Political History of Ancient India, from the Accession of Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty c9.s10: Section IV. Kingship
Political History of Ancient India, from the Accession of Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty c9.s10
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Section IV. Kingship
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We have endeavoured to give in outline the story of the political vicissitudes through which Northern India and a considerable portion of the Deccan passed from the accession of Parikshit to the coronation of Bimbisāra. We shall now attempt a brief survey of some of the institutions of the age without which no political history is complete. We have seen that during the major part of the period under review the prevailing form of government was monarchical. The later Vedic texts and auxiliary treatises give us a few details about the rank and power of the rulers in the different parts of India, their social status, the methods of their selection and consecration, the chief members of their household, the civil and military services, the limitations of royal authority and popular participation in affairs of the state. Even when all scarps of information are pieced together, the picture is dim. The facts gleaned from Vedic sources which alone can, with confidence, be referred to the period before 500 B.C. have to be elucidated or supplemented by post-Vedic data embodying traditions about the heroic age that preceded the rise and growth of the Magadhan Empire.
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The various kinds of rulership prevalent in different parts of India are thus described in the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*:¹
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¹ VIII. 14.
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“*Etasyāṁ Prāchyāṁ diśi ye ke cha Prāchyānāṁ rājānaḥ Sāmrājyāyaiva te'bhishichyante Samrāṭ-ityenān-abhishiktānāchakshata etāmeva Devānāṁ vihitimanu.*
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*Etasyāṁ Dakshiṇāyāṁ diśi ye ke cha Satvatāṁ Rājāno Bhaujyāyaiva te'bhishichyante Bhoj-etyenān-abhishiktān-āchakshata etāmeva Devānāṁ vihitimanu.*
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*Etasyāṁ Pratīchyāṁ diśi ye ke cha Nīchyānāṁ Rājāno ye'pāchyānāṁ Svārājyāyaiva te'bhishichyante Svarāṭ-ityenān-abhishiktānāchakshata etāmeva Devānāṁ vihitimanu.*
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*Etasyāṁ Udīchyāṁ diśi ye ke cha pareṇa Himavantaṁ Janapadā Uttara-Kurava Uttara-Madrā iti Vairājyāyaiva te'bhishichyante Virāṭ-ityenān-abhishiktānāchakshata etāmeva Devānāṁ vihitimanu.*
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*Etasyāṁ dhruvāyāṁ Madhyamāyāṁ pratishṭhāyāṁ diśi ye ke cha Kuru-Pañchālānāṁ Rājānaḥ sa Vaś-Ośīnarāṇāṁ Rājyāyaiva te'bhishichyante Rāj-etyenān-abhishiktānāchakshata etāmeva Devānāṁ vihitimanu."*
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"In this eastern quarter, whatever kings there are of the eastern peoples, they are anointed for overlordship (*Sāmrājya*); 'O Overlord' they style them when anointed in accordance with the action of the gods. In the southern quarter whatever kings there are of the Satvats, they are anointed for paramount rule (*Bhaujya*); 'O Paramount Ruler' they style them when anointed in accordance with the action of the gods. In this western quarter, whatever kings there are of the southern and western peoples, they are anointed for self-rule (*Svārājya*); 'O Self-Ruler' they style them when anointed in accordance with the action of the gods. In this northern quarter, the lands of the Uttara-Kurus and the Uttara-Madras, beyond the Himavat, their (kings?) are anointed for sovereignty (*Vairājya*); 'O Sovereign' they style them when anointed in accordance with the action of the gods. In this firm middle established quarter, whatever kings there are of the Kuru-Pañchālas with the Vaśas and Uśīnaras, they are anointed for kingship; 'king' they style them when anointed in accordance with the action of the gods."¹
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¹ *Rig-Veda Brāhmaṇas*, translated by Keith, Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 25.
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Several scholars assert that Vairājya means a kingless state. But in the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa* ¹ a king consecrated with Indra’s great unction is called *Virāṭ* and worthy of *Vairājya*. When a king consecrated with the *Punarabhisheka* (renewed anointment) ascends his *Āsandī* or throne, he prays for attaining *Vairājya* as well as other kinds of royal dignity. Sāyaṇa takes the word *Vairājyam* to mean pre-eminence among kings, *itarebhyo bhūpatibhyo vaiśishṭyam*. This is virtually the sense of the word that Dr. Keith accepts in his translation.
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¹ VIII. 17.
