¹⁰ but did not occupy Bayana¹¹ and pushed on to Katehar.¹² After exacting tribute from its ruler Rai Vīra Singh,¹³ Iqbāl Khan returned to Delhi.

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⁹ T.M.S., 168-69 and T.A., I, 257 have the above date. Ferishta has 803 H.

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¹⁰ T.M.S., 169 has نوه و بتل. Badaonī, Ranking I, 359, has Nūh and Patal. The correct names are Nūh and Tappal. Nūh is now in Gurgaon district and Tappal is a pargana in Khair. Both are indicated in Constable, pl. 27 C a. Nūh is 40 miles S.W. of Delhi and Tappal 31 miles S.W. of Aligarh. Hodivala, 397.

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¹¹ T.M.S., 169; Ferishta, I, 159.

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¹² Also see Thomas, *Chronicles*, 325 n. 2.

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¹³ T.M.S., 169, and Badaonī, Ranking I, 359 have Harsing. Ferishta, I, 159 and T.A. have Nar Singh. He was Vīra Sinha who took possession of Gwalior consequent on the confusion created by Tīmūr. Arch. Sur. Rep., II, 381. Hodivala, 394.

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These minor successes encouraged Iqbāl to try his strength with the more powerful kingdom of Jaunpur. It may be recalled that Sultan Nāsiruddīn Mahmūd had appointed Malik Sarwar, a talented eunuch, as the governor of Jaunpur in A. D. 1394 and had conferred upon him the title of Malikul Sharq (Master of the East). The brave and sagacious Khwājā brought the recalcitrant zamindars of U. P. and Bihar under control; but taking advantage of the declining power of the Sultanate he extended his influence up to Kol (Aligarh) and Rapri in the west and Tirhut in the east. He grew so powerful as to realise the tribute which the rulers of Bengal used to send to Delhi. There was nothing to stop him from assuming the title of Sultan, but he thought it prudent not to issue any coins in his name, and a Bihar inscription records that he did not assume the insignia of royalty.¹⁴ Khwājā Jahan died in A. D. 1399. He was succeeded by his adopted son Malik Wāsil who, because of his extremely dark complexion, earned the nickname of Qaranfūl (clove). He adopted the title of Sultan Mubārak Shāh.¹⁵ Iqbāl Khan could not forget that Jaunpur had not come to the aid of Delhi when Tīmūr had attacked it; at least he could not brook Mubārak adopting the title of Sultan and striking coins in his own name.¹⁶ Consequently he left for Qannauj, a dependency of Jaunpur, in December-January, 1400-1401 (Jamadiul Avval 803 H).¹⁷ On the way he was joined by Shams Khan Auhadī (who was obliged to Iqbāl Khan for leaving him in possession of Bayana), Mubārak Khan and Bahadur Nāhar of Mewat. When the allies reached Patiali,¹⁸ on the Kalindī (also known as Kālī Nadī or Āb-i-Siyāh),¹⁹ they were opposed by Rai Sumēr Singh of Etawah and other Zamindars of the vicinity who were determined to make capital out of the wretched condition of the Sultanate. But Sumēr was defeated; he retreated to Etawah and Iqbāl Khan resumed his march. His plan was to take Qannauj and then march out to occupy Lucknow and Jaunpur;²⁰ but Mubārak Shāh Sharqī checked his advance at Qannauj where he had arrived with his army. The two forces lay facing each other for full two months on either side of the Ganga, but neither dared to ford the river to fight. Indeed, Shams Khan Auhadi and Mubārak Khan were playing a treacherous game, and this made Iqbāl Khan order a retreat.²¹ At this the Sharqī king also returned to Jaunpur.

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¹⁴ J.A.S.B., 1873, 270. Also Ferishta, II, 304, *E.I., Arabic and Persian Supplement*, 1961, 32-34.

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¹⁵ T.M.S., 169 ; Ferishta, I, 159.

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¹⁶ Ferishta, II, 304, says that Mubārak Shāh struck coins, but no coins of his have been found. J.A.S.B., XVIII, 1922, Numismatic Supplement XXXVI, N 14.

