Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champa; Vol. II: Suvarnadvipa) v2.c13.s2.t6: Group IV. Eastern Island
Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champā; Vol. II: Suvarṇadvīpa) v2.c13.s2.t6
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Group IV. Eastern Island
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(1) Bali with chief towns Bedahulu (Bedulu in Gianjar) and Lvāgajah (Goa Gaja near Petanu). (2) Gurun (Nusa Penida) with chief town Sukun.
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(3) Talivang.
(4) Dompo.
(5) Sapi.
(6) Bhīma } In Sumbawa.
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(7) Sanghyang Api (Sangeang, Gunung Api). (8) Śeran (Ceram). (9) Hutan (N. E. of Sumbawa). (10) Kadali (Kanari—island, or 9 and 10 together may denote the group of islands Buru, Sula etc.) (11) Gurun (Gorong, probably the name of a large group of islands in the east.) (12) Lombok Mirah (West Lombok ?) (13) Sākṣak (East Lombok). (14) Bantayan (Bonthain) with capital of that name. (15) Luvuk (Luvuk on south Peleng or Luvu on the gulf of Boni). (16) Udamakatraya (Talaud—islands). (17) Makasar. and (18) Butun. (Two well-known islands of these names). (19) Banggavi (Banggai). (20) Kunir (Kunjit). (21) Galiyao (Kangean). (22) Salaya (Saleier). (23) Sumba (well-known). (24) Solot (Solor). (25) Muar (Kei or Honimoa, Saparua). (26) Wandan (Banda). (27) Ambwan (Amboyne Island). (28) Maloko (Molukkas i. e. Ternate). (29) Wwanin (Onin, north-west of New Guinea). (30) Seran (Koviai, south of New Guinea). (31) Timur (well-known).
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These islands are all situated within that part of the Pacific Ocean which is bounded by Borneo on the west, Philippines on the north, New Guinea in the east, and Australia on the south. They lie between Long. 115° and 135°, and Lat. 2°N. and 10°S.
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The long list given in Nag. Kr. shows the hegemony of nearly the whole of Malay Peninsula and Malay Archipelago under the kingdom of Majapahit in Java, the only notable exception being the Philippines. Roughly speaking, the empire comprised the present Dutch possessions in the Archipelago, with the addition of Malay Peninsula, but excluding, perhaps, northern Celebes.
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The question naturally arises, how far we can place reliance on the statement in Nag. Kr. On the one hand it is a contemporary authority giving full details of the external possessions instead of indulging in mere vague general phrases which is so often the case. On the other hand, we cannot forget that the author, being associated with the court of Majapahit, had a great natural inducement to exaggerate the state of things in favour of his patron and country.
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We must, therefore, try to supplement the account of Nag. Kr. by such other data as we possess. In the first place we have a Malay book called Hikāyat Rājarāja Pasay¹ which gives a long list of foreign territories under the supremacy of Majapahit at the time of its conquest by the Muhammadans. This list also refers to vassal states in Sumatra, Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and the various islands in the Archipelago such as Tambelan, Anamba, Natuna, Tiyuma, Karimata, Biliton, Banka, Riouw, Lingga, Bintan, Banda, Cera, Sumbawa, Lombok, Bali, and southern part of Celebes. As the two lists emanate from two entirely different authorities living in different countries, and the periods contemplated are separated by a century, we cannot expect a complete agreement of names in them. But the general resemblance between the two is sufficient to establish the historical character of Nag. Kr.
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¹ An extract from this book is given by Dulaurier in J. A. IV-VII, 1846, p. 544. The list of countries is given by Ferrand (Textes, pp. 666-669).
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Further, in respect of some of the conquered countries in the above lists we possess independent evidence regarding the suzerainty of Java.
