Twilight of the Sultanate c9.s1: Khizr Khan's Early Career
Twilight of the Sultanate c9.s1
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Khizr Khan's Early Career
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Khizr Khan was the son of Malikul Sharq Malik Sulaiman, an adopted son of Malik Nasīrul Mulk Mardān Daulat.¹ It is claimed by contemporary and later chroniclers that Khizr Khan was a descendant of the Prophet, and hence they describe him a Saiyyad. But the story given in favour of this claim seems to be apocryphal.² It is just possible that Khizr Khan's ancestors might have originally hailed from Arabia, but no historian has been able to trace, in fact none has tried to trace, the nature of the consanguinity of Khizr Khan to the Prophet's family. It was in all probability to associate honour with him, and silence the opposition to a simple Turk's mounting the throne of Delhi. It also affords proof of the importance of heredity in the medieval polity.
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¹ T.M.S., 181; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 352.
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² The story runs thus: Once Malik Mardān, Governor of Multan, invited Shaikh Jalāluddīn Bukhārī to his mansion. At the time of dinner Malik Sulaimān brought the ewer and bason for the saint to wash his hands. At this Shaikh Jalāl pointed out to Malik Mardān Daulat: "This lad is a Saiyyad-zādā and it is derogatory for him to do a menial service". It was in this strange way that the descent of Sulaimān is claimed to have been discovered, about which neither Malik Mardān nor any one in his court obviously knew anything. T.M.S., 181-82; T.A., I, 265. Badaonī, Ranking, I, 376. Ferishta, I, 161-62. Ferishta adds to his sources of information the *Tarikh-i-Mahmūd Shāhī* also.
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Khizr Khan's career prior to his assuming the reins of government may be briefly recapitulated. Malik Mardān was governor of Multan in the time of Fīrōz Tughlaq. After Mardān's death the office devolved upon his son, Malik Shaikh, and on his death, on the latter's adopted brother Malik Sulaimān. When Sulaimān died, the government of Multan was conferred upon his son Malik Nasīrul Mulk by Sultan Fīrōz Shāh.³ In the civil war which followed in the wake of Fīrōz Shāh's death, Nasīrul Mulk threw in his lot with prince Muhammad against Abu Bakr and was awarded the title of Khizr Khan by him.⁴ Khizr Khan is next heard of when he was besieged and imprisoned by Sārang Khan in A.D. 1396 (798 H.) Having escaped from his bondage he took refuge with Shams Khan Auhadī of Bayana.⁵ From there he hastened to wait upon Tīmūr when the latter was marching on Delhi. The Amīr received him kindly and appointed him governor of Multan,⁶ Deopalpur and Lahore.⁷ After the departure of the great conqueror, he moved his pieces with calculated caution for full fifteen years till at length he secured the throne of Delhi.
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³ Ferishta, I, 161; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 376. T.M.S., 182.
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⁴ T.M.S., 147.
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⁵ Both Z.N., II, 175 and M.T., E and D, III, 475 have Ahodan (اهودن) but the person referred to is Shams Khan Auhadī who was the Amīr of Bayana from about 1396 (800 H). Ferishta, I, 159, also has اوحدى.
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⁶ Z.N., II, 175-76.
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⁷ Ferishta, I, 159.
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Persian chroniclers are all praise for Khizr Khan's excellent qualities which they think to be an additional proof of his alleged high descent. He is called generous, brave, gentle, kind, humble, temperate and true to his promise.⁸ His life was pious, his manners amiable and his morals pure.⁹ Be that as it may, Khizr Khan possessed all the tact and talents of a medieval soldier, politician and ruler. He was worldly-wise and clung to monarchical power with jealous alertness. He was watchful of the happenings in Hindustan and struck when he found the moment ripe for an attack.
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⁸ T.M.S., 182, trs. by Basu, 188.
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⁹ T.A., I, 265.
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In the context of his character and antecedents, it is not at all surprising that Khizr Khan thought it discreet to associate the names of Tīmūr and his successor Shāh Rukh with the Delhi throne by including them in the Khutba.¹⁰ He also did not strike any coins in his own name,¹¹ and only restamped the coins of Fīrōz Tughlaq and his successors, after the fashion of Mallū Iqbāl Khan.¹² But that was probably because of the dearth of the precious metals for coining, so that most of the specimens available are those actually belonging to the reign of Fīrōz and other Tughlaq kings with dates altered on them.¹³ Besides, the Tughlaq money had established its reputation in the market and it was neither safe nor wise to replace it.