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¹⁷ T.M.S., 169 ; Ferishta, II, 304 ; T.A., I, 257.

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¹⁸ Badaonī and T.A. have Baitali. Patiali lies on the old bank of the Ganga 22 miles N.E. of Etah in 27° 42' N. and 72° 5' E. *District Gaz.* Etah, 201.

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¹⁹ Or "Black Water". It refers to Kalini or Kalinadī, a corruption of the ancient Kalindī. It is a tributary of the Ganga and is the chief river of Etawah district. It flows between Jumna and Ganga. Hunter, Imp. Gaz., VII, 327. Ferishta, I, 160, has Nahr-i-Gang.

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²⁰ Ferishta, I, 159.

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²¹ T.M.S., 170; T.A., I, 258; Ferishta, I, 160, II, 304-5. On his way back to Delhi, Iqbāl Khan got Shams Khan Auhadi and Mubārak Khan murdered as he suspected their loyalty.

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It was now clear to Iqbāl Khan that there were sections of people in and around Delhi who were not willing to recognise his authority. Besides Khizr Khan was making preparations in Multan for a bid for the Sultanate. In these circumstances Iqbāl Khan thought it best to invite Sultan Mahmūd to Delhi. It may be recalled that after his defeat at the hands of Tīmūr, Mahmūd had secretly fled towards Gujarat. Though Muzaffar Shāh, the then ruler of Gujarat, gave every help to the refugees from Delhi who had flocked at Pātan, he did not encourage Sultan Mahmūd himself to come there perhaps because he apprehended peril to his position. Sorely disappointed, Mahmūd made his way to Malwa where he was welcomed by Dilāwar Khan.²² He was at Dhar when Iqbāl Khan, thinking that he would be of use to him, invited him to return.²³ Placed as he was, Mahmūd was quick to respond, and returned to Delhi in A. D. 1401 (804 H). He was cordially welcomed by Iqbāl Khan who lodged the Sultan in the palace of Jahan Panāh.²⁴ But Mahmūd was not satisfied with the mere show of loyalty on the part of Iqbāl who virtually retained the reins of government in his own hands.²⁵ Indeed it was too much to expect of the latter to surrender power which he had been enjoying for more than three years, though it may be said to his credit that he ruled only in the name of the Sultan.²⁶ Even so the gulf between the two went on widening and shortly after an incident completed the rupture.

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²² Ferishta, II, 181. The author of *Mirāt-i-Sikandarī*, 15, indulges in an anachronism in saying that Mahmūd went to Alp Khan in Malwa. Alp Khan was the son of Dilāwar Khan and succeeded him in 1405 with the title of Hoshang Shāh. Lanepoole, *Local Muhammedan Dynasties*, 310; Ferishta, II, 181, 234; *Mirāt-i-Ahmadī*, I, 47; Bayley, *Gujarat*, 79; Commissariat, I, 56.

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²³ Ferishta, I, 160; II, 234.

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²⁴ T.M.S., 170. "This was the name given to the central portion of the triple citadel of Delhi with Sīrī. It was situated in the midst of the inhabited city, and had thirteen gates ; of the other two Sīrī had seven gates, and old Delhi ten gates". Badaonī, Ranking, I, 361. Also E and D, III, 448.

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²⁵ T.M.S., 170-171 ; T.A., I, 258 ; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 361 ; Ferishta, I, 160.

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²⁶ In an inscription dated 807 H. (A.D. 1404-5) on the Idgāh built by Iqbāl Khan, he chose to be called "Sultānī" or Slave of the Sultan. Arch. Sur. Rep. IV, 65, List, 164-66.