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1. Bali.—The inscription of Batur, dated 1348 A.D., and a second record dated 1386 A.D. were issued by Śrī Vijaya-rājasa, *i.e.* the Prince of Vengker, the maternal uncle of king Rājanagara. Another record, dated 1398 A.D., refers to this prince as Śrī Parameśvara who died at Viṣṇubhavana.¹ There can be no doubt that the Prince of Vengker who held an important position in the Javanese court ruled the island of Bali as a representative of the Javanese king.
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¹ O. V. 1924, p. 29; O. B., Vol. I, p. 191; Epigraphia Balica I, p. 13.
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2. West Borneo.—The Chinese history tells us that in 1368 Pu-ni (the western coast of Borneo) was attacked by the people of Su-lu, a neighbouring country. They made a large booty and only retired when Java came with soldiers to assist this country.² Now it can be easily presumed that Java sent assistance as the suzerain authority bound to protect a vassal state. The further accounts of the Chinese³ make it absolutely clear. We are told that in 1370 the Chinese emperor asked the king of Pu-ni to send tributes. Then the Chinese authority adds: "Now this country had hitherto belonged to Java and the people of the latter country tried to prevent him". In other words, it is clearly admitted that Java exercised supremacy over western Borneo in the year 1370 A.D. Although it is related that the king of Pu-ni sent envoys with tribute to the imperial court, it does not mean that Java ceased to be regarded as the supreme authority. For the despatch of envoy with tribute to China, as described in Chinese history, is a mere conventional term which does not always mean any real political relationship. For example, Java herself is represented to be in a similar position with regard to China during the same period.
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² Groeneveldt—Notes, p. 103.
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³ Ibid., pp. 110-111.
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3. San-fo-tsi.—The relation of Java and San-fo-tsi has already been discussed. According to the Chinese history the king of San-fo-tsi, or rather one of the three kings who divided the kingdom among themselves, died in 1376 A.D., and was succeeded by his son. Next year the latter sent envoys with tributes to the imperial court. "The envoys said that the son dared not ascend the throne on his own authority, and therefore asked the permission of the imperial court. The emperor praised his sense of duty and ordered envoys to bring him a seal and a commission as king of San-fo-tsi. At that time, however, San-fo-tsi had already been conquered by Java, and the king of this country, hearing that the emperor had appointed a king over San-fo-tsi, became very angry and sent men who waylaid and killed the imperial envoys. The emperor did not think it right to punish him on this account. After this occurrence San-fo-tsi became gradually poorer and no tribute was brought from this country any more".¹
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¹ Ibid., p. 69. Ferrand—J. A., 11 : XX (1922), pp. 25-26.
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This very frank statement of the Chinese historian is a singular proof of the political greatness of Java. It not only admits the supremacy of Java over San-fo-tsi, but also proves its will and ability to exclude other powers, including China, from interfering in the political affairs of what she rightly considered as her own sphere of influence. Further Chinese testimony of the complete conquest of San-fo-tsi by Java has been given before, in connection with the history of that kingdom.
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In addition to these positive testimonies furnished by the Chinese historians, we may refer to indirect evidences, furnished by two inscriptions. The rock-inscription of Palama² in Sumbawa island is written in later Kavi alphabet, and its language contains all sorts of old-Javanese forms. An inscription at Singapore³ also similarly exhibits the Javanese alphabet and language. While no positive inference can be made from these factors, they may be presumed to indicate the political supremacy of Java over these two islands.
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² Not. Bat. Gen., 1910, pp. 110-113.
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³ B. K. I , Vol. 77 (1921), pp. 35-67 ; O. V. 1924, p. 111.
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From all these indications it may be safely laid down that by the year 1365 A.D., when the Nāgara Kṛtāgama was composed, Java reached the height of her political greatness and established her unquestioned supremacy over Malay Peninsula and Malay Archipelago. She also occupied a position of international importance. The Nāg. Kr. refers to the intimate and friendly intercourse of Majapahit with the neighbouring states such as Siam, with Ayodhyāpura (Ayuthiya) and Dharmanagari (Ligor), Martaban, Rājapura, Singhanagari, Champā (Southern Annam), Kāmboja (Cambodia), and Yavana (N. Annam).¹
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¹ Nag. Kr., 15 : 1. The identifications are made by Kern (V. G., VII. 279). Rājapura and Singhanagari cannot be definitely located.
