Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champa; Vol. II: Suvarnadvipa) v2.c20.s3: Chapter III. Society
Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champā; Vol. II: Suvarṇadvīpa) v2.c20.s3
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Chapter III. Society
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The social organisation evolved by the Indian colonists in their new homes can only be dimly perceived. But enough remains to show that definite and deliberate attempts were made to introduce the Hindu social fabric, though they did not meet with as complete a success as in the case of religion.
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The fundamental basis of the Hindu society, and one which distinguishes it from all other known societies, is the system of caste. That this was introduced in Java, Madura, and Sumatra is clear from the occurrence of the word "Caturvarṇa" in early records, and frequent reference to the Brāhmaṇas, Kṣatriyas, Vaiśyas, and Śūdras in literature and inscriptions.¹ It will be, however, too much to assume that this caste-system was the same as is prevalent in Hindu society to-day, and we are not sure if the caste-system there meant anything more than a theoretical recognition of the division of the people into four grades. But, then, it is necessary to remember that the same was also the case in at least many parts of India in earlier times, and that the influence of Buddhism and Tantrik religion obliterated the distinctions of caste to a considerable degree in later periods. It is, therefore, difficult to draw a sharp line of distinction between the system of caste in Java and that in India.
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¹ The four castes are named in the copper-plate grant of Keboan-Pasar in Eastern Java, dated A.D. 873 (O.J.O., Vol. IX), the Sidokata grant, dated A.D. 1323 (J.G.I.S., Vol. II, p. 131), and the Padang Roco (Sumatra) Inscription of king Kṛtanagara, dated A.D. 1286 (Part I, p. 299). For Madura, cf. Congres I, pp. 262-3.
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This view is strengthened by the fact that the Indian caste-system, such, for example, as is described in Manu-saṃhitā, prevails in its essential features even to-day among the Balinese, the only people who have retained the old Hindu religion and customs. In order to convey an idea of the caste-system after its transplantation in the distant colonies, we can do no better than draw a picture of the system as it prevails to-day among the Balinese of Bali and Lombok.¹
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¹ For an account of the caste-system in Bali, cf. (i) Friederich—Bali, pp. 151-189. (ii) Crawfurd—Dictionary, pp. 29-30. (iii) Liefrinck—‘Bijdrage tot de kennis van het eiland Bali’, T.B.G., Vol. XXXIII (1890), pp. 233-472. (iv) Encycl. Ned. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 117-8. I have mainly followed the last.
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The people are divided into four castes, Brāhmaṇa, Kṣatriya, Vesya ( Vaiśya ), and Śudra. The first three castes are ‘twice-born’ (drijāti), while the Śudras are ‘ekajāti’ (once-born).
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Marriage among different castes is prevalent, but while a man can marry a girl of his own or lower caste, a woman can only marry one of equal or higher caste. The union between a woman with a man of lower caste is punishable by death. The children of mixed marriages belong to the caste of the father, though they differ in rank and status according to the caste of their mother.
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The Brāhmaṇas are divided into two broad classes according as they are worshippers of Śiva or Buddha. The first is again subdivided into five groups, originating mainly from the marriage with lower castes. For example, the Kamnuh, the highest class, is said to have sprung from a Brāhmaṇa father and Brāhmaṇa mother, while the Petapan, the lowest, was originally the offspring of a Brāhmaṇa father and a slave mother. But the classes were stabilised in Bali, the children belonging to the caste of their father irrespective of the caste of their mother.² To the Brāhmaṇa caste belong the Padaṇḍas or priests to whom reference will be made in the chapter on Religion. Padaṇḍas of the highest rank observe strict Brahmacarya (celibacy), and usually the Padaṇḍas are expected to have only one wife. But in practice the Padaṇḍas marry wives, even from a lower caste. The Brāhmaṇas are usually styled ‘Ida’ (male) and Idayu (female).
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² Liefrinck, op. cit., p. 237.
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The Kṣatriyas are also subdivided into five classes. Some, but not all the royal families in Bali belong to this caste. Their usual title is ‘Deva’ for the man and ‘Desak’ (*Skt.* Dāsī ?) for the woman.
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Among the third caste, the Vaiśyas, the Aria (Arya ?) forms the chief group to which belong the royal families in Bali who are not Kṣatriyas. Their title is Gusti, for the male, and Gusti-ayu for the female. The ‘Vargi’ and ‘Salit’ form the other two Vaiśya-groups.