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The *Śukranīti*,² too, understands *Virāṭ* to denote a superior kind of monarch. In the *Mahābhārata* Kṛishṇa is lauded as *Samrāṭ*, *Virāṭ*, *Svarāṭ* and *Sura-rāja*.³ If the Uttara-Kurus and the Uttara-Madras are to be regarded as republican, it is not because of the use of the term *Vairājya*, but because in their case it is not the *rājan* but the *janapada* which is said to be anointed for sovereignty. It should, however, be remembered that already in the Brāhmaṇa period Uttara-Kuru has become a *devakshetra* which the arms of a mortal could not reach.⁴
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² B. K. Sarkar's Translation, p. 24; Kauṭilya (VIII.2), however, takes *Vairājya* to mean a system of government which comes into existence by forcible seizure of a country from the legitimate ruler for purposes of exploitation.
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³ XII. 43. 11; *cf.* 68.54.
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⁴ *Ait. Br.* viii. 23. The existence of *Gaṇas* and of *Gaṇajyeshṭhas* are hinted at *Rig.* V. I. 23, 8; II. 23, 1; X. 34, 12; 112. 9; *Śat. Br.* XIII. 2. 8. 4. etc.
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It is not easy to decide whether all the terms *Sāmrājya*, *Bhaujya*, *Svārājya*, *Vairājya* and *Rājya* referred to essentially different forms of royal authority in the Brāhmaṇic period. But two terms at least, namely, *Sāmrājya* and *Rājya* are clearly distinguished from each other by the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*.⁵
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⁵ V. 1. 1. 12-13; *cf.* *Kātyāyana Śrauta Sūtra*, XV. 1. 1, 2.
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*Rājā vai Rajasūyeneshṭvā bhavati, Samrāḍ Vājapeyenāvaraṁ hi Rājyaṁ paraṁ Sāmrājyam. Kāmayeta vai Rājā Samrāḍ bhavitum avaraṁ hi rājyaṁ paraṁ Sāmrājyam. Na Samrāṭ kāmayeta Rājā bhavitum avaraṁ hi rājyaṁ paraṁ Sāmrājyam.*
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"By offering the *Rājasūya* he becomes *Rājā* and by the *Vājapeya* he becomes *Samrāj*, and the office of *Rājan* is the lower and that of *Samrāj*, the higher ; a *Rājan* might indeed wish to become *Samrāj*, for the office of *Rājan* is the lower and that of *Samrāj* the higher; but the *Samrāj* would not wish to become a *Rājā* for the office of *Rājan* is the lower, and that of *Samrāj* the higher."
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In the *Rig-Veda*,¹ and later on in the *Purāṇas*, *Bhoja* appears as a proper name. But the Brāhmaṇas regard it as a royal designation, applicable to the consecrated monarchs of the southern region.² The word Cæsar furnishes a parallel. Originally the name of a Roman dictator and of members of his family, it is used, in later ages, as a title by Roman and German Emperors. As to *Svārājya* it is sometimes taken to mean uncontrolled dominion, and is opposed to *Rājya*.³
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¹ III. 53. 7.
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² 'Bhoja' may have reference to the king or chieftain as *ruler, protector* or *devourer* of his people (*Viśāmattā*). It appears as an official designation in several inscriptions of Southern India (*Ind. Ant.* 1876, 177; 1877, 25-28). In Mbh. I. 84. 22, it is applied to a ruler and his family who are deprived of many of the attributes of sovereignty (*arājā Bhojaśabdaṁ tvaṁ tatra prāpsyasi sānvayaḥ*).
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³ *Kāṭhaka Saṁhitā*, XIV. 5; *Maitrāyaṇī Saṁhitā*, 1. 11, 5, etc., *Vedic Index*, II. 221.
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The king was usually, though not always, a Kshatriya. The Brāhmaṇas were considered to be unsuited for kingship. Thus we read in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*—"To the king (*Rājan*) doubtless belongs the *Rājasūya*; for by offering the *Rājasūya* he becomes king, and unsuited for kingship is the Brāhmaṇa."⁴
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⁴ V. 1. 1. 12; *SBE*, XLI; Eggeling *Śat. Br.*, Part III, p. 4.