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It also refers to a number of countries, including some of those just mentioned, which had trade relations with Majapahit, and from which Brāhmaṇas and Śramaṇas visited the Javanese capital. Thus we read: "There came unceasingly, in large numbers, people from all lands such as Jambudvīpa, Kāmboja, Cina, Yavana, Campā, Karṇāṭaka,...Gauḍa, and Siam. They came in ships with merchandise. Monks and distinguished Brāhmaṇas also came from these lands and were entertained".² Jambudvīpa, of course, refers to India, while Karṇāṭaka and Gauḍa are specifically mentioned, probably to indicate a closer intimacy with Bengal and Kanarese districts. The Javanese had indeed a high regard for India, for in one verse (83 : 2) Nag. Kr. says that Jambudvīpa and Java are the good lands *par excellence*. The intimate relation between the two countries is also indicated by the fact that laudatory poems in honour of the Javanese king were written by the monk Budhāditya of Kāñcī (Conjeeveram) and the Brāhmaṇa, named Mutali Sahṛdaya, probably a Tamil Brāhmaṇa.³ The intercourse with China, referred to by Nag. Kr., is also proved by Chinese sources. The History of the Ming Dynasty⁴ refers to embassies from Java in 1369, 1370, 1372, 1375, 1377, 1379, 1380, 1381, and 1382. We have already seen above, how Java gave a serious provocation to the Chinese emperor in 1379 or 1380 by the murder of Chinese envoys. The event is thus referred to in the history of the Ming Dynasty in connection with the Javanese embassy of 1380: "Some time before, imperial envoys had been sent to carry a seal to the king of San-fo-tsi, and those of Java deluded and killed them; the emperor was highly incensed and detained their envoys more than a month, with the intention to punish them, but ultimately they were sent back with a letter to their king in which he was reproved for what he had done." Evidently the matter was amicably settled, for we hear of envoys being sent from Java in the two following years.
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² Nag. Kr., 83 : 4. (V. G., VIII, p. 96).
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³ Nag. Kr., 93 : 1. (V. G., VIII, pp. 114-115).
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⁴ Groeneveldt—Notes, pp. 34ff.
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It thus appears from all accounts that the reign of Rājasanagara witnessed the high-water mark of the power and glory of Java. In view of the increase in power and responsibility of the empire we find a thorough organisation of the administrative machinery to cope with the new and heavy task. There is hardly any doubt that the credit for this to a large extent belongs to Gajah Mada. He had risen from an humble position to be the chief minister of the empire and brought to his task an unusual degree of devotion and skill. Next to him we should mention the father and the maternal uncle of the king, both of whom took an active and important part in the administration. When Gajah Mada died in 1364 no other chief minister was appointed as his successor. The king, his father, mother, uncle, aunt, and his two sisters (Bhaṭāra Sapta Prabhu) with their husbands formed a sort of inner royal council which kept the chief direction of affairs in its hands. This was an indirect tribute to the great qualities of Gajah Mada in whichever way we look at it, whether it was difficult to get a worthy successor of Gajah Mada, or whether it was thought too risky to leave so large powers in the hands of one officer. Accordingly his work was entrusted to four (or six) different persons. Gajah Mada's name is also associated with a book on polity (Kuṭārāmānava) which, in spite of later additions and alterations, may be rightly ascribed to that great minister.
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In 1371, however, we find a new Prime Minister appointed. This was Gajah Enggon, who served for the remaining eighteen years of Rājasanagara’s reign, and continued in the post under the next king till his death in 1398.
