Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval India, A.D. 1000–1800 c15: IX. A. D. 1000-1200

Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval India, A.D. 1000–1800 c15

Language: English

IX. A. D. 1000-1200

c15.1

In the year A.D. 1000 the first attack of Mahmud of Ghazni was delivered. He captured many frontier towns and appointed to them his own governors. It is also reasonable to assume that in these places some people would have been converted to Islam. In his attack on Waihind (Peshawar) in 1001-3, Mahmud is reported to have captured Jayapal and fifteen of his principal chiefs and relations some of whom, like Sukhpal, were made Musalmans. At Bhera all the inhabitants, except those who embraced Islam, were put to the sword. Since the whole town is reported to have been converted the number of converts may have been quite large. At Multan too conversions took place in large numbers, for writing about the campaign against Nawasa Shah (converted Sukhpal), Utbi says that this and the previous victory (at Multan) were 'witnesses to his exalted state of proselytism'.¹ In his campaign in the Kashmir Valley (1015) Mahmud 'converted many infidels to Muhammadanism, and having spread Islam in that country, returned to Ghazni'. In the latter campaigns, in Mathura, Baran and Kanauj, again, many conversions took place. While describing 'the conquest of Kanauj', Utbi sums up the situation thus: "The Sultan levelled to the ground every fort..., and the inhabitants of them either accepted Islam, or took up arms against him." In short, those who submitted were also converted to Islam. In Baran (Bulandshahr) alone 10,000 persons were converted including the Raja. During his fourteenth invasion in A.D. 1023, Kirat, Nur, Lohkot and Lahore were attacked. The chief of Kirat accepted Islam, and many people followed his example. According to Nizamuddin Ahmad, 'Islam spread in this part of the country by the consent of the people and the influence of force'. Conversion of Hindus to Islam was one of the objects of Mahmud. Al Qazwini writes that when Mahmud went "to wage religious war against India, he made great efforts to capture and destroy Somnat, in the hope that the Hindus would then become Muhammadans".² Sultan Mahmud was well-versed in the Quran and was considered its eminent interpreter.³ He ardently desired to play the role of a true Muslim monarch and convert non-Muslims to his faith. *Tarikh-i-Yamini*, *Rausat-us-Safa* and *Tarikh-i-Ferishtah*, besides many other works, speak of construction of mosques and schools and appointment of preachers and teachers by Mahmud and his successor Masud.⁴ Wherever Mahmud went, he insisted on the people to convert to Islam.⁵

c15.2

¹ For conversions at various places under Mahmud see *Kitab-i-Yamini*, Eng. trs. of Utbi's work by James Reynolds, (London, 1858); pp 451-52, 455, 460, 462-63 and Utbi, *Tarikh-i-Yamini*, E and D, II, pp. 27, 30, 33, 40, 42, 43, 45, 49. Also Appendix in E and D, II, pp. 434-78.

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² Zakaria al Qazwini, *Asar-ul-Bilad*, E and D, I, p. 98.

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³ E C. Bosworth, *The Ghaznavids* (Edinburgh, 1963), p. 129. Utbi, Reynolds trs. *op. cit.* (n. 1), pp. 438-39 and n.

c15.5

⁴ Utbi, trs. Reynolds, *op. cit.*, pp. 322-25, 462. Utbi, E and D, II, p. 37. Ferishtah, *op. cit.* (II, n. 6), I, p. 44.

c15.6

⁵ Such was the insistence on the conversion of the vanquished Hindu princes that many rulers just fled before Mahmud even without giving a battle. "The object of Bhimpal in recommending the flight of Chand Rai was, that the Rai should not fall into the net of the sultan, and thus be made a Musalman, as had happend to Bhimpal's uncles and relations, when they demanded quarter in their distress". Utbi, E and D, II, p. 49.

c15.7

There is thus little doubt that during the first thirty years of the eleventh century, consequent upon the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni, a few thousand people were converted to Islam. During and after his raids, a few Muslim colonies were also established, some in as far off places as Kanauj, Banaras, and Bahraich.⁶ This is partially corroborated by the sixteenth century Lama historian Taranatha who refers to the settlements of the Turks in the Antarvedi or the Ganga-Jamuna Doab.⁷ He further adds that during the time of Lavasena and his successors, prior to the invasion of Odantapuri and Vikramsila (1203), the Turks had increased in number in Magadh.⁸ The traditional history of Maner and an inscription found there also corroborate the presence of Turks in Bihar in the twelfth century.⁹

c15.8

⁶ About Banaras Ibn Asir says, 'there were Musalmans in that country since the days of Mahmud bin Subuktagin'. *op. cit.* (II, n. 10), p. 251.

c15.9

⁷ *Indian Antiquary*, IV, 1875, p. 366.