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*Rājña eva rājasūyam. Rājā vai rājasūyeneshtvā bhavati na vai Brāhmaṇo rājyāyālam avaraṁ vai rājasūyaṁ paraṁ Vājapeyam.*
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A Brāhmaṇa king is, however, contemplated in a passage of the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*.¹ We have references to Śūdra, Āyogava and even non-Aryan kings in other Vedic texts. King Jānaśruti Pautrāyaṇa is branded a Śūdra in the *Chhāndogya Upanishad*.² King Marutta Āvikshita is styled "Āyogava" in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*.³ Āyogava denotes, in legal codes, a member of a mixed caste, a descendant of a Śūdra by a Vaiśya wife.⁴ Nishāda *sthapatis* (kings or chieftains) figure in a *Śrauta sūtra* and the *Rāmāyaṇa*. In the *Jaiminīya Upanishad Brāhmaṇa* it is stated that even an *anārya* "obtains," *prāpnoti*, kings.⁵ This points either to non-Aryan kings or to the admission of *anāryas* into the dominions of Aryan rulers. The *Jātakas* and the Great Epic refer to kings of various castes including Brāhmaṇas.⁶
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¹ VIII. 23 (story of Atyarāti's offer to Vāsishṭha Sātyahavya).
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² IV. 2. 1-5. Apparently Śūdra kings were not unknown in the age.
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³ XIII. 5. 4. 6.
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⁴ *Manu-Saṁhita*, X. 12.
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⁵ *Vedic Index*, I. 454; *Rām*. II. 50. 32; 84. 1. *Jaim. Up. Br*. 1. 4. 5.
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⁶ *Cf.* *Jātakas*, 73, 432, *Mbh*. i. 100. 49f; 138. 70.
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**Kingship was sometimes hereditary**, as is indeed shown by several cases where the descent can be traced. Mention may be made in this connection of the Pārikshitas and the kings of Janaka's line; hereditary kingship is also suggested by the expression *Daśapurushaṁrājya*—a kingdom of ten generations—occurring in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*.⁷ But elective monarchy was not unknown.⁸
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⁷ XII, 9. 3. 1-3; *cf.* also the reference to the birth of an heir to the throne (*Ait. Br*. VIII. 9 and to the king as *Rājpītā*, VIII. 17.
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⁸ Reference may be made in this connection to the passages of the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa* (*e.g.*, VIII. 12) describing the choice and consecration of divine rulers (Ghoshal, *A History of Hindu Political Theories*, 1927, p. 26), and notices of royal election in post-Vedic texts looking back to an early period, *e.g.*, *Mbh*., I. 94. 49—*rājātve taṁ prajāḥ sarvā dharmajña iti vavrire*. The expression king-maker (*rāja-kartṛi*, *Ait. Br.* VIII. 17; *Śat. Br.* III 4. 1. 7) points to the important part played by officials including headmen of villages in the choice of the ruler. Both in the Vedic texts (*Ait. Br.* VIII. 12) and the epic emphasis is laid on the possession of moral qualities. The leader on whom the choice falls is *ojishṭha*, *balishṭha*, *sahishṭha*, *sattamaḥ*, *pārayishṇutama*, *dharmajña*. In the fourth century B C. physical beauty carried the palm in one territory (Kathaia in the Punjab according to Onesikritos).
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The selection was made sometimes by the people and occasionally by the ministers. The choice was ordinarily limited to the members of the royal family only, as is shown by the legend in Yāska¹ of the Kuru brothers Devāpi and Saṁtanu, and the story in the *Saṁvara Jātaka*² of the Kāśi princes Uposatha and Saṁvara. In the *Jātaka* the councillors ask a reigning king, "When you are dead, my lord, to whom shall we give the white umbrella?" "Friends," said the monarch, "all my sons have a right to the white umbrella. But you may give it to him that pleases your mind."
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¹ Nirukta II. 10; *Ved. Ind.* II, 211.
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² No. 462.
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At times the popular choice fell on persons who did not belong to the ruling dynasty. Such may have been the case when the Sṛiñjayas expelled their hereditary ruler together with the *Sthapati*.³ Clear instances of popular preference for individuals outside the royal family are furnished by the *Jātakas*. The *Pādañjali Jātaka*,⁴ for instance, tells us that when a certain king of Benares died, his son, Pādañjali by name, an idle lazy loafer, was set aside, and the minister in charge of things spiritual and temporal was raised to the throne. The *Sachchaṁkira Jātaka*,⁵ relates a story how nobles, Brāhmaṇas and all classes slew their king and anointed a private citizen. Sometimes the candidate comes from a place outside the realm. The *Darīmukha*⁶ and *Sonaka Jātakas*⁷ tell us how on failure of heir at Benares a prince of Magadha was elected king.
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³ *Śat Br.* XII, 9. 3. 1 ff.
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⁴ No. 247.
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⁵ No. 73.
