The Dynastic History of Northern India (Early Mediaeval Period) v1.c15.125

Language: English

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If the identification proposed above be accepted, Vallabhadeva was probably contemporary with Muḥammad ibn Bakhtyār, when the latter after his conquest of Lakhṇavatī undertook his disastrous expedition to ‘Tibbat’ through Kāmrūd (Kāmarūpa). *The Ṭabaqāt-i-Nāṣirī*, the almost contemporary history of the period, supplies the following interesting account of this expedition: After his conquest of North Bengal (*c.* 1198 A.D.), about the middle of the year 1205 A.D., Muḥammad formed the ambition of seizing the country of Turkistān and Tibet, the mountain tracts which lay to the east of Lakhṇavatī. In those days three races of people, *viz.*, ‘the Kūnch (or Kūch), the Mej (or Mech), and the Tihārū (mod. Tharu), lived in the different mountain parts that separated Tibet from Lakhṇavatī. All of them had ‘Turkish countenances,’ and ‘a different idiom too between the language of Hind and Turk (or “Tibbat”).’ One of the chiefs of these tribes, who had fallen into the hands of Muḥammad, and was known as ‘Ali the Mej’ after his adoption of the Muḥammadan faith, agreed to conduct Muḥammad ibn Bakht-yar into those hills and act as guide. Under his guidance Muḥammad and a body of about 10,000 horse were conducted either from Lakhaṇavatī or from Dīw-kot (Damdamah, ncar Gangarampur, south of Dinajpur), the northern Musalman military outpost in these days, to Burdhan-koṭ (Vardhanakūṭī, north of Bogra, close to Govindganj in Long. 89°28′, Lat. 25°8′ 25″ on the Karatoya).

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‘A river of vast magnitude,’ which our author calls Begmatī (*i.e.*, Vegamatī, which Blochmann identified with the Karatoya) lay in front of this place. For 10 days the Muslim army marched along the right bank of the river towards the mountains. Blochmann has pointed out that before 1784 the Karatoya was connected by branches with the Tistā (Trisrotā), which flowed west of the Karatoya and, joining the Atrai, fell into the main branch of the Ganges. Thus, it is likely that the ten days’ march extended along the Karatoya and the Tistā, which latter of all the rivers of Bengal extends furthest into Tibet. There is little doubt that the Musalmans marched along the frontier of the territory of the Rājā of Kāmarūpa. Before the tenth day was over the Musalman army reached mountainous country and a bridge of hewn stone, consisting of upwards of twenty arches. It is difficult to say where this bridge was situated; but Blochmann has suggested that it was probably somewhere in the neighbourhood of Darjeeling. Anyhow it would appear from the subsequent account that it was not far from, if not actually within, the territories of the “Rāe of Kāmrūd.” The Muslim army passed over the bridge, and Muḥammad installed at the head of the bridge two of his own Amīrs, one a Turk slave, and the other a Khalj with troops, in order to guard it until his return.

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When the ‘Rāe of Kāmrūd’ became aware of the passage of the Muslim troops, he is said to have despatched trustworthy persons, saying: “It is not proper, at this time to march into the country of Tibet, and it is necessary to return and to make ample preparations, when in the coming year I, who am the Rāe of Kāmrūd agree that I will embody my own forces, and will precede the Muḥammadan troops, and will cause that territory to be acquired.'' But Muḥammad did not accept this salutary advice and turned his face towards the mountains of Tibet. The troops made their way, unmolested apparently, through defiles and passes and lofty mountains, till on the 16th day they reached the open country of Tibet. The whole of that tract was under cultivation, with tribes of people and populous villages. When they reached a place where there was a fort and began plundering the country around, the people of the fort and the town engaged the invaders in a fierce contest which raged from 'daybreak to the evening prayer,' and killed and wounded a great number of the Musalman troops. At night Muḥammad heard of the approach of an army of about 50,000 'valiant Turk horsemen, archers.' After a consultation with the Amīrs, he ordered the fatigued and worn out troops to retreat.

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But when they retreated, 'throughout the whole route, not a blade of grass, nor a stick of firewood remained, as they (the inhabitants) had set fire to the whole of it, and burnt it, and all the inhabitants of those defiles and passes, had moved off from the line of route. During those fifteen days, not a pound of food nor a blade of grass did the cattle and horses obtain, and all the men were killing their horses and eating them, until they issued from the mountains into the country of Kāmrūd, and reached the head of that bridge. The distress of the army was changed into bewilderment and desperation when they found, that, taking advantage of the discord and consequent neglect of duty of the two Amīrs left to guard the bridge, 'the Hindus of the Kāmrūd country' had come and destroyed it. As boats were not procurable, there was no way of crossing the river. Thinking it necessary to halt in some place, in order to build 'boats and floats,' Muḥammad ordered the army to occupy a neighbouring temple, which is described as 'of exceeding height, strength and sublimity,' and 'very handsome.' When sheltered in this temple "the Rāe of Kāmrūd became aware of the reverses and helplessness of the Musalman army.

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He issued commands to the whole of the Hindus of the country, so that they came pouring in crowds, and round about the idol-temple were planting spiked bāmbūs, in the ground, and were weaving them together, so that it was appearing like unto walls.'' When Muḥammad realised his danger, he ordered the army to make a sortie and break through the palisade. This, the troops succeeded in doing, not without considerable difficulty, and they reached the open plain, closely pursued by the Hindus. The Musalmans were driven into the river, where they all perished with the exception of Muḥammad ibn Bakht-yār and 'a few horsemen, a hundred more or less....The rest were drowned.' With the assistance of the relatives of 'Ali the Mej, Muḥammad reached Dīw-koṭ ; but such was the extent of the disaster, that he could not even ride his horse in the open for 'all the people, from the housetops and the streets (consisting) of women and children, would wail and utter imprecations against him and revile him.' Commenting on this expedition, Blochmann has said : ''It is difficult to say what motives Muḥammad Bakht-yār had to invade Tibbat. It was perhaps, as Minhāj says, ambition, but if we consider how small a part of Bengal was really in his power, his expedition to Tibbat borders on foolhardiness.'' But an explanation is probably to be found in the fact that in those days commercial traffic between Bengal and Tibet was very extensive.

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Minhāj speaks of no less than thirty-five roads into Tibet between the bend of the Brahmaputra and Tirhut. 'The traffic consisted chiefly in gold, copper, lead, musk, yak tails, honey, borax, falcons and hill ponies.' The motive behind the expedition was probably to plunder and if possible control the rich commercial marts of Tibet.¹