The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India c7.s1: The First Invasion
The Legacy of Muslim Rule in India c7.s1
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The First Invasion
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In the south, attempts to subjugate Sind continued through land and sea. And in 712 a full-fledged invasion was launched after prolonged negotiations. The genesis of war was this. The king of Ceylon had sent to Hajjaj bin Yusuf Sakifi, the governor of the eastern provinces of the Caliphate, eight vessels filled with presents, Abyssinian slaves, pilgrims, and the orphan daughters of some Muslim merchants who had died in his dominions. These ships were attacked and plundered by pirates off the coast of Sind. Hajjaj demanded reparations from Dahir, the king of Sind, but the latter expressed his inability to control the pirates or punish them. At this Hajjaj sent two expeditions against Debal (708 C.E.), the first under Ubaidulla and the other under Budail. Both were repulsed, their armies were routed and commanders killed. Deeply affected by these failures, Hajjaj fitted out a third and grandiose expedition. Astrological prediction and close relationship prompted him to confer the command of the campaign on his seventeen year old nephew and son-in-law Imaduddin Muhammad bin Qasim.
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It was the heyday of Arab power. Wherever Muslim armies went they earned success and collected spoils. The conquest of Sind took place at the very time in which, at the opposite extremes of the known world, the Muhammadan armies were subjugating Spain, and pressing on the southern frontier of France, while they were adding Khwarizm to their already mighty empire.³
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Under the auspices of Hajjaj, who, though nominally governor only of Iraq, was in fact ruler over all the countries which constituted the former Persian empire, the spirit of more extended conquest arose. By his orders, one army under Kutaiba penetrated to Kashgar, at which place Chinese ambassadors entered into a compact with the invaders. Another army operated against the king of Kabul, and a third (under Muhammad bin Qasim) advanced towards the lower course of the Indus through Mekran.⁴ The reigning Ummayad Caliph Walid I (86-96 H./705-715 C.E.) was a powerful prince under whom the Khilafat attained the greatest extent of dominion to which it ever reached. But because of earlier failures of Ubaidulla and Budail, he was skeptical about the outcome of the venture. He dreaded the distance, the cost, and the loss of Muhammadan lives.⁵ But when Hajjaj, an imperialist to the core, promised to repay the Caliph the expenses of the enterprise, he obtained permission for the campaign. That is how Muhammad bin Qasim came to invade Sind. The aims of the campaign were three: 1. Spreading the religion of Islam in Sind, 2. Conquest of Sind and extension of the territory of Islam, and 3. Acquisition of maximum wealth for use by Hajjaj and payment to the Caliph.⁶
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The knowledge of Hajjaj and Muhammad bin Qasim about Sind and Hind was naturally not extensive. It was confined to what the sea-and-land traders had told about the people and wealth of what was known to them as .Kabul va Zabul and Hind va Sind. About Indias history, its hoary civilisation, its high philosophy, its deep and abiding faith in spiritualism and non-violence, they knew but little. One thing they knew was that it was inhabited by infidels and idol-worshippers. And they knew their religious duty towards such unbelievers. Instruction and inspiration about this duty came to them from three sources - The Quran, the Hadis and the personal exploits of the Prophet. Every Muslim, whether educated or illiterate knew something about the Quran and the Hadis. The learned or the Ulama amongst them usually learnt the Quran by heart and informed their conquerors and kings about its teachings and injunctions. The Prophets deeds, even the most trivial ones, too were constantly narrated with reverence. The one supreme duty the Quran taught them was to fight the infidels with all their strength, convert them to Islam and spread the faith by destroying their idols and shrines.
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In *Surah* (Chapter) 2, *ayat* (injunction) 193, the Quran says, Fight against them (*the mushriks*) until idolatry is no more, and Allahs religion reigns supreme. The command is repeated in *Surah* 8, *ayat* 39. In *Surah* 69, *ayats* 3037 it is ordained: Lay hold of him and bind him. Bum him in the fire of hell. And again: When you meet the unbelievers in the battlefield strike off their heads and, when you have laid them low, bind your captives firmly (47.14-15). Cast terror into the hearts of the infidels. Strike off their heads, maim them in every limb (8:12). Such commands, exhortations and injunctions are repeatedly mentioned in Islamic scriptures. The main medium through which these injunctions were to be carried out was the holy *Jihad*. The *Jihad* or holy war is a multi-dimensional concept. It means fighting for the sake of Allah, for the cause of Islam, for converting people to the true faith and for destroying their temples. Iconoclasm and razing other peoples temples is central to Islam; it derives its justification from the Quranic revelations and the Prophets *Sunnah* or practice. Muhammad had himself destroyed temples in Arabia and so set an example for his followers. In return the *mujahid* (or fighter of *Jihad*) is promised handsome reward in this world as well as in the world to come. Without *Jihad* there is no Islam. *Jihad* is a religious duty of every Muslim. It inspired Muslim invaders and rulers to do deeds of valour, of horror and of terror. Their chroniclers wrote about the achievements of the heroes of Islam with zeal and glee, often in the very language they had learnt from their scriptures.