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King Rājanagara had a long and prosperous reign, and under him, as stated above, Majapahit became the seat of a vast empire. But he took an unwise step in his old age which was mainly instrumental in pulling down the vast imperial fabric reared up with so much care. In order to understand this fully we must have an idea of the royal family. The king had by his chief queen Parameśvarī only a daughter named Kusumavardhanī. The queen's sister, Īśvarī, called princess of Pajang, had one daughter, called Nāgaravardhanī princess of Virabhūmi, and a son called Vikramavardhana, prince of Matarām. Vikramavardhana was married to the crown-princess Kusumavardhanī, and was thus the next heir to the throne. But king Rājanagara had also a son by a junior wife. In order to settle him well in life, the king had him married to Nāgaravardhanī. He thus became prince of Virabhūmi and was adopted by the princess of Daha. In order to strengthen his position still further the king made him governor of the eastern part of Java. Although nominally under the authority of Majapahit, the prince of Virabhūmi really exercised almost independent powers, so much so that the Chinese annals refer to two kings in Java even during the lifetime of king Rājanagara, and both of them sent envoys to the imperial court¹. Thus were sown the seeds of a future civil war which was destined to pave the way for the final overthrow, not only of the kingdom of Majapahit, but also of the Hindu kingdom and Hindu culture of Java.
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¹ Groeneveldt—Notes, p. 35.
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King Rājanagara died in 1389 A.D. and Vikramavardhana, also known as Hyang Viśeṣa, succeeded him at Majapahit.
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The latter had a son by the crown-princess who was called, after his royal grandfather, Hyang Wekas ing Sukha. Being a direct descendant of Rājanagara the crown-prince held a position of great importance. He appointed a new Prime Minister Gajah Manguri in 1398. But next year the crown-prince died at Indrabhavana and was cremated at the temple of Parama Sukhapura at Tajung.¹ Due to this shock or for some other reason the king took to a religious life in 1400 A.D.
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¹ Krom thinks that king Rājanagara was also cremated there, but of this we have no evidence.
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The actual expression used in the record is that king Vikramavarddhana became a "Bhagavan." Brandes translated this word as 'monk' and held that the 'king withdrew from worldly life and government.' But the example of Airlangga shows that a king can continue to exercise temporal authority even though he adopts a religious life. There is no doubt, however, that both according to Pararaton and Chinese accounts, Vikramavarddhana exercised royal powers at a subsequent date. Brandes tried to explain away this circumstance by supposing that under pressure of circumstances the king subsequently returned to the worldly life. But of this change there is no evidence whatsoever.
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Pararaton next (Chap. XII) refers to one "Bhaṭāra istri Prabhu" *i.e.*, a female sovereign. A few lines before this (Chap. X) the chronicle refers to Devi Suhitā, the daughter of king Vikramavarddhana, as 'Prabhu istri.' Then, a few lines later (Chap. XII), it refers to the death of king Vikramavarddhana. This is immediately followed by the statement that Prabhu istri died in 1429 (Chap. XII). Nothing is said about the succession to the throne, but Bhre Daha is said to be ruler (ratu) in 1437 A.D. (Chap. XIII). Lastly it is noted that 'Prabhu istri' died in 1447 and was cremated at Singhajaya (Chap. XIII).
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This somewhat confusing account has led to differences among scholars regarding the reconstruction of the history of the period. Brandes held the view that after the abdication of Vikramavarddhana Suhitā ruled from 1400 to 1429 A.D., probably jointly with his father for a part of this period. After the death of both in 1429 A.D., there was an interregnum from 1429 to 1437, and thereafter a queen, Bhre Daha, ruled from 1437 to 1447 A.D. Krom has pointed out several defects in this interpretation. In the first place, there is no reference to any interregnum, and secondly, the title ‘prabhu’ is applied to the ruler of Majapahit whereas Bhre Daha is called only a ‘ratu.’ Krom himself has given a new interpretation. He begins by pointing out that Singhajaya, the cremation place of ‘Prabhu istri’ in 1447, is also, according to Par., the cremation place of Suhitā’s husband who died a year before (Chap. XII). From this fact he concludes that this ‘Prabhu istri’ who died in 1447 is no other than Suhitā herself.