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The Śūdras, known generally as Kaulas, are not despised as impure or untouchable. Impurity, according to the Balinese conception, is the consequence of certain acts such as, for example, (1) using water in which a dead body has been washed, (2) being reduced to slavery by legal process, (3) attempt to commit suicide, (4) refusing to become a *Sati* (i.e., burning herself with her dead husband) after making a declaration to that effect, *etc.* The duration of impurity varies according to circumstances. Sometimes men of higher castes are degraded to the rank of a Śūdra.
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The different castes are not tied down to specific occupations; for example, men of all castes take to agriculture. The Śūdras, in addition to agriculture, also follow other arts and crafts.
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In Bali we meet with another characteristic feature of ancient Indian caste-system, *viz.*, the privileges enjoyed in law courts by the higher caste. Here, again, for the same offence, the law lays down punishment in inverse ratio to the superiority of the caste of the offender, and in direct ratio to that of the offended.
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As to the superiority, although the four castes hold a relative position similar to that in India, the ruling princes, be they of Kṣatriya or Vaiśya caste, are regarded as superior to their Brāhmaṇa subjects. This is due to the theory that kings are representatives of God. It must be noted, however, that although superior, even a king cannot marry a Brāhmaṇa girl. In practice, however, even this is done by legal subterfuge. "Mr. Zollinger, in his interesting account of Lombok, gives an example. The young Raja of Mataram in that island, a Balinese, fell in love with the daughter of the chief Deva. In order to possess her, friendly legal ceremony became necessary. The Brāhmaṇa went through the form of expelling his daughter from his house, denouncing her as a "wicked daughter." She was then received into the Raja's house as a Vaiśya and became a princess."[¹]
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¹ Quoted in Crawfurd—Dictionary, p. 30.
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The days of impurity, to be observed in case of a death in a family, vary, as in India, according to caste. A Padaṇḍa, an ordinary Brāhmaṇa, a Kṣatriya, a Vaiśya, and a Śūdra, become pure respectively after five, ten, fifteen, twenty, and twenty-five days.
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Two other social institutions in Bali may be referred to in connection with the caste-system. First, the Satī or the burning of a widow along with the body of her dead husband. This is forbidden in the case of the Śūdras, and in late periods came to be confined only to royal families. There were two kinds of self-immolation. In one case the wife first killed herself by the Kris ( sword ) and then her body was placed on the funeral pyre; in the other case the wife jumped into the funeral pyre. Sometimes even the slaves and concubines of the dead also perished with him.[²]
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² For a detailed account of the 'Satī' system, Cf. Friederich-Bali pp. 145 ff.
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Secondly, we may refer to the slaves as forming a distinct class in society. Slavery may be due to one of the following circumstances : (1) birth, (2) non-payment of debt or fines, (3) imprisonment in war, or (4) poverty. Although severely punished for crimes or attempts to escape, the lot of a slave is on the whole tolerable.[³]
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³ Encyl. Ned. Ind., Vol. I., p. 118.
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Whether all these customs which we find to-day in Bali also prevailed in Java and other parts of Hinduised Malayasia is difficult to determine. But the few references that we get are not incompatible with such a view. For in Javanese literature and Chinese accounts we get references to Brāhmaṇas and Kṣatriyas, and also to slavery and Satī. The Javanese literature and history throw some interesting light on certain phases of society, although they do not furnish materials for anything like a connected and complete picture. The system of marriage, for example, seems to show some divergence from Hindu customs. Polygamy was prevalent on almost as large a scale as in India, but the remarriage of widows, even of grown-up ladies with children, seems to have been a usual feature in Java, whereas it was all but unknown in India. For although sanctioned by the scriptures under special circumstances, an odium attached to it, and it hardly came into use, at least in the upper classes of society. In Java we have the famous instance of Ken Angrok or King Rājasa, marrying the widow of Tunggul Ametung, the governor of Tumapel.¹ About common people we learn that in an annual gladiatorial combat (to be described later) in Java, the wife of the slain became the prize of the victor.
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¹ Cf. Part I, Bk. III, ch. V.