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Inspired by such belligerent injunctions, Muhammad bin Qasim (and later on other invaders) started on the Indian expedition with a large force. On the way the governor of Makran, Muhammad Harun, supplied reinforcements and five catapults. His artillery which included a great ballista known as the Bride, and was worked by five hundred men, had been sent by sea to meet him at Debal.⁷ Situated on the sea-coast the city of Debal was so called because of its Deval or temple. It contained a citadel-temple with stone walls as high as forty yards and a dome of equal height. Qasim arrived at Debal in late 711 or early 712 C.E. with an army of at least twenty thousand horse and footmen.⁸ Add to this the Jat and Med mercenaries he enlisted under his banner in India.⁹
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A glance at the demographic composition of Sind at this time would help in appraising the response of the Sindhians to Muhammads invasion. At the lower rung of the social order were Jats and Meds. Physically strong and thoroughly uneducated they flocked under the standard of the foreigner in large numbers in the hope of material gain. They also supplied Muhammad with information of the countryside he had come to invade.¹⁰ The majority of the Sindhi population was Buddhist (Samanis of chronicles), totally averse to fighting. Their religion taught them to avoid bloodshed and they were inclined to make submission to the invader even without a show of resistance. Then there were tribal people, like Sammas, to whom any king was as good as any other. They welcomed Muhammad Qasim with frolicks and merriment.¹¹ Thus the bulk of population was more or less indifferent to the invasion. In such a situation it were only Raja Dahir of Sind, his Kshatriya soldiers and Brahman priests of the temples who were called upon to defend their cities and shrines, citadels and the countryside. This is the Muslim version and has to be accepted with caution.
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When Muhammad began the invasion of Debal, Raja Dahir was staying in his capital Alor about 500 kms. away. Dabal was in the charge of a governor with a garrison of four to six thousand Rajput soldiers and a few thousand Brahmans, and therefore Raja Dahir did not march to its defence immediately. All this while, the young invader was keeping in close contact with Hajjaj, soliciting the latters advice even on the smallest matters. So efficient was the communication system that letters were written every three days and replies were received in seven days,¹² so that the campaign was virtually directed by the veteran Hajjaj himself.¹³ When the siege of Debal had continued for some time a defector informed Muhammad about how the temple could be captured. Thereupon the Arabs, planting their ladders stormed the citadel-temple and swarmed over the walls. As per Islamic injunctions, the inhabitants were invited to accept Islam, and on their refusal all adult males were put to the sword and their wives and children were enslaved. The carnage lasted for three days. The temple was razed and a mosque built. Muhammad laid out a Muslim quarter, and placed a garrison of 4,000 in the town. The legal fifth of the spoil including seventy-five damsels was sent to Hajjaj, and the rest of the plunder was divided among the soldiers.¹⁴ As this was the pattern of all future sieges and victories of Muhammad bin Qasim - as indeed of all future Muslim invaders of Hindustan - it may be repeated. Inhabitants of a captured fort or town were invited to accept Islam. Those who converted were spared. Those who refused were massacred. Their women and children were enslaved and converted. Temples were broken and on their sites and with their materials were constructed mosques, khanqahs, sarais and tombs.
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Muhammad bin Qasim next advanced towards Nirun, situated near modern Hyderabad. The people of Nirun purchased their peace. Notwithstanding its voluntary surrender, Muhammad destroyed the temple of Budh at Nirun. He built a mosque at its site and appointed an Imam.¹⁵ After placing a garrison at the disposal of the Muslim governor, he marched to Sehwan (Siwistan), about 130 kilometres to the north-west. This town too was populated chiefly by Buddhists and traders. They too surrendered to the invader on condition of their remaining loyal and paying *jiziyah*.
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Niruns surrender alarmed Raja Dahir and he and his men decided to meet the invader at Aror or Rawar. Qasim was bound for Brahmanabad but stopped short to engage Dahir first. In the vast plain of Rawar the Arabs encountered an imposing array of war elephants and a large army under the command of Dahir and his Rajput chiefs ready to give battle to the Muslims. Al Biladuri writes that after the battle lines were drawn, a dreadful conflict ensued such as had never been seen before, and the author of the *Chachnama* gives details of the valiant fight which Raja Dahir gave mounted on his white elephant. A naptha arrow struck Dahirs *howdah* and set it ablaze. Dahir dismounted and fought desperately, but was killed towards the evening, when the idolaters fled, and the Musulmans glutted themselves with massacre. Raja Dahirs queen Rani Bai and her son betook themselves into the fortress of Rawar, which had a garrison of 15 thousand. The soldiers fought valiantly, but the Arabs proved stronger. When the Rani saw her doom inevitable, she assembled all the women in the fort and addressed them thus: God forbid that we should owe our liberty to those outcaste cow-eaters. Our honour would be lost. Our respite is at an end, and there is nowhere any hope of escape; let us collect wood, cotton and oil, for I think we should burn ourselves and go to meet our husbands. If any wish to save herself, she may.¹⁶ They entered into a house where they burnt themselves in the fire of jauhar thereby vindicating the honour of their race. Muhammad occupied the fort, massacred the 6,000 men he found there and seized all the wealth and treasures that belonged to Dahir.
