History of the Qaraunah Turks in India c11.252

Language: English

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The Sultan had been busily occupied with the revolt of Taghī and the restoration of order in Gujarat so that Daulatabad had almost been neglected. At the time of his departure for Gujarat he had left his generals to deal with the rebels who had entrenched themselves in the fort of Devagiri under the leadership of Isma‘il to defend themselves against attack. The fort was besieged, but the rebels stubbornly fought against the besiegers and baffled all their attempts to reduce it. ‘Imād-al-Mulk Sartez had been despatched by the Sultan to deal with Hasan Kāngū who had fled towards Kulburga with a considerable force to harass the imperial army. During the Sultan’s absence in Gujarat, the rebels increased their forces, as is shown by the fact that Isma‘il was able to despatch five thousand horse to the aid of Hasan who had received the title of Zafar Khan. Taghī’s continued defiance and the Sultan’s inability to crush him encouraged the malcontents in their designs, and they decided to make a united effort to establish their power. While the imperialists were concentrating themselves in Gujarat, ‘Imād-al-Mulk, who was encamped at Bidar had in Zafar Khan a foe worthy of his steel who aimed at royalty and whom no threat or demonstration of military force could intimidate into submission.

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Barani summarily disposes of the rebellion and writes : ‘ While the Sultan was engaged in settling the country of Gujarat and was about to enter Nehrwālā, news came from Devagiri that Hasan Kāngū and other rebels, who had fled before the royal army on the day of battle had attacked and slain ‘Imād-al-Mulk and scattered his army and that Khudāwand Zādah Qiwām-al-Dīn, Malik Jauhar, and Zahīr-al-Jayūsh had gone from Devagiri towards Dhar. It was further reported that Hasan Kāngū had entered Devagiri and seized the royal canopy, and the insurgents, who had shut themselves in the fort of Dhārāgarh, had descended and created a disturbance in Devagiri.¹³⁵ This event has been differently described by different historians. The author of the *Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi* writes that the Daulatabad army under the leadership of Hasan Kāngū, coming out of hiding, attacked and slew ‘Imād-al-Mulk Sartez,¹³⁶ and he is followed by ‘Abdul Qādir Badāonī who says :—" the army which had fled from Daulatabad under the leadership of Hasan Kāngū, coming out of hiding, attacked ‘Imād-al-Mulk Sartez.

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‘Imād-al-Mulk was slain, and his army fled to Daulatabad and sought shelter there, and Malik Jauhar with Khudāwand Zādah Qiwām-al-Dīn and other Amirs, not being able to withstand Hasan in Daulatabad, evacuated those districts and made for Dhārānagar."¹³⁷ The *Burhān-i-Ma’sir* which is pre-eminently a history of the Deccan and the author of which is a contemporary of Firishta positively asserts that when ‘Ala-al-Dīn Hasan came to know that the enemies were pursuing him, he sat in ambush and when their forces came near, he made a surprise attack in which the royal army was defeated and ‘Imād-al-Mulk was slain.¹³⁸ Against this we have the testimony of Hājjī-ad-Dabīr, who says that when the Sultan left for Broach, Hasan got his opportunity and a fierce fight raged between him and the imperialists in which ‘Imād-al-Mulk Sartez was killed and his companions fled into the mountains.¹³⁹ He is supported by Firishta who gives a detailed account of the battle and the particulars which he relates irresistibly lead to the conclusion that preparations were made on both sides and that the engagement was a hotly contested one.¹⁴⁰ Whom are we to believe in the face of this conflicting evidence? It is true, none of these historians is a contemporary writer, but they are all excellent secondary authorities whose sources of information are found to be generally reliable.

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A careful examination of their accounts decides the issue in favour of Firishta, who had probably consulted them all except one, and whose narrative clearly shows that Hasan had a large force at his command and consequently had no need to lie in ambush and deliver a surprise attack. Besides, Barani, who is a contemporary writer, does not mention any sudden attack and the author of the *Tabqāt-i-Akbari*, follows Barani and makes no allusion to the surprise attack by Hasan. Their omission, though not a conclusive argument, lends support to the view of Firishta. The author of the *Tabqāt* simply says that after the departure of the Sultan the rebels gathered together again, routed the army of ‘Imād-al-Mulk and killed him.¹⁴¹ Firishta’s account, detailed as it is, throws much light upon the relative positions of the two parties. Hasan had already under his command 20,000 men who had followed him towards Bidar and Kulburga. But he felt that this force was inadequate to oppose the enemy who had proceeded to the field of battle with great pomp and show. For 20 days both parties dug trenches all around in order to fortify themselves and neither had the courage to begin the attack. Meanwhile Hasan got reinforcements from the Raja of Telingana who sent a quota of 15,000 foot from Kaulās¹⁴² and from Nāsir-al-Din at Daulatabad who despatched 5,000 horsemen together with the royal treasure which he had seized during the rebellion.

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When Hasan (Zafar Khan) was thus strengthened, he appointed Saif-al-Din Ghori to organise his forces. ‘Imād-al-Mulk too was not idle; he arranged the right and left wings of his army in order. When the two armies encountered each other, a fierce battle raged from morning till midday in which, according to the historians, the bravest warriors of both sides were killed and the earth became red with blood. ‘Imād-al-Mulk was himself among the slain. His troops fled from the field of battle, panic-stricken at the death of their distinguished leader. Some of them took shelter in the forts of Bidar and Qandhar, while others in the extremity of distress sought refuge in Mandu in the north. Hasan who had no faith in half-measures did not rest satisfied with the victory that he had won. He at once sent Saif-al-Din Ghori to besiege the forts where the rebels had sought refuge and himself marched towards Daulatabad, the stronghold of the ‘Centurions’ of the Deccan, in order to assist Sultan Nāsir-al-Din who was carrying on the struggle single-handed. The amirs, who had been alarmed by the news of the death of ‘Imad-al-Mulk. The thousand horse and foot to reduce the ‘Centurions’, were seriously unnerved them, so men and the advent of Hasan Kāngū further under the direction that they left the place in despair and went away in unexpected of Dihli and Gujarat.

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Nāsir-al-Din, overjoyed at received Hasan turn of fortune, came out of the fortress and cordially at the village of Nizampur at a distance of six Krohs from Daulatabad, where the two leaders stayed for fourteen days exchanging mutual greetings and talking about the victory that had come to them after such vicissitudes. When Nāsir-al-Din saw the rising prestige of Hasan and his achievements in the late war and the esteem in which he was held by his fellow amirs, he summoned his confederates and told them that he was not fit to wear the crown. With one voice they asked him to suggest the name of the person whom he considered qualified to hold the exalted office. Nāsir-al-Din pointed to Hasan, who was descended from Bahman and who had given proof of his ability and valour. Younger than their present chief, Hasan was better able to lead the Deccan ‘Centurions’ and more fitted to assume royal dignity in such troubled circumstances. With a disregard of self which illustrates the magnanimity of the old leader, Nāsir-al-Din laid down the insignia of office and offered the crown to Hasan.¹⁴³ With the consent of the assembled warriors in