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⁸ *Indian Historical Quarterly*, XXII, 1951, p. 240.

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⁹ *Proceedings of the Indian History Congress*, VI Session, Patna, pp. 123 ff. Also B.P. Mazumdar, *The Socio-Economic History of Northern India*, (Calcutta, 1960), p. 126.

c15.12

In Mahmud Ghazni's time some conversions had taken palce in Gujarat and Kashmir also. Besides king Kalasa of Kashmir (A.D. 1063-89) employed some Turkish architects to erect a golden parasol over the temple of Kalasesvara. Another king of the same state, Harsha, employed Turks in his army.¹⁰

c15.13

¹⁰ Kalhana, *Rajtarangani*, trs. by M.A. Stein (Westminster, 1900), VII, 528-29, 1149, cited in Mazumdar, *op. cit.* (n. 9), p. 128.

c15.14

From the above account it would appear that by the end of the eleventh century, there were a few thousand Muslims in Gujarat, Sind, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Kashmir. In the Punjab the sway of the descendants of Mahmud of Ghazni was precarious, and their proselytizing efforts could not have been quite rewarding of success. Therefore, the number if Muslims in the Punjab, like in Sind, Gujarat and Malabar could have been only small. Islam being a proselytizing religion, its followers have not only taken pride in winning converts but also often exaggerating the numbers of real or imaginary conversions. For instance it is claimed that in Gujarat some members of the depressed classes like Kunbis, Kharwars and Koris were converted to Islam by Nuruddin Nur Satgur.¹¹ But 'Nur Satgur's figure is one which is more legendary than real, at least in determinable historical terms.'¹² The story of the conversion of Cheraman Perumal of Malabar too is only legendary.¹³ There is no doubt that the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni brought good crop of converts, and a few more Muslims were added through the influence of Muslim Mashaikh and traders in Gujarat and Malabar. But if the example of Sind provides any precedent, it is possible that many Hindus forcibly converted to Islam during Mahmud's raids returned to their former faith. Very few Muslims were left in Sind after the decline of Arab rule. A local Karmatian Muhammadan dynasty was, however, ruling at Mansura and Multan. Mahmud of Ghazni destroyed it root and branch (1010) and Multan was deserted.¹⁴ There was another wave of Shia immigrants. In 1175 Shihabuddin Ghori attacked, defeated, and massacred them; and the majority of survivors began to live in the guise of Hindus.¹⁵

c15.15

¹¹ Arnold, *The Preaching of Islam* (Westminster, 1896), p. 275; Murray Titus, *Islam in India and Pakistan*, (Calcutta, 1959), p. 43.

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¹² S.C. Misra *Muslim Communities in Gujarat, op. cit.* (VIII, n. 17), p. 57.

c15.17

¹³ Tarachand, *op. cit.* (VIII, n. 14), pp. 34-35.

c15.18

¹⁴ Ferishtah, *op. cit.* (II, n. 6), I, p. 27. M Habib, *Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin*, *op. cit.* (IV, n. 20), p. 34.

c15.19

¹⁵ W. Ivanow, *Brief Survey of the Evolution of Ismailism* (Bombay, 1942), p. 34-35.

c15.20

Thus while the story of the conversions to Islam has been very enthusiastically narrated by Muslim chroniclers, the attitude of the Hindus to conversion and the endeavours of the hurriedly converted Hindus to revert to their former faith, has not been even referred to by them. Alberuni mentions a number of restrictions imposed upon reconversion to Hinduism,¹⁶ but he has probably noted only the extremely orthodox Brahman position. On the other hand *Devalasmriti*¹⁷, and many other similar works¹⁸, lay down liberal rules for the reconversion of men and women who might have stayed with the *mlechchas* for even as long a period as twenty years.¹⁹ All this points to a keenness on the part of the converted to return to Hinduism. We know that Nawasa Shah reverted to Hinduism at the earliest opportunity. There is also the case of Rai Sal.²⁰ Between Mahmud of Ghazni's death (1030) and Muhammad Ghori's invasion (1191-92) such opportunities of reconversion were many, even on a large scale.²¹ Consequently, during this period of more than a century and a half, Muslim numbers do not seem to have shown any great rise.

c15.21

¹⁶ Alberuni, *op. cit.* (IV, n. 2), II, pp 162-63.