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Encouraged by the arrival of Sultan Mahmūd, Mallū Iqbāl thought it opportune to settle accounts with Jaunpur, and taking Mahmūd with him he started for Qannauj in A. D. 1402. On the way they learnt that Mubārak Shāh Sharqī had died at Jaunpur.²⁷ Iqbāl Khan could not have hoped for better news. But Ibrāhīm Sharqī who had succeeded Mubārak²⁸ was no less warlike than his deceased brother,²⁹ and hearing of Iqbāl Khan’s movements, he came up to the Ganga³⁰ and fought a few skirmishes with the Delhi army. As the two forces lay facing each other Sultan Mahmūd, to whom the gilded bonds at Delhi had become too galling, left on the pretence of going on a hunting expedition and went over to Ibrāhīm Sharqī in the hope of securing his help in removing his aggressive friend. But disappointment lay in store for him because Ibrāhīm did not treat him well. It would have been foolish for him to go back to Iqbāl, and so he avenged himself on the Sharqī ruler by attacking and occupying Qannauj where he began to reside. His defection weakened Iqbāl Khan’s position and he returned to Delhi, while the newly crowned king of Jaunpur acquiescing in Mahmūd’s occupation of Qannauj, probably because it provided a distraction to Iqbāl Khan, also went back to Jaunpur. Iqbāl Khan could never forgive Sultan Mahmūd’s “treachery”, and three years later he led an attack against Qannauj.

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²⁷ T.M.S., 171 ; T.A., I, 258.

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²⁸ Ferishta, II, 305.

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²⁹ T.M.S., 171.

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³⁰ Ferishta, II, 305.

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Meanwhile, in pursuance of his policy of retrieving Delhi’s prestige, Iqbāl Khan marched against Gwalior in December, 1402 (Jamadiul Avval 805 H). During the confusion following Tīmūr’s invasion, Gwalior had become independent under its Tomar ruler, Vīra Singh. After his death his grand-nephew or grandson Vīrama Deva had become master of Gwalior.³¹ Since Gwalior formed a part of the Sultanate from almost its very inception, Mallū Iqbāl decided to reoccupy it. He marched to Gwalior, laid siege to the fort, but failed to take it. In impotent rage he laid waste its outlaying regions. Next year he made another attempt against it, but was compelled to return to Delhi achieving almost next to nothing.³²

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³¹ Chronicles have again made a mistake about this Hindu name. Yahya calls him Bīram Deo. Ferishta has Baram Deo. He was Vīrama Deva. Virama was not the son but the grandson or grandnephew of Vira Singh as is clear from the dynastic list of the Tomar Rajas. A pillar on which these names are inscribed still exists outside the fort of Narwar. They are in the following order :
(1) Vīra Singh.
(2) Uddhāran Dēva son or brother of (1).
(3) Vīrama, son of (2).
(4) Ganapatī Deva, son of (3).
(5) Durgarēndra Deva (Dūngar Singh), son of (4).
(6) Kīrtī Singh, son of (5).
(7) Kalyānmall, son of (6).
(8) Māna Sāhi (Mān Singh), son of (7).
(9) Vikram Sāhī (Vikramāditya), son of (8).
(10) Rama Sāhī, son of (9).
(11) Salivāhan, son of (10). Several other inscriptions of these princes have been found. There are three of Vīrama Deva (A.D. 1408-1410), six of Durgarēndra or Dūngar Singh (1440-1453), five of Kīrtī Singh (1468-1473) and two of Mān Singh (1486-1517). I.G., XVIII, 397; Cunningham, Arch. Sur. Rep., II, 396. Hodivala, 398.

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³² T.M.S., 172; Ferishta, I, 160 and T.A., I, 259 say that he returned without taking the fort. The dynastic list of the Tomar Rajas of Gwalior also shows that the latter went on ruling for decades later. But Badaonī wrongly declares that Iqbāl Khan “wresting it (the fort of Gwalior) from the possession of ‘Virama’ took it into his own control”. Badaonī, Ranking, I, 361.

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During A. D. 1403 (806 H) Iqbāl Khan did not think it safe to move out of Delhi. Dangers threatened him from various quarters.