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In general, the position of a woman in Java seems to have been much better than in India, so far at least as the political rights were concerned. Guṇapriyā Dharmapatnī ruled in her own rights, and in the official records her name was placed before that of her husband.² The records of Airlangga show that a lady named Śrī Sangrāmavijaya Dharmaprasādottungadevi occupied the post of ‘rakryan mahāmantri i hino’ next only to that of the king.³ Rājapatnī succeeded Jayanagara, and her eldest daughter acted as regent for her although this daughter had a son.⁴ Again, we know that after the death of Vikramavardhana, his daughter Suhitā ascended the throne although she had two brothers.¹ It is also interesting to note that on ceremonial occasions, such as the establishment of a freehold, the wives of officials are stated in the inscriptions to have received presents from the king along with their husbands.
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² Cf. Part I, Bk. III, ch. II.
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³ Ibid.
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⁴ Cf. Part I, Bk, III, ch. VI.
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¹ Cf. Part I, Bk. III, ch. VII.
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The Berbek stone inscription of 927 A.D. refers to a lady as 'the mother of Bingah'. She carried the title rake, and founded a freehold which was to pass after her death to her own children and not to their step-brothers or step-sisters. This short record thus proves that even women, not belonging to the royal family, could hold office under the state and possess property in her own name with rights to dispose of it according to her own will².
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² Krom-Geschiedenis², p. 201.
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There does not appear to be any purdah system in vogue, and the women freely mixed with men. This is evident from literature as well as present-day customs in Bali. Women could choose their own husbands, and we find actual reference to Svaṃamvara in the case of princess Bhreng Kahuripan³. There seems to be no restriction as to the degree of relationship within which marriage relation was prohibited. The case of Aji Jayanagarā shows that even marriage with a step-sister was not forbidden⁴.
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³ Pararaton, p. 129.
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⁴ Cf. Part I, Bk. III, ch. VI.
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An Old-Javanese prose work, Tatva-Ning-Vyavahāra, like Raghunandan's Aṣṭāviṃśati Tattva, seems to lay down rules for society. A sanskrit śloka describing the origin of the four castes from the forehead, arms, thigh, and feet of Brahmā is quoted with an Old-Javanese translation. It then mentions the classes of food prohibited to the different classes. A list is given of the unclean animals such as dog, mouse, ape, snake, etc. It also deals with the marriage ceremony. How far books of this kind represent the actual state of society, it is difficult to say.
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The duties of the four castes are given in some books of this kind. Others lay down the dates on which it is improper to institute a law-suit or when a husband should approach his wife, *etc.* (*cf.* Manu III. 45).
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It was not the custom in Java to use match-makers in contracting a marriage. Some gold was paid to the relations of the girl and then the marriage took place¹. In Borneo they sent, as marriage-presents, first the wine made of cocoanut-tree, then areca-nuts, and next a finger ring. At last they sent some cotton cloth or weighed out some gold or silver². In Kora and Kalah (Malay Peninsula) they gave no other presents than areca-nuts, sometimes as many as two hundred trays³.
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¹ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 17.
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² Ibid, p. 108.
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³ Ibid, p. 122.
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The details of marriage ceremony in Java may be gathered from the following description.
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"When a man marries, he goes first to the house of the bride to conclude the marriage, and three days afterwards he brings his wife home, on which occasion the relations of the bridegroom beat copper drums and gongs, blow on cocoanut shells, beat drums made of bamboo, and burn fireworks, whilst a number of men armed with small swords surround them. The bride has hair hanging loose, the upper part of her body and feet naked; round her waist a piece of green flowered cloth is fastened; on her head she wears strings of golden beads, and on the wrists bracelets of gold and silver nicely ornamented.
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"The relations, friends and neighbours bring *penang* and betel, whilst with garlands of flowers and leaves they adorn a little ship which they carry along with the newly married as a form of congratulation. Arriving at the house they beat drums and gongs and rejoice for several days after which they go away."⁴
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⁴ Ibid, pp. 51-52.
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Some of the Chinese accounts testify to a very high degree of conjugal love and fidelity. In Hsing-Cha Sheng-lan occurs the following passage about Ma-yi-tung which has been identified with Banka. "They highly value chastity, and when a husband dies, his wife cuts her hair, lacerates her face and does not eat for seven days, sleeping all the time together with the dead body of her husband. Many die during this time, but if one survives after seven days, her relations exhort her to eat; she may then live but never marries again. On the day that the husband is burned, many wives throw themselves into the fire and die also."¹
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¹ Ibid, p. 79.