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Starting from this basis Krom offers a simple explanation. He assumes that Vikramavarddhana continued to rule till 1429, when, after his death, his daughter Suhitā ascended the throne and ruled till her death in 1447 A.D. Bhre Daha is regarded by Krom as merely a ruler of Daha having no connection with Majapahit.¹
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¹ For a full discussion on this point, cf. Krom—Geschiedenis², pp. 428ff.
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Krom’s reconstruction is open to serious objection, as it ignores two clear statements in Chap. XII of the Pararaton, viz., (1) Bhaṭāra istri became ruler in 1400 A.D., and (2) Prabhu istri died in 1429 A.D.
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Fortunately, we have got two statements by the Chinese authorities which enable us to check the accounts of Pararaton, and, perhaps, to understand it aright. The History of the Ming Dynasty says that in 1415 A.D. the king of Java gave up his old name and adopted the new name Yang Wi-si-sa, and from another Chinese source we come to know that this king was ruling in Java in 1436 A.D.² There is no doubt that the Chinese name corresponds to Hyang Viśeṣa, the second name of king Vikramavarddhana.
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² Groeneveldt.—Notes, p. 37. T’oung Pao, 1934, pp. 301-2,
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We should, therefore, dismiss from our mind the idea that king Vikramavarddhana died in 1429 A.D. As a matter of fact this is nowhere stated in Pararaton. The relevant passages of Pararaton are cited below (marked A, B, etc.) with a view to arrive at a definite idea of the whole situation.
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Chap. XI. A. Bhra Hyang Viśeṣa became *bhagavan* i.e. withdrew from state-affairs in Śaka 1322. Chap. XII. B. Bhaṭāra istri became ruler (*prabhu*). C. Bhra Hyang Viśeṣa died... D. Prabhu istri died in 1351. Chap. XIII. E. Bhre Daha became ruler (*ratu*) in Śaka 1359. F. Bhre Prabhu istri died in Śaka 1369. Chap. XIV. G. Thereupon Bhre Tumapel became king in her place.
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Now from the statements A and B we are bound to conclude that Bhre Hyang Viśeṣa abdicated the throne in favour of Prabhu istri. Now this title was obviously applied to two persons who died respectively in 1351 (D) and 1369 (F), and probably they were the queen and daughter of king Hyang Viśeṣa. The abdication was, therefore, in favour of one of these two, probably the former. It was, however, only for a short period. The Chinese accounts show that the king was ruling in 1415 A.D., and the Pararaton also records his activities in connection with the civil war in 1404 A.D. An inscription, issued by His Majesty Bhaṭāra Hyang Viśeṣa, also supports the same conclusion, as the record was obviously later than 1415 A.D. when he assumed this name.¹ The assumption of a new name in 1415 might indicate that, though actively looking to the affairs of the state all along, he formally resumed his sovereignty only in that year; but this is not certain. In any case Hyang Viśeṣa resumed the sovereignty in or before 1415 A.D., and ruled till 1436 A.D., as the Chinese authorities inform us. This is in a way corroborated by the statement in Pararaton that Bhre Daha became ruler in 1437 A.D. (E) Evidently that was the year when Hyang Viśeṣa died. Bhre Daha probably ruled from 1437 to 1447 when on her death Bhre Tumapel became king.
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¹ O. V. 1918, p. 171.
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The sentence G immediately follows F, and consequently the expression ‘thereupon’ should be taken to indicate that the accession of Tumapel was contingent upon the death of Bhre Prabhu istri, or, in other words, the former succeeded the latter. On the other hand, the only person whose accession is referred to after 1436 A. D. is Bhre Daha, and not Bhre Prabhu istri. Thus the three sentences E. F. G., read together, might lead us to believe that Bhre Daha and Prabhu istri probably referred to the same person, vix., Suhitā, the daughter of Hyang Viśeṣa, but of this we are not certain. It is equally possible to hold with Krom, that Bhre Daha was a local ruler, and in that case Suhitā ascended the throne after her father’s death in 1436 A. D., though neither this incident nor the date thereof is mentioned in Pararaton. Bhre Daha might also be a rebel or a rival to Suhitā, and there is nothing surprising in it, as the reign of Vikramavarddhana is marked by the great Civil War which led to the disruption of the empire and ultimately to the downfall of the kingdom of Majapahit.