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In the west Khizr Khān was making feverish preparations to capture Delhi. In the east Ibrāhīm Sharqī was as strong as ever and Sultan Mahmūd was in no mood for reconciliation. But the greatest threat was an impending invasion from Gujarat.³³ No prince knew more about the deplorable condition of Delhi than Tātār Khan, son of Muzaffar Shāh, ruler of Gujarat; and none perhaps was better placed to plan an invasion of Delhi since Gujarat was situated at too safe a distance for secrets to reach Delhi. To follow the situation it is necessary to throw a retrospective glance at the relations between Delhi and Gujarat. Tātār Khan had been appointed vazīr by Sultan Muhammad Shāh bin Fīrōz Tughlaq, and the Government of Gujarat was conferred upon his father Zafar Khan in 1391.³⁴ With the death of Sultan Muhammad affairs at Delhi fell into chaos, and Tātār Khan readily plunged himself into the intrigue for power. He fought Sārāng Khan and compelled him to retire to Multan,³⁵ but Iqbāl Khan foiled all his attempts to occupy Delhi.³⁶ Tātār Khan fled to his father at Patan in 1398 and constantly instigated the latter to attack Delhi. Muzaffar organised an army for the purpose,³⁷ but postponed the expedition on hearing of Tīmūr’s arrival in India. In these circumstances it is not surprising that the ruler of Gujarat did not afford shelter to the fugitive king of Delhi, Sultan Mahmūd.

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³³ T.A., I, 259.

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³⁴ Commissariat, I, 55; *Mirāt-i-Ahmadī*, I, 47. Also see Chapter I.

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³⁵ Ferishta, II, 180-181.

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³⁶ *Mirāt-i-Sikandarī*, 14.

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³⁷ *Ibid.*, 14, 17; *Mirāt-i-Ahmadī*, I, 47.

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After Tīmūr’s avalanche had subsided, Tātār Khan again urged his father to seize the capital of the Sultanate. Muzaffar was now sixty,³⁸ and was reluctant to enter upon any hazardous enterprise. Seeing his father’s reluctance the highly ambitious Tātār imprisoned him in 1403 (Jamadiul Avval 806 H) and crowned himself³⁹ at Asāwal⁴⁰ with the title of Nāsiruddīn Muhammad Shāh.⁴¹ Thereafter he started feverish preparations for an attack on Delhi, and it was this news which gave an anxious time to Iqbāl Khan.⁴² But fate had willed otherwise. Muzaffar Shāh appealed to his brother Shams Khan, the vazīr of Tātār Khan, asking him to kill his treacherous son and release him from confinement. Accordingly Shams Khan poisoned his nephew at Sinor⁴³ while he was about to leave for a campaign against Delhi.⁴⁴ Muzaffar once more assumed the reins of government, and the plan to invade Delhi was given up.

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³⁸ Commissariat, I, 57.

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³⁹ T.M.S., 172; Ferishta, II, 181; T.A., I, 259; *Mirāt-i-Ahmadī*, I, 47.

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⁴⁰ Before Ahmedabad was built in 1411, Asāwal, in its vicinity, was one of the very important towns of northern Gujarat. Alberūnī mentions it and Idrīsī refers to it as populous, rich and industrial. Baranī, Yahyā, Nizāmuddīn Ahmad and the author of *Mirāt-i-Sikandarī* also write about it. It appears that Asāwal was situated outside the city walls of Ahmedabad, to its south, beyond the Jamalpur gate. Bayley, *Gujarat*, 427-28; Commissariat, I, 59-60. T.M.S., 172, has Broach in place of Asāwal.

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⁴¹ *Mirāt-i-Sikandarī*, 16-17, relates that Muzaffar Shāh abdicated in favour of his son Tātār Khan, but afterwards repented at having done so, and caused him to be poisoned. But Ferishta, II, 181-182, disbelieves it, and gives detailed circumstances of Muzaffar's imprisonment and Tātār's assassination.

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⁴² *Mirāt-i-Ahmadī*, I, 48.