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⁶ No. 378; cf. No. 401.
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⁷ No. 529.
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The monarch during the Brāhmaṇa period was usually allowed to have **four queens**, *viz.*, the *Mahishī*, the *Parivṛiktī*, the *Vāvātā* and the *Pālāgalī*. The *Mahishī*, was the chief wife, being the first one married according to the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*.¹ The *Parivṛiktī* was the neglected or discarded wife, probably one that had no son. The *Vāvātā* is the favourite, while the *Pālāgalī* was the daughter of the last of the court officials.² The *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*,³ however, refers to the "hundred" wives of king Hariśchandra. In the *Jātaka* period several kings kept a bigger harem. We are told in the *Kusa Jātaka*⁴ that king Okkāko (Ikshvāku) had sixteen thousand ladies in his harem among whom Sīlavatī was the chief (*aggamahī*). The king of Benares according to the *Dasaratha Jātaka*,⁵ had the same number of wives. In the *Suruchi Jātaka*,⁶ a king of Mithilā says, "Ours is a great kingdom, the city of Mithilā covers seven leagues, the measure of the whole kingdom is 300 leagues. Such a king should have sixteen thousand women at the least." Sixteen thousand appears to have been a stock phrase. The number is evidently exaggerated. But it indicates that the kings of the *Jātaka* period were extreme polygamists who frequently exceeded the Brāhmaṇic number of four or even a hundred queens.
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¹ VI. 5. 3 1. *Ved. Ind.*, I 478
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² Weber and Pischel in *Vedic Index*, I, 478.
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³ VII. 13.
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⁴ No. 531
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⁵ No. 461. The *Rāmāyaṇa* (II. 34. 13) allows this king only 750 ladies besides the chief consorts.
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⁶ No. 482.
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The king was consecrated after his succession or election with an **elaborate ritual** which is described in several *Brāhmaṇas*, and for which the appropriate formulas (*mantras*) are given in the Vedic *Saṁhitās*. Those who aided in the consecration of the king were called *Rājakartṛi* or *Rājakṛit*, i.e., "king-maker." In the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*¹ the persons meant and specified are the *Sūta* (minstrel, chronicler or charioteer), and the *Grāmaṇī*, leader of the host or of the village.² Prof. Rādhākumud Mookerji observes :³ "It is apparent from the lists of persons aiding in the royal coronation that both official and non-official or popular elements were represented in the function." The principal ceremonies or sacrifices of royal inauguration were the *Vājapeya*, the *Rājasūya*, the *Punar-abhisheka* and the *Aindra Mahābhisheka*.
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¹ III. 4. 1. 7; XIII. 2. 2. 18.
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² The post of *Grāmaṇī* seems to have been ordinarily held by a Vaiśya (*Vedic Index*, I. 247; II 334; *Camb. Hist.* 131; *Sat Br.* V 3. 1. 6.)
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³ *The Fundamental Unity of India*, p. 83.
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The *Vājapeya* (lit. "the drink of strength") bestowed on the performer a superior kind of kingship called "*Sāmrājya*," while the *Rājasūya* or royal inauguration merely conferred the ordinary monarchical dignity.⁴ The *Punar-abhisheka*, or renewed consecration, made the king-elect eligible for all sorts of royal dignity, viz., *Rājya*, *Sāmrājya*, *Bhaujya*, *Svārājya*, *Vairājya*, *Pārameshṭhya*, *Māhārājya*, *Ādhipatya*, *Svāvaśya* and *Ātishṭhatva*.⁵ The object of the *Aindra Mahābhisheka* (the great anointing of the king of the celestials) is thus described:
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⁴ *Rājya*, cf. *Sat. Br.*, V. I. 1. 12-13; some texts while agreeing that the *Vājapeya* is a *Samrāṭsava* says that the *Rājasūya* is a *Varuṇa-sava*, consecrated to the universal sway wielded by Varuṇa. *Tait. Sam.* (V. 6. 2. 1) and *Br.* (II. 7. 6. 1); *Sat. Br.* V. 4. 3. 2; Keith, *The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads*, 340; *Mahābhārata*, Bk. II. 12. 11-13 etc.
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⁵ *Ait. Br.* VIII. 6. For the meaning of these terms see Keith's translation quoted below. Keith's rendering of some of the expressions, e.g., *Bhaujya* and *Vairājya*, is, however, hardly satisfactory.