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This last custom is also referred to in other Chinese accounts, and, as we have already seen above, has survived in Bali.
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Adultery was punished with death both in San-fo-tsi² and Borneo.³
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² Chau Ju-kua, p. 61.
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³ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 107.
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The Chinese writers have recorded various observations about the manner and customs of the people in different parts of Malayasia. These observations, made at different dates, and in respect of countries widely removed from one another, do not enable us to formulate a general picture of society. But they throw interesting light on various phases of the life of the people which is of great value. The following sketch gives the more salient features of the social institutions, in addition to those referred to above.
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The king, the nobles, and the high officials formed an aristocracy which was sharply distinguished from the mass of people. The aristocracy lived in ease and luxury, evidently at the expense of the people.
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The king occupied an exalted position and was sometimes regarded as divine. We learn from Chau Ju-kua that in San-fo-tsi, "when the king dies, the common people go into mourning by shaving their heads and his personal followers choose a voluntary death by leaping into the blazing fire."⁴
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⁴ Chau Ju-kua, p. 61.
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From a very early period the king imitated the grandeur and luxury of the Indian Court. According to an account of the sixth century A.D., the king of Lang-ya-su, “when he goes out, rides on an elephant, surrounded with flags of feathers, banners and drums, and covered by a white canopy.”¹ The history of the Sung dynasty (960-1279 A.D.) says of the king of Java: “The king has his hair in a knot upon the top of his head, he wears golden bells, a silk robe, and shoes of leather. He sits on a square couch and his functionaries who see him daily salute him three times on going away. When he goes out, he rides on an elephant or sits in a carriage, and from five to seven hundred soldiers follow him. When the people see the king, they squat down until he has passed.”² According to Chau Ju-kua, the ruler of San-fo-tsi was sheltered by a silk umbrella and guarded by men bearing golden lances.³ The royal procession in Po-li was marked by even greater splendour as is evident from the passage quoted above, in Bk. 1, ch. IX. An idea of the primitive and simple court-life may be formed from the account of Pu-ni where “the king sits on a couch made of cords, and when he goes out he sits on a large piece of cloth ( a hammock ) and is carried by a number of men.”⁴
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¹ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 10.
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² Ibid, p. 16.
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³ Chau Ju-Kua, p. 70.
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⁴ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 108.
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The residence of the king and the nobles was built of brick and wood, sometimes covered by Chinese tiles, while the dwellings of the people were mostly bamboo cottages covered with straw, the walls being filled in with leaves, and the poles fastened with rattan.⁵
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⁵ Ibid, p. 46. Chau Ju-kua, pp. 67, 70.
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The Chinese description of the ordinary people is sometimes applicable only to wild primitive tribes who still inhabited parts of the country.
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Take, for example, the following description of the Javanese in Ying-yai Sheng-lan which is also reproduced in the History of the Ming Dynasty. “The natives are very ugly and uncouth; they go about with uncombed heads and naked feet.
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and believe devoutly in devils. The food of these people is dirty and bad, as for instance snakes, ants, and all other kinds of insects and worms which are kept a moment before the fire and then eaten; the dogs they have in their houses eat and sleep together with them, without their being disgusted at all."¹
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¹ Groeneveldt-Notes, pp. 50, 40.
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This is evidently the class of people who were civilised by the Hindus. The Chinese account, which belongs to the last period of Hindu culture, shows that a large section of the people was still beyond the pale of Hindu culture and civilization.
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Perhaps even the civilized element retained a degree of primitive ferocity such as is described in the same texts. "The temper (of the people of Java) is cruel and hasty; young and old, high and low, all carry a sword at their side and on the slightest provocation they injure each other."² We read in another text: "The men and women of this country take great care of their heads; if another touches them, or if they get into a quarrel in trading, or if they are drunk and insult each other, they draw their dagger and begin stabbing, thus deciding the question by violence. If one is killed, the other runs away and conceals himself for three days after which time he has no more to account for his opponent's life. When, on the contrary, a murderer is caught on the spot, he is also stabbed to death immediately."³
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² Ibid, p. 40.
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³ Ibid, p. 47.