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⁴³ "Sinor is the headquarters of the *taluka* of the same name in the Baroda *prānt* of the Gaekwar's territories. The town is picturesquely situated on the steep banks of the Narbada and a noble flight of 100 steps leads from the houses to the waterside". Commissariat, I, 57 n.

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⁴⁴ Ferishta, II, 181; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 361. Tātār Khan was buried at Patan.

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But the recession of the threat from Gujarat hardly provided any relief to Iqbāl Khan for, in Sindh, Khizr Khan was gathering strength day by day. He was a potential danger to the ruler of Delhi. Besides being "one of the principal men of Hindustan", he was widely recognised as the rightful successor of Tīmūr in India. While making his plans both for the present and future, Khizr Khan could not ignore the implications of Tīmūr's legacy of bitterness and hatred among the masses and classes. His benefactor had left him with a kingdom but without any army. To make up this deficiency he invited the Afghan chiefs in India and from beyond the Indus to join his cause. Adventurous by nature, the Afghans found a good opportunity for advancement in the service of Khizr Khan and flocked to his banner in large numbers. He could depend upon their loyalty and they, on their side, could secure a strong position in the country if and when their support brought him success. In the east the powerful kingdom of Jaunpur posed another

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Strangely enough Yahyā speaks very highly of Tātār Khan and credits him with a "disposition commendable and qualities angelic". T.M.S., 172. It is also averred that Muzaffar continued to weep for his son till the day of his death. Bird's *Gujarat*, 182.

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perennial problem. Qannauj, ruled by Sultan Mahmūd, provided another source of distraction to Iqbāl Khan. Besides being sandwiched between the powerful rulers of Sindh and Jaunpur, Iqbāl Khan was also faced with the recalcitrance of the independent chiefs of the Doab as well as the coalition of the Rajas of Gwalior and Etawah.

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With such problems staring him in the face, Iqbāl Khan could not just sit quiet. He was compelled to be active. The prospects of expansion in the east or west being almost entirely closed, he occupied himself in subduing the independent chiefs of the Doab, it being incumbent upon any ruler of Delhi to occupy that region at least. In A. D. 1404 (807 H), therefore, he marched against Rai Sumēr, Rai Vīrama Deva of Gwalior and Rai Jalbahār⁴⁵ who had formed a coalition and had shut themselves up in the fortress of Etawah.⁴⁶ After a siege of four months, peace was made with them but without any decisive gains to Iqbāl Khan.⁴⁷ From Etawah, Iqbāl Khan proceeded to Qannauj against Sultan Mahmūd in April, 1405 (Shawwāl, 807 H), but the fort being too strong he returned to Delhi after fighting only a few skirmishes.⁴⁸

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⁴⁵ T.A., I, 259 and E and D, IV, 39 have Rai Jalhar. Ferishta, I, 160, has Rai Jhala. T.M.S., 172, has Jalbahār.

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⁴⁶ Badaonī, Ranking, I, 362.

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⁴⁷ T.M.S., 172-73; Ferishta, I, 160. T.A., I, 259 alone says that the Rais agreed to give every year four elephants and the amount which the Rai of Gwalior used to send to the ruler of Delhi.

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⁴⁸ T.M.S., 173; T.A., I, 259.

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Having failed in the east, Iqbāl Khan thought of trying his luck in the west. At Samana ruled Bahrām Khan Turkbachchā, a slave of Sultan Fīrōz,⁴⁹ who had formerly become hostile to Sārang Khan⁵⁰ and was now in league with Khizr Khan. He must be subdued and if Khizr Khan could be defeated it would be ideal. In January 1405 (Sh‘abān 807 H) Iqbāl had already received the news of Tīmūr's death,⁵¹ and the happy tidings must have elated him and encouraged him to settle accounts with Tīmūr's nominee in Hindustan.

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⁴⁹ از خانه زادان فیروز شاهی بود (Was a slave brought up in the household of Fīrōz Shāh). Ferishta, I, 160.

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⁵⁰ T.A., I, 259; Ferishta, I, 160.

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⁵¹ Bayley, *Gujarat*, 83.