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¹⁷ Published by Anandasrama, Sanskrit Series, Poona. Trs. by M.N. Ray in *J.B.O.R.S.*, 1927.

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¹⁸ P.V. Kane, *History of the Dhramashastra Literature*, 4 vols., II, pp. 390-91.

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¹⁹ See B.P. Mazumdar, *op. cit.*, (n. 9), pp. 131-33.

c15.25

²⁰ Utbi, E and D, II, p. 39. *Camb. Hist. India*, III, *op. cit.* (II, n. 25), p. 47.

c15.26

²¹ Ferishtah, *op. cit.* (II, n. 6), I, p. 45.

c15.27

About the end of the twelfth century, Muhammad Ghori established Muslim rule in India on a permanent basis. When he captured Bhatinda in 1190-91, he placed in its command Qazi Ziyauddin with a contingent of 1200 horse.²² In 1192 he invaded India with an army of 120,000. A good number of his soldiers would have been killed in the sanguinary battle with Prithviraj. A major portion of the remainder (say 50,000) would have stayed on in India under Qutbuddin Aibak, who must not have been left empty handed in an alien and hostile country.²³

c15.28

²² *Camb. Hist. India*, III, p. 40.

c15.29

²³ Hasan Nizami says that 'the sultan then returned to Ghazna...but the whole army remained.. at the mauza of Indarpat'. *Taj ul-Maasir*, E and D, II, p. 216). Surely Muhammad Ghori would not have gone back all alone.

c15.30

Aibak entered upon a series of conquests. He despatched Ikhtiyaruddin Bakhtiyar Khalji to the East and himself captured Kol (modern Aligarh) in 1194. There "those of the garrison who were wise and acute were converted to Islam, but those who stood by their ancient faith were slain with the sword."\∗24 In 1195 when Raja Bhim of Gujarat was attacked, 20,000 prisoners were captured,²⁵ and in 1202 at Kalinjar 50,000,²⁶ "and we may be sure that (as in the case of Arab conquest of Sind) all who were made slaves were compelled to embrace the religion of the masters to whom they were allotted."\∗27 Ferishtah specifically mentions that on the capature of Kalinjar "fifty thousand *kaniz va ghulam*, having suffered slavery, were rewarded with the honour of Islam."\∗28 According to Ferishtah three to four hundred thousand Khokhars and Tirahias were also converted to Islam by Muhammad Ghori.²⁹ But some of these lived in the trans-Indus region.³⁰ Therefore the number of Khokhars who became Musalmans in India could not have been more then a hundred thousand at the most.

c15.31

\∗24 *Ibid.*, p. 222.

c15.32

²⁵ Ferishtah, *op. cit.* (II, n. 6), I, p 62.

c15.33

²⁶ Hasan Nizami, *op. cit* (n. 23), p 231. Also Ferishtah, I, p. 53. Habibullah, *op. cit.* (V, n. 2), pp. 69 and 334 (n. 26), has missed to cite Hasan Nizami's assertion that 50,000 were enslaved.

c15.34

\∗27 Titus, *op. cit.* (n. 11), p. 31.

c15.35

\∗28 Ferishtah, I, p. 63.