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Muhammad now marched to Brahmanabad.¹⁷ On the way a number of garrisons in forts challenged his army, delaying his arrival in Brahmanabad. The civil population, as usual, longed for peace and let the Muslims enter the city. Consequently, it was spared, but Qasim sat on the seat of cruelty and put all those who had fought to the sword. It is said that about six thousand fighting men were slain, but according to others sixteen thousand were killed.¹⁸ Continuing his ravaging march northward, he proceeded to Multan, the chief city of the upper Indus with its famous Temple of Sun. Multan was ravaged and its treasures rifled. During his campaigns Muhammad bin Qasim concentrated on collecting the maximum wealth possible as he had to honour the promise he and his patron Hajjaj had made to the Caliph to reimburse to the latter the expenses incurred on the expedition. Besides the treasure collected from the various forts of the Sindhi King, freedom of worship to the Hindus could bring wealth in the form of pilgrim tax, *jiziyah* and other similar cesses. Hence, the temple of Brahmanabad was permitted to be rebuilt and old customs of worship allowed.¹⁹ In Multan also temple worship more or less went on as before. The expenses of the campaign had come to 60 thousand silver *dirhams*. Hajjaj paid to the Caliph double the amount - 120 thousand *dirhams*.²⁰
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Muhammad bin Qasim set about organising the administration of the conquered lands like this. The principal sources of revenue were the *jiziyah* and the land-tax. The *Chachnama* speaks of other taxes levied upon the cultivators such as the *baj* and *ushari*. The collection of *jiziyah* was considered a political as well as a religious duty, and was always exacted with vigour and punctuality, and frequently with insult. The native population had to feed every Muslim traveller for three days and nights and had to submit to many other humiliations which are mentioned by Muslim historians.²¹
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Muhammad bin Qasim remained in Sind for a little over three years.²² Then he was suddenly recalled and summarily executed, probably by being sewn in an animals hide, on the charge of violating two Sindhi princesses meant for the harem of the Caliph. Such barbaric punishments to successful commanders by their jealous masters were not uncommon in Islamic history.²³ However, the recall of Qasim was a God-sent relief to the Sindhis. After his departure the Arab power in Sind declined rapidly. Most of the neo-converts returned to their former faith. The Hindus had bowed before the onrush of the Muslim invasion; but they re-asserted their position once the storm had blown over.²⁴ Denison Ross also says that after the recall of Muhammad bin Qasim, the Muslims retained some foothold on the west bank of the river Indus, but they were in such small number that they gradually merged into Hindu population. In Mansura (the Muslim capital of Sind) they actually adopted Hinduism.²⁵
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But Muslims or Islam did not disappear from Sind. A dent had been made in India's social fabric, and its wealth looted. Muslims who continued to retain the new faith remained confined mostly to cities, particularly Multan,²⁶ and Multan according to Al Masudi (writing about C.E. 942) remained one of the strongest frontier places of the Musulmans.²⁷ Ibn Hauqal, who finished his work in C.E. 976, also calls Multan a city with a strong fort, but Mansura is more fertile and prosperous. He also says that Debal is a large mart and a port not only of this but neighbouring regions. It would thus appear that by the tenth century the Muslim population had stabilized and integrated with the people of Sind. Ibn Hauqal writes: The Muslims and infidels of this tract wear the same dresses, and let their beards grow in the same fashion. They use fine muslin garments on account of the extreme heat. The men of Multan dress in the same way. The language of Mansura, Multan and those parts is Arabic and Sindian²⁸ This, in brief, was the social change brought about in Sind after the introduction of Islam there.
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Before closing the discussion on the Arab invasion of Sind, a few aspects of the campaign may be evaluated. As Andre Wink points out, In contrast to Persia there is no indication that Buddhists converted more eagerly than brahmans. The theory that Muslim Arabs were invited to Sind by Buddhist traitors who aimed to undercut the brahmans power has nothing to recommend itself with. If Buddhists collaborated with the invaders, the brahmans did so no less There was in short, no clear-cut religious antagonism that the Arabs could exploit. At the same time, points out Gidumal, It is extremely doubtful if Sind could have been conquered at all, had these (Sindhi) chiefs remained true to their king, and, curious as it may seem, it was ostensibly astrology that made traitors of them. For they said: Our wise men have predicted that Sind will come under the sway of Islam. Why then should we battle against fate? And lastly, the misleading belief in the tolerance and kindness of Muhmamad bin Qasim stands cancelled on a study of the campaign in depth. The statement of Mohammad Habib that Alone among the Muslim invaders of India Muhammad Qasim is a character of whom a concentious Musalman need not be ashamed, and similar conclusions do not hold ground if his massacres, conversions and iconoclasm detailed in the *Chachnama* alone are any indicator.²⁹
Cites (1)
- Chachnāma — ʿAlī b. Ḥāmid al-Kūfī, Persian