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It has already been mentioned that prince Virabhūmi was ruling like an independent prince in Eastern Java even during the lifetime of Rājanagara. The following passage appears in the History of the Ming Dynasty between the accounts of the embassies in the years 1377 and 1379 A. D. “In this country there is a western and an eastern king, the latter is called Bogindo Bongkit, and the former Bu-la-po-bu (Bhaṭāra Prabhu). Both of them sent envoys with tribute”¹
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¹ Groeneveldt—Notes, p. 35. Cf. also Ferrand’s notes, Par. p.164.
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This account refers apparently to about 1378 A. D., when Rājanagara was still living. It may be easily presumed that the relation between the two states did not improve after the death of that king. The Chinese history tells us that in 1403 both the kings sent tribute and obtained royal seals from the Chinese emperor; and thenceforward both the kings regularly sent tribute¹. This shows that both of them tried to get recognition from the Chinese emperor. The Chinese history informs us that in 1406 the eastern king was defeated and his kingdom destroyed.² We get a more detailed account of the struggle in Pararaton (Chap. XII). It appears that as early as 1401 A. D. king Vikramavarddhana was involved in a fight with prince Vīrabhūmi, but the result was indecisive. War broke out again in 1404 or shortly before that. At first the fortune of war turned against Vikramavarddhana, and he decided to retire. But then the two powerful chiefs of Java, Bhre Tumapel, and Bhra Parameśvara, son and son-in-law respectively of the king, came to his aid, though they had at first stood aloof. This proved decisive. Prince Vīrabhūmi was defeated and fled during night in a ship. He was, however, caught and put to death, and his head was brought to Majapahit in 1406 A. D.
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¹ Ibid, p. 36.
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² Ibid, p. 36.
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A side-issue of this episode brought the conquering Javanese king into troubles with the Chinese Court. The incident is thus described in the History of the Ming Dynasty.³
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³ Ibid, pp. 36-37.
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"In the year 1405 the eunuch Cheng Ho was sent as a messenger to this country, and in the next year the two kings made war upon each other; the eastern king was defeated and his kingdom destroyed. At that time the imperial envoys were just in the country of the eastern king, and when the soldiers of the western king entered the market place, 170 of their followers were killed by these; on this the western king became afraid and sent envoys to ask pardon. The Emperor gave them an edict reproving him severely and ordered him to pay sixty thousand taels of gold as a fine. In the year 1408 Cheng Ho was sent again to this country and the western king presented ten thousand thails of gold; the officers of the Board of Rites observed that the amount was not complete and wanted to imprison the envoys who brought it, but the Emperor said: "What I want from those people who live far away, is that they acknowledge their guilt, but I do not want to enrich myself with their gold," and on this he remitted the whole fine. From this time they brought tribute continually, sometimes once in two years and sometimes more than once a year, and the eunuchs Wu-pin and Cheng Ho visited their country repeatedly."
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The defeat and death of the Prince of Virabhūmi once more restored the unity of Java. But the internal dissensions for nearly a quarter of a century, ending in a disastrous civil war, must have taxed to the utmost the military and financial resources of the country and left her weak and exhausted. Its first fruits were seen in the loss of that political supremacy which Java had secured in the Archipelago and Malay Peninsula. Her position as suzerain power now passed over to China, and gradually new kingdoms and commercial centres arose which were destined to overwhelm Java herself at no distant date.
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With the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. we can clearly perceive the decline of Java, as an international power. This can be best understood by reviewing the position of a few kingdoms which had acknowledged the supremacy of Java in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D.