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²⁹ Ferishtah, I, pp. 59-60. The authenticity of Ferishtah's statement has been challenged by Raverty (*Notes on Afghanistan*, p. 367). The numbers of Khokhar converts have certainly been exaggerated. Amir Khusrau refers to Khokhars as a non-Muslim tribe (*Tughlaq Namah*, Aurangabad, 1933, p. 128), and the way they were constantly attacked and killed by sultans like Iltutmish and Balban confirms Khusrau's contention. There is, however, nothing strange about Ferishtah's statement; only the figure seems to be exaggerated.

c15.37

³⁰ Habibullah, *op. cit.* (V, n. 2) Appendix C, p. 369.

c15.38

Ikhtiyaruddin Bakhtiyar Khalji's military success in the east also resulted in conversions to Islam. About the end of the twelfth or the begginning of the thirteenth century,³¹ he marched into Bihar and attacked the University centres of Nalanda, Vikramshila and Uddandapur, erecting a fortress at the site of Uddandapur or odantaprui.³² The Buddhist monks in these places were massacred and the common people, deprived of their priests and teachers, turned some to Hinduism and some to Islam. Buddhism did not die out immediately or completely in Bihar.³³ But Bakhtiyar's raid on Bihar did deliver a shattering blow to Buddhism and its lost followers were gained mainly by Islam. Muslim sway extended from Banaras through the strip of Shahabad. Patna, Monghyr and Bhagalpur districts,³⁴ and repeated references to the presence of Muslims in this tract from early times indicates that conversions were common in this region. Bakhtiyar converted some tribes in the Himalayan foothills also, and one chieftain, known after his conversion as Ali the Mech, had exchanged his animistic beliefs for the religion of Islam.³⁵

c15.39

³¹ The exact date of the raid is difficult to determine. Ishwari Prasad, *Medieval India* (Allahabad, Fourth Impression, 1940), p. 138 places it "probably in 1197", Wolseley Haig (*C.H.I*, III, *op. cit.* (II, n. 25), pp. 45-46 a little earlier than this, and Habibullah, *op. cit.* (V, n. 2), pp. 70 and 84 n78 in 1202-03.

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³² *Indian Antiquary*, IV, pp, 366-67.

c15.41

³³ Fuhrer, *The Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur*, pp. 70-73.

c15.42

³⁴ Habibullah, *op cit* (V, n 2), p. 147.

c15.43

³⁵ *Tabqat-i-Nasiri*, trs. Raverty, *op. cit.* (VI, n. 4), I, p. 560.

c15.44

During the time of Qutbuddin Aibak a large number of places were attacked and prisoners captured than for which actual figures, given above, are available. Figures of any conversions during campaigns to Kanauj, Banaras (where the Muslims occupied "a thousand" temples),³⁶ Ajmer (attacked thrice), Gujarat, Bayana and Gwalior, and the campaigns carried out right up to Bengal are not available. However, since the notices of medieval chroniclers are usually full of exaggeration where figures of the defeated or captured non-Muslims are concerned, it would be reasonable to take into consideration only those which are specifically mentioned, any exaggerations being rounded off by those which are not.

c15.45

³⁶ Ferishtah, *op. cit.* (II, n. 6) I, p. 58.

c15.46

The numbers converted between 1193, when the rule of the Turkish Sultanate was established at Delhi, and 1210, when Qutbuddin Aibak died, and the immigrant Muslims were about two and a half lakhs—in the following order :

c15.47

*Immigrations*
1,200 soldiers left by Shihabuddin at Bhatinda, 1190-91.
50,000 remained with Aibak after Ghori left, 1193-4.
10,000 (?) Immigrants—adventurers, refugees, Mashaikh, etc.

*Conversions*
5,000 (?) At Ajmer—in all the three campaigns.
5,000 (?) in Kol, 1194.
20,000 When Raja Bhim was attacked, 1195.
50,000 In Kalinjar, 1202.
100,000 Khokhars and Himalayan foothill tribes.
10,000 (?) In Bihar
—————
251,200 Total

c15.48

To this may be added the Muslims—converted, migrated and procreated—since the days of Mahmud of Ghazni in the Punjab, U.P., Gujarat and the South. If this number may be taken to be a hundred thousand, the total number of Muslims around A.D. 1200 was in all probability not more than three to four hundred thousand. The total population of India in that year has been estimated at 190 million. The ratio of Muslims to the total population in A.D. 1200 would have been about 1 : 415, or .21 per cent.

Growth of Muslim Population in Medieval India, A.D. 1000–1800 c15: IX. A. D. 1000-1200

IX. A. D. 1000-1200

Cites (7)