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Quite in keeping with this temper was an annual 'Gladiatorial combat' which is called by the Chinese "Meeting of Bamboo Spears." It was an annual gathering attended by the king and the queen. The combatants, armed with bamboo spears and accompanied by their wives or concubines, formed two ranks. At the sound of drum two men advanced with their lances and commenced fighting. After they were engaged three times, they were separated by their wives. If one was killed in the fight, the king ordered the victor to pay one gold coin to the relations of the deceased whose wife henceforth followed the victor. The Chinese author justly remarks: "Thus they make a game of a deadly fight."¹
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¹ Ibid, pp. 50-1.
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The same primitive character may also be noted in their dress and food. The chief characteristic of the dress of the people was that both men and women usually kept the upper part of their body naked, and only put something like a modern *sarong* around the lower limbs below the waist. This is definitely recorded about the people of Lang-ya-su, Java, and Borneo.² The fact that the custom prevails even to-day in the island of Bali gives an authentic character to the Chinese statement. A woman without any covering for the upper part of the body would be regarded in modern India as a relic of barbarism. But it is only fair to bear in mind that even now the custom prevails among some South Indian tribes, and that ancient Indian sculpture as a rule represents female figures without any covering for the upper part of the body.
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² Ibid, pp. 10, 46, 51, 106. In the History of the Sung Dynasty, however, the dress of the Javanese is said to be wrapped round the breast and then going down below the knees (Ibid, p. 17).
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Rice formed the ordinary article of food, at least in Java. Another Indian characteristic was the chewing of betel. They drank wine made from flowers, cocoanuts (probably palm-tree), *penang* or honey, which were all intoxicating.³
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³ Ibid, pp. 13, 49, 63. Chau Ju-kua, p. 60.
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The people had various amusements to enjoy their lives. Gambling seems to have been widely prevalent. The people of San-fo-tsi played *pa-kui*, chess or arranged cock-fight, in all cases staking money.⁴ Cock-fighting was also a favourite pastime in Java. More innocent amusements were trips to mountains or rivers. We are told about Java: "In the fifth month they go in boats for their amusement and in the tenth month they repair to the mountain to enjoy themselves there. They have mountain ponies which carry them very well, and some go in mountain chairs."⁵
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⁴ Groeneveldt-Notes, p. 75.
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⁵ Ibid, p. 17.
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The women of Java had their own modes of enjoyment. "On every fifteenth and sixteenth day of the month, when the moon is full and the night is clear, the native women form themselves into troops of 20 or 30, one woman being the head of them all, and so they go arm in arm to walk in the moonshine; the head woman sings one line of native song and the others afterwards fall in together; they go to the houses of their relations and of rich and high people when they are rewarded with copper cash and such things. This is called 'making music in the moonshine.'"¹
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¹ Ibid, p. 53.
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Music seems to be fairly cultivated all over Malayasia. The History of the Sung Dynasty (960-1279 A.D.) describes the Javanese musical instruments as transversal flute, drums, and wooden boards, and add that the Javanese can also dance.² Indeed the modern Javanese music (*gamelan*) and dancing, which justly enjoy a high reputation, give us a fair idea of their past achievements in these directions.
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² Ibid, p. 17.
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The modern Javanese orchestra, known as Gamelan, consists of a variety of musical instruments such as stringed instruments, wind instruments, instruments of percussion, instruments for the melody or accompaniment, and bass instruments. A detailed account of the various instruments under each of these heads cannot be attempted here, and the inquisitive reader is referred to the standing authorities in the subject³. "The various kinds of Gamelan are distinguished by the key in which the instruments are tuned..... A complete Gamelan requires a band of 24 players.... The Gamelan music has reached a great development at the court of Djokjakarta and the instruments there, which are of considerable antiquity, are held in great veneration⁴."
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³ Kunst and Dr. Goris—Hindoe-Javaansche Muziekinstrumenten (1927); supplemented by T. B. G., Vol. 68 (1928), pp. 347 ff. Kunst and Kunst-Van Wely—De Toonkunst Van Bali (1925).
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⁴ J. Str. Br. R.A.S., No. 65, pp. 24-26.
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The inscriptions refer to various kinds of music, *e. g.* those of *Gamelan*, *tuwung*, *regang*, *gandi*, *rāvaṇahasta*, drum, cymbal, and *brekuk*.
