History of the Qaraunah Turks in India c11.156

Language: English

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Meanwhile the ‘Centurions’ at Devagiri were restive. They had given refuge to the discontented amirs from Gujarat and had conspired with them to overthrow the power of Muhammad in the Deccan. The impolicy of the Sultan was not a little responsible for such an unhappy turn of affairs. Besides, Malik Maqbūl’s cruel treatment of the amirs on the bank of the Narbada inflamed their resentment further and led them to adopt defensive measures. The weak administration of Nizam-al-Din was unable to reconcile these feuds and the misunderstanding increased, because no one handled the situation with tact and firmness. Distrust prevented the Sultan from adopting a conciliatory attitude and the ‘Centurions’ rightly became apprehensive of their safety. Having restored order in Gujarat, the Sultan turned his attention towards Devagiri and deputed one Zain Bandah⁶⁸ on whom he conferred the title of Majid-al-Din, and the middle son of Thanesari⁶⁹ who were the leaders of mischief-mongers, to hold an inquiry into the cause of disorder. Obviously the object of these notorious deputies was to ascertain the causes of disaffection in Devagiri and arrest and punish those of the amirs who were the leaders of the rebellious party. They set about their extremely delicate task in a manner so tactless and offensive that the Musalmans of Devagiri suspected, not altogether without reason, that their destruction was determined on by the Sultan.

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Alarmed for their safety by the appearance of this un-called-for commission, they began to prepare themselves for the worst. When this state of affairs was reported to the Sultan, he was naturally filled with wrath and sent two noblemen Ahmad Lāchin and Malik ‘Ali Sarjāmdār,⁷⁰ who were related to Amir Khusrau, to the governor at Devagiri, asking him to dispatch without delay a contingent of 1,500 horsemen together wth the most distinguished of the ‘Centurions’ to join the Sultan’s camp, and it was given out that they were required to suppress disorder in Gujarat. Whether it was only a subterfuge to remove these men from the stronghold of their power, or the Sultan really wanted to utilise their services in restoring order is not clear. The hold of the Muhammadan empire was still considerable in the Deccan, and Maulana Nizam-al-Din, the governor, in accordance with the royal mandate, summoned the amirs from Raichur, Mudgal, Kulburga, Bidar, Bijapur, and other places.⁷¹ Malik ‘Ali Sarjāmdār and Ahmad Lāchin exerted themselves to the utmost and got together amirs like Nasīr-al-Din Tughlji, Qazalbāsh Hājib, Hisām-al-Din, Ismail Makh, Hasan Kāngu, Nur-al-Din and ‘Ālim-al-Mulk and sent them to Daulatabad. The “Centurions” proceeded in their journey towards the royal camp though not without a feeling of mistrust and fear. Ahmad Lāchin, the royal emissary, showed a curious lack of prudence in behaving towards these men in an insulting manner.

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He openly charged them with sedition and harbouring the rebellious nobles of Gujarat, and remarked to his comrades that the Sultan would inflict upon them condign punishments for all their past and present offences. His threats, accompanied by his natural hauteur, kindled resentment in the minds of these excitable people, and they began to regret the step they had taken in obeying the royal command. Tact is infinitely more valuable than mere physical courage on such occasions, but Ahmad Lāchin did not perceive his error and continued to persist in his foolish course. They took it into their heads that they were called in order to be put to death and at the end of the first stage of their journey they refused to proceed further and attacked the royal party one night.

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Ahmad Lāchīn and his companions were killed, and the rebels retreated to Devagiri where they made a raid upon the residence of the governor.⁷² Barani clearly states that the *amirs sadah* took up arms because they feared death at the hands of the Sultan, and he is supported by the author of the *Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi*.⁷³ The author of the *Burhān-i-Māsir* also writes that the *amirs sadah*, obeying the order of the Sultan, started for the royal camp, but on the way, overcome with fear, they one day at midnight attacked the royal army, and the troops, being taken unawares, most of them were killed and the remainder took to flight and made their way to the Sultan's camp.⁷⁴ The governor was captured and thrown into prison, but his life was spared, for he had done nothing to injure the ‘Centurions’.⁷⁵ The other officials of the crown, who had been sent there to assist Nizam-al-Din in suppressing disorder, were roughly handled and nothing availed to save them from the fury of their enemies. The son of Rukn Thanesari was hacked to pieces, and the rebels seized and distributed amongst themselves the treasure which was deposited in the fort of Dharagarh. They chose one of their leaders Isma‘il Makh Afghan, brother of Malik Mal Afghan as their king under the title of Nāṣir-al-Din and assigned to him the functions of royalty.⁷⁶ The imperial authority having been suspended, the rebels proceeded to divide the Maratha country into districts to suit their convenience.

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The whole country was in a state of ferment; the ‘Centurions’ who had previously retired to distant places owing to the fear of the Sultan came back on hearing of the success of their fellow-amirs. The amirs of Dabhoī and Baroda, who had gone to the mountainous region of Baglānā, having been apprised of these developments, returned to Devagiri and threw in their lot with the disaffected party. The common people and the peasantry could no longer keep aloof in such a state of disorder and they swelled the ranks of the rebels. Thus Devagiri became the storm-centre and the rallying point of the ‘Centurions,’ and from all sides the army of revolt received fresh accessions of strength until at last the magnitude of the danger roused the Sultan into activity. Disorder spread in other parts of the Deccan, and the amirs of Malwa, Khandesh and Berar were not slow to follow the example of their compatriots. The troops of Khandesh became mutinous; and ‘Imad-al-Mulk, the king’s son-in-law, who was in charge of the province, found it difficult to hold