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So only three months after the Qannauj campaign Iqbāl Khan marched to Samana in June-July, 1405 (Muharram 808 H),⁵² On his arrival Bahrām Khan fled to the hills, but later on and at the intercession of Saiyyad Ilmuddīn, grandson of Saiyyad Jalāl-ul-Haqq, peace was concluded between the two on the condition that Bahrām would join hands with Iqbāl against Khizr Khan. Their joint forces proceeded towards Multan, but Iqbāl Khan, suspecting treachery on the part of Bahrām Khan Turkbachchā got him flayed alive at Talwandi⁵³ and imprisoned his other accomplices like Rai Dāūd, Rai Bhau son of Rai Bhattī, and Rai Kamāl Maīn. This considerably depleted Iqbāl’s strength and encouraged Khizr Khan to collect his forces of Multan, Deopalpur and the Punjab,⁵⁴ and march out of Multan to meet his enemy half way. Near Ajodhan a battle was fought between the two on the banks of the Dahinda⁵⁵ on 12 November, 1405 (19 Jamadiul Avval 808 H).⁵⁶ As the battle raged fiercely misfortune overtook Iqbāl Khan; his horse was wounded and it got stuck in the swampy river bank.⁵⁷ When Islām Khan Lodī’s men saw that Iqbāl could not extricate himself, they fell upon him from all sides and struck off his head. The severed head was presented to Khizr Khan, who sent it to Fatehpur,⁵⁸ his native town, where it was fixed up at the gate of the city.

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⁵² T.M.S., 173.

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⁵³ T.M.S., 173; Ferishta, I, 160. Badaonī says that he went to Rūpar, 43 miles north of Ambala, on way to Ajodhan. It is certain that Iqbāl Khan went to Talwandi. No other historian mentions Rūpar.

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⁵⁴ Ferishta, I, 160.

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⁵⁵ Dahinda is a stream which branches off the Sutlej to the east of Ajodhan, flows South-West and joins it again about 35 miles lower down. This course of the Sutlej is shown in Rennel’s map facing pp. 65 and 315. According to Abul Fazl the Sutlej bore different names in different parts of its course like Harhari, Dand (Dahinda) and Nurni. Āin. Trs., II, 326. Rennel, *Memoir of a Map of Hindostan*. Badaonī, Ranking, I, 362-63 n. Hodivala, 397.

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⁵⁶ T.M.S., 174; T.A., I, 260; Ferishta, I, 160.

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⁵⁷ T.M.S., 174; Ferishta, I, 160; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 363.

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⁵⁸ This Fatehpur, Lat. 29-40 N., Long. 72-10 E., lies about 20 miles N.E. of Kahror. It is shown in Constable’s Atlas, Pl. 24, EC.

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In Delhi the news of Mallū Iqbāl’s death was received with no regret. True, he had spent his life in the service of the Tughlaq throne, had tried to establish order in Delhi out of the chaos left by Tīmūr and had fought against independent rulers and zamindars to reassert the authority of the Sultanate; but in all his acts lurked his personal ambition. He had invited Sultan Mahmūd to join him, but his motives were not entirely altruistic. He was sorely disappointed when Mahmūd, whom he had brought up on the throne almost as a child, deserted him, but it was probably Iqbāl’s own ambition that had made Mahmūd suspicious. Ferishta writes that when he marched against Khizr Khan (late in A. D. 1405) he had thought of adopting the royal title after finishing off the ruler of Multan.⁵⁹ What his plans were after that last and fatal campaign, one cannot tell, but the fact remains that he never adopted the royal title, nor struck coins nor got the Khutba read in his name. Probably content with actual sovereignty, he cared little to assume its title and insignia. All the same his treatment of Sultan Mahmūd was an irremovable stigma. His campaign against Mahmūd at Qannauj and his heinous murder of Bahrām Khan must have antagonised even his confidants. His frailties brought about his downfall, but he met his death as a courageous soldier. He fought as long as he lived.

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⁵⁹ Ferishta, I, 160.

Cites (5)