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Dancing has always been a very popular entertainment in Java. It is referred to in various inscriptions, and sometimes even princesses are described as proficient in the art of dancing. Of the various kinds of modern Javanese dance both by men and women of different classes of society, a detailed and interesting description has been given by Raffles¹. It consists in "graceful attitudes of the body and in the slow movement of the arms and legs, particularly of the former, even to the distinct motion of the hand and fingers." In addition to the common dancing girls of the country, concubines of the sovereign, the hereditary princes, and of the nobles practise the art in public. As regards the concubines of princes Raffles remarks: "Their body and limbs are by slow movements thrown into every graceful attitude that the most flexible form is capable of exhibiting." The same author adds: "The nobles of the highest rank are accustomed, on particular occasions of festivity, to join in the dance with a common dancing girl. To dance gracefully is an accomplishment in every Javan of rank."
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¹ Cf. Raffles—Java, pp 379-385.
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Music was also cultivated in other parts of Malaysia. As regards San-fo-tsi we are told: "For their music they have a small guitar and small drums. Slaves from Pulu Condore make music for them by trampling on the ground and singing"². The musical instruments used in Kora or Kalah, in Malay Peninsula, were "a kind of guitar, a transversal flute, copper cymbals and iron drums"³.
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² Ibid, p. 63.
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³ Ibid, p. 122.
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The most important amusement known in Malaysia was of course the Wayang or shadow-play which originated in Java. As it still forms one of the most interesting and unique forms of amusement in Java, Bali, Lambok, Malay.
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Peninsula, and other places¹, naturally much has been written on its origin and character, and there is a vast literature on the subject. Reserving the discussion of this point for an appendix to this chapter we shall here confine ourselves merely to an account of the institution as it exists at present, for there are good grounds to believe that it has not materially altered its old character².
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¹ For an account of Malay and Siamese theatres Cf. I.A.L., Vol. VIII, pp. 43 ff.
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² There is a vast literature on this subject. Particular reference may be made to the following :—
(a) Rassers—Over den Oorsprong van het Javaansche Tooneel, B.K.I. (1931), pp. 317-450. This is the latest and most detailed discussion of the subject. Also cf. B.K.I., Vol. 81, pp. 311-381.
(b) G.A.J. Hazeu—Bijdrage Tot de Kennis Van het Javaansche Tooneel (Leiden, 1897).
(c) Krom—Geschiedenis², pp. 49 ff.
(d) Brandes, T.B.G. (1889), pp. 122 ff.
(e) Encyl. Van Ned. Ind. (s.v. Tooneel). (An excellent summary of this is given in J. Str. Br. R.A.S., No. 65, pp. 19 ff).
(f) Kats—Het Javaansche Tooneel (1923).
(g) Jacob—Geschichte des Schatten-theaters (1925). The account given is based principally on the authority No. (e) and also Raffles-Java, pp. 375-379.
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The Javanese have seven kinds of theatrical performances which may be broadly divided into three classes. First, the ordinary kind, in which the dramatic characters are represented by men. The only feature that deserves special notice herein is that the actors wear masks except when they perform before their sovereign. The former is called Topeng and the latter Wayang Wong.
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Secondly, the Wayang proper. Although the term wayang is now used for theatre in general, it technically means a shadow-play. The essential features of a wayang proper are that the actors are represented by shadows which the puppets throw from behind on a white screen, in front of the audience. The puppets are made of leather, generally of buffalo's hide, and painted and gilt with great care. The performer (*dalang*) sits behind the screen under a lamp, and manipulates the puppets so as to suit their actions to the speech which he himself recites from behind on behalf of all the actors. The movements of the puppets are rendered quite easy as they are cut in profile and have loose arms which can be moved by wooden sticks. The *dalang* is, of course, the soul of the whole performance. He not only recites the speeches of all the actors but also repeats verses from the drama illustrating the spirit of the story, and adds descriptions necessary to render the action intelligible to the spectators. The music or *gamelan* forms an essential accompaniment of *wayang*, and like a band-master the *dalang* gives directions to the musicians seated behind him by means of a small hammer in his left hand. To render the war scenes sufficiently exciting he beats with his right foot two or three metallic plates kept ready for the purpose. Before the performance begins he puts in a cup an offering for the spirits and burns incense.