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¹⁰ Indeed Tīmūr's successors had not forgotten India. At the time of his death, Pīr Muhammad Jahāngīr was present in the Punjab, obviously not just for sight-seeing. Abdur Razzāq affirms that Khizr Khan sent regular tributes to Shāh Rukh, son and successor of Tīmūr. So did Khizr Khan's successor Mubārak Khan. Abdur Razzāq: *Matl'aus S'ādain*, cited in Hodivala, 400. T.M.S., 217-18.
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¹¹ Although Nizāmuddīn and Ferishta say that he did strike coins in the later part of his reign. T.A., I, 265-66; Ferishta, I, 162.
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¹² Thomas, *Chronicles*, 328.
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¹³ Thomas, *Chronicles*, 326, 329-30. The actual years of alteration under Khizr Khan's authority are indicated on the coins of Fīrōz Shāh ranging from 818 to 830 H and of Muhammad Shāh from 818 to 825 H. Also Nelson Wright, *Coinage and Metrology of the Sultans of Delhi*, 186, 201, 214. Khizr's son Mubārak Shāh first issued coins in his own name only in 832 H. N. Wright, 231-3.
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The inclusion of the names of the Tīmūrides, however, did not in any way compromise Khizr Khan's position as the king. His historians address him by high sounding titles. Yahyā calls him Bandgī-i-Rāyāt-i-Ālā (Service of the Exalted or Imperial Standard)¹⁴ and Badaonī, Masnad-i-Ālā (The Exalted Throne).¹⁵ Khizr Khan's name was also introduced in the Khutba, a privilege exclusively of the kings, although a year after his accession.¹⁶ In view of this to assert that the Saiyyads were not recognised as kings in India or abroad,¹⁷ would not be correct. Khizr Khan had won the Sultanate by the sword and he and his successors maintained it by the sword for full thirty-seven years.
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¹⁴ T.M.S., 181 ff.
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¹⁵ T.A., I, 265 ff. ; Badaonī, Ranking, I, 375 ff. Ferishta, however, always addresses him as "Saiyyad Khizr Khan". Ferishta, I, 162.
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¹⁶ T.A., I, 266, Ferishta, I, 162. According to *Tarikh-i-Alfī* in A.D. 1415-16 (819 H) with Shāh Rukh's permission. Qureshi, *Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi*, 37.
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¹⁷ R.P. Tripathi, *Some Aspects of Muslim Administration*, 78-79.
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As has been seen, Khizr Khan took possession of Delhi in June, 1414. He did not wreak any senseless vengeance on the people or order any massacres. On the contrary the inhabitants of the city who had suffered much during the last few years were given gifts, pensions and allowances.¹⁸ By degrees most of the nobles submitted to him and many of them were permitted to retain their offices, parganās and districts which they had held in the time of Sultan Mahmūd. Governmental machinery was reorganised. Malikul Sharq Malik Tuhfā was given the title of Tājul Mulk and the office of the Vazīr. Saiyyad Sālim¹⁹ received the *iqt‘ā* of Sahāranpūr. Malik Abdur Rahīm, an adopted son of Malik Sulaimān, was awarded the title of 'Alāulmulk and the government of Multan and Fatehpur.²⁰ Malik Sarwar²¹ was appointed viceregent and Shahnā (magistrate) of the city. Malik Khairuddīn was appointed the Muster-Master; Malik Kālū, the keeper of the elephants and Malik Dāūd, Deputy to the Secretary (Naib Dabīr). The charge of the Doab was entrusted to Ikhtiyār Khan.²²
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¹⁸ T.M.S., 183.
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¹⁹ Saiyyadus S‘adāt, Saiyyad Sālim, was chief of the fraternity known as the Saiyyads of Bārah, whose ancestors had settled in Muzaffarnagar. In course of time they became great military leaders and served the Sultans of Delhi well. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they held many important offices in the State. T.M.S., Basu; 189n. Also Blochmann, Āīn, II, 425 ff.
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²⁰ T.M.S., 183; Ferishta, I, 162.
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²¹ T.A., I, 266 and E and D, IV, 47. T.M.S., 183 has Sarūb or Sarūp which does not seem to be correct.
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²² T.M.S., 183.