The Dynastic History of Northern India (Early Mediaeval Period) v1.c12.149
The Dynastic History of Northern India (Early Mediaeval Period) v1.c12.149
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v1.c12.149.1
Sabuk-tigīn was convinced of the truth of Jayapāla's statement, and consented to the terms offered. According to 'Utbī these were: "by way of ransom 1,000 packets of 1,000 *dīnārs* sterling, and five stables full of elephants,"³ and cession of "some cities of Hindustan and some fortresses within the heart of his kingdom" and the supply of hostages "until the terms of the treaty should be carried into effect……when the territories and fortresses should be restored." We are told by this writer and all subsequent authorities that when Jayapāla "had gone a few stages and was in safety, and was secure in the midst of his kingdom,⁴ his base and evil nature led him to infringe the treaty. He entered upon measures contrary thereto, and as certain persons were with him, by way of doing him honour and for the purpose of taking possession of the fortresses and territories ceded by the agreement, he threw them into prison, by way of reprisal for some of his comrades and company, who were detained at the Amīr's court as a measure of retaliation." Niẓām-ud-Dīn clearly states that Jayapāla "imprisoned the agents of Amīr Nāṣir-ud-Dīn, in retaliation for the imprisonment of the men whom he had left as hostages."¹ The Muslim historians, as usual, throw all the blame on Jayapāla; but it is not unlikely that this was a mere pretext for renewing hostilities on both sides.
v1.c12.149.2
Situated as they were, there could be no lasting peace between these two states, and we are told that after this, Sabuk-tigīn "proceeded to the country of the infidel traitor, and wheresoever he came he plundered and sacked the country until it was annihilated. He dug up and burnt down all its buildings and killed these deceivers and infidels, carrying away their children and cattle as booty. He made the territory of *Lamghān*, which had been the most populous and flourishing of all that country, entirely stript and bare. He mastered several other territories, and, destroying their temples, their sacred buildings, and their churches built mosques in their stead, making the light of Islam visible." On this Jayapāla "invoked help, and despatched letters seeking succour, to the various provinces of India imploring aid." Niẓām-ud-Dīn does not mention the names of the *Rājās* of Hindustan, but Firishta particularly mentions the names of the princes of Delhi, Ajmer, Kalinjar and Kanauj who assisted Jayapāla with men and money.² All the authorities however are agreed that the army of Jayapāla mainly consisted of 100,000 cavalry. To this Niẓām-ud-Dīn adds "many elephants" and Firishta, "an innumerable host of foot." Evidently Jayapāla was making a supreme effort to crush his foe. Starting from his kingdom he marched "towards the capital of Islam" (Ghazni).
v1.c12.149.3
'Utbī does not tell us the place of the battle, but according to Niẓām-ud-Dīn and Firishta "the two armies met in the neighbourhood of Lamghān." The Hindu army appeared to their enemies "like the boundless ocean and in numbers like the ants and locusts of the wilderness." But though the forces of Islam were fewer in number, the superior generalship of their leader compensated for this. Sabuk-tigīn divided his soldiers into squadrons of 500 men each, which were directed to attack successively one particular point of the Hindu line, so that it might continually have to encounter fresh troops. The Hindus being worse mounted than the cavalry of Sabuk-tigīn, were unable to withstand them, and, wearied out by the manœuvre just mentioned began to give way. Sabuk-tigīn, perceiving their disorder, made a general assault; "the Hindus were everywhere defeated, and fled and were pursued, with great slaughter to the banks of the Nīlab."' ¹ This was the last invasion of Ghazni by Jayapāla and 'Utbī informs us that "from this time the Hindus drew in their tails and sought no more to invade the land." As a result of this war Jayapāla practically lost all territory to the west of the Indus, including Lamghān, and Peshawar.
v1.c12.149.4
The latter place was put in charge of an official of Ghazni with a force of 10,000 horse.² The possession of the strategic outpost at Peshawar placed the remaining territories of Jayapāla at the mercy of the Yamīnīs, and they were not long in taking advantage of their position. Sabuk-tigīn died in 997 A.D. After a short interval his son Maḥmūd succeeded him and at once renewed hostilities against the *Sāhis*. In 1000 A.D., apparently without any provocation on Jayapāla's part, Maḥmūd appears to have invaded the districts west of the Indus capturing "many forts and provinces."¹ But this was only a *reconnaissance en force*, a mere prelude to a more ambitious attempt, which took place in 1001 A.D. In that year with a well equipped body of 10,000 picked cavalry he came into Peshawar.² The object of the Sulṭān was plunder and loot, and it affords us an interesting insight into the mentality of the Muslim chroniclers when they express surprise at the intelligence that Jayapāla intended to resist this wanton attack on his independence. The following quotation from ‘Utbī is an illustration:—