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The most striking thing in a *wayang* is the grotesque form of the puppets or figures which cast shadows on the screen. They are strange distortions of human figures, with an unnaturally prominent nose, grotesque expression of face, and a curious disproportion between different limbs.
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The *wayang* proper is of two kinds, *wayang purva* and *wayang gedog*. *Wayang purva* is the ancient and the most important one. Its themes are usually derived from the two Indian epics, the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata, though they are sometimes mixed up with the Old-Javanese or real Malay-Polynesian myths. Even to-day it is the most popular form of theatre in Java.
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The *wayang gedog* was first introduced during the Majapahit period and differs from *wayang purva* mainly in respect of the subjects of play. Raden Pañji, the prince of Janggala, is the hero of this later class of *wayang*, the themes of which are based on the stories of his love adventures and consequent fights with other princes. The dress and equipments of the puppets naturally vary to a certain extent in consequence of the difference of the subject-matter, but these are minor matters of detail.
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The third class of theatre comprises Wayang Keḷitik or Karuchil, Wayang Golek and Wayang Beber. These are not, however, shadow-plays, the actors being represented respectively by flat wooden puppets, round dressed-up puppets, and pictures. No screen is used in any of these.
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Thus on the whole we find that poetry, drama, music, and dance formed the highest classes of amusement, at least in Java, and the spirit of these was undoubtedly derived from India.
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Lastly, we may turn to the final rites of a man, which form such a characteristic feature of every society. As regards the disposal of the dead, burning, throwing into water, and exposure to wilderness for being devoured by birds or dogs seem to have been the chief practices. It is said about Dva-pa-tan, usually identified with Bali, that "when one of them dies, they fill his mouth with gold, put golden bracelet on his legs and arms, and after having added camphor oil, camphor baros and other kinds of perfumery, they pile up firewood and burn the corpse." In Kora or Kalah ( Malay Peninsula ), after the bodies were burnt the ashes were put in a golden jar and sunk into the sea¹.
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¹ Raffles—Java, pp. 52, 58, 108, 120, 122.
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In this connection we may refer to the present practice of cremation at Bali². It consists of a series of ceremonies and requires much time and much money. Immediately after death the body is embalmed, *i.e.*, covered successively with spices, coins, clothes, mats, and a covering of split bamboo. In this state the body remains for a length of time, until three days before the cremation, the corpse is stripped of its coverings and the relatives look upon the dead for the last time. The dead body is then placed on the funeral carriage which is a sort of moving chariot, consisting of a base made of bamboo with a superstructure of bamboo or wood, in the form of a pyramid of three to eleven storeys. Of course the structure and its decoration vary with the wealth of the family and are very gorgeous in the case of princes.
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² The account is based on the very detailed description given in Friederich-Bali, pp. 137-145.
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The funeral carriage is then taken to the cremation ground in a long procession, accompanied by music, and also by armed men in the case of members of a royal family. The articles of daily use and holy water from the sacred places, both Hindu and Buddhist, are carried with the procession.
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At the place of cremation the corpse is carried down from the carriage and placed into the coffin, which stands on a two-storeyed chamber and has the figure of a lion in the case of reigning princes, a cow in the case of other distinguished persons, and is usually a simple square wooden chest in the case of ordinary men, although even these sometimes use figures, e.g., Gajamina, a monster half-elephant and half-fish. At last, after the Padanda has muttered the sacred texts and sprinkled the holy water on the body, a fire is kindled beneath the coffin. After the corpse is consumed the bones are collected and carried the next day with great state to the sea and thrown into it together with money and offerings.
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It was believed that cremation exempted a man from any further change of shape, at least he remained for a certain time as a Pitā (father) in the heaven of the devas and as such demanded the worship and offerings of his surviving relations. But as every family was not able to bear the heavy expenses of cremation, they buried the body instead of burning it. Those who were buried could not enter heaven and assumed all sorts of shapes, and the Balinese specially believed that many of them were metamorphosed into wild dogs. It was, therefore, the bounden duty of every one, who was rich enough, to exhume the dead bodies of his poorer ancestors and burn them.
Linked texts (5)
- Mānava Dharmaśāstra — Manu & Bhṛgu, Sanskrit
- Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
- Vālmīkirāmāyaṇa — Vālmīki, Sanskrit
- Jawa
- Smṛtitattva — Raghunandana Bhaṭṭācārya 1520, Sanskrit