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"Sa ya ichchhed evaṁvit Kshatriyam ayaṁ sarvā jitīrjayetāyaṁ sarvāṁllokān vindetāyaṁ sarveshāṁ Rājñāṁ Śraishṭhyaṁ, Atishṭhāṁ, Paramatāṁ gachchheta, Sam-
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*rājyaṁ*, *Bhaujyaṁ*, *Svārājyaṁ*, *Vairājyaṁ*, *Pārameshṭhyaṁ*, *Rājyaṁ*, *Māhārājyaṁ*, *Ādhipatyaṁ*, *ayaṁ samantaparyāyī syāt Sārvabhaumaḥ sārvāyusha ā'ntādā parārddhāt pṛithivyai samudraparyantāyā* **Ekarāṭ** *iti tametena Aindreṇa Mahābhishekeṇa kshatriyaṁ śāpayitvā'bhishiñchet*.¹
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¹ *Ait. Br.* VIII. 15.
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"If he who knows thus should desire of a *kshatriya*, 'May he win all victories, find all the worlds, attain the superiority, pre-eminence and supremacy over all kings and overlordship, paramount rule, self-rule, sovereignty, supreme authority, kingship great kingship and suzerainty, may he be all-encompassing, possessed of all the earth, possessed of all life, from the one end up to the further side of the earth bounded by the ocean, sole ruler;' he should anoint him with the great anointing of Indra, after adjuring him"²
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² Keith, *HOS*, Vol. 25.
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The **Vājapeya** rites³ include a race of 17 chariots, in which the sacrificer is allowed to carry off the palm, and from which, according to Eggeling, the ceremony perhaps derives its name. Professor Hillebrandt would claim for this feature of the sacrifice the character of a relic of an old national festival, a kind of Indian Olympic games. After the chariot race the next interesting item is the mounting of a pole, having a wheaten ring or wheel⁴ on the top, by the sacrificer and his wife, from which homage is made to the mother earth. The *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* says, "Truly he who gains a seat in the air gains a seat above others.''⁵ The royal sacrificer having descended from the pole, is offered a throne-seat with a goatskin spread thereon and addressed by the *Adhvaryu* (priest) in the following words: "Thou art the ruler, the ruling lord (*yantṛi*, *yamana*)—thou art firm and steadfast (*dhruva*, *dharuṇa*)—(here I seat) thee for the tilling, for peaceful dwelling (*kshema*), for wealth (*rayi*), for prosperity (*posha*), *i.e.*, for the welfare of the people, the common weal."¹
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³ *Śat. Br.* V. 1. 1. 5. ff; *S.B.E.* xli; *Vedic Index*, II. 281; Keith, *Black-yajus*, cviii-cxi; *RPVU*, 339f.
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⁴ *Gaudhūmaṁ chashālaṁ*, "a wheaten headpiece (Eggeling)" "a wheel-shaped garland of meal" (S. B. E., xli 31; Keith R. P. V. U, 239; *Śat. Br.* V. 2. 1. 6).
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⁵ *Śat. Br.*, V. 2, 1. 22.
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¹ *Śat. Br.*, V. 2. 1. 25; *The Fundamental Unity of India*, p. 80.
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The **Rājasūya** consisted of a long succession of sacrificial performances which began on the first day of *Phālguna* and spread over a period of upwards of two years.² The rite is described at great length in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*.³ Besides much mere priestly elaboration, the ritual contains traces of popular ceremonial. The popular features are chiefly these:—
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² Keith, *Black Yajus*, pp. cxi-cxiii, *RPVU*, 341; *Vedic Index*, II. 219; SBE., xli, p. xxvi.
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³ V. 2. 3. 9 (et seq.) S. B. E, xli, 42-113.
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(1) The *Ratninām havīṁshi*⁴ or presents to the divinities of the bejewelled ones (or those possessed of the jewel offering), *viz.*, the chief queen and court officials;
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⁴ *Śat. Br.* V. 3. 1. M. Louis Renou says—"les offrandes ne sont pas faites aux *ratnin* mais aux divinités dans les maisons de chaque *ratnin*."
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(2) The *Abhishechanīya*⁵ or besprinkling ceremony;
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⁵ *Śat. Br.* V. 3. 3-4
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(3) The *dig vyāsthāpana*⁶ or the king's symbolical walking towards the various quarters as an indication of his universal rule;
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⁶ *Śat. Br.* V. 4. 1. 3; Keith, *Black Yajus, op. cit.*
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(4) Treading upon a tiger skin,⁷ thus gaining the strength and the pre-eminence of the tiger;
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⁷ *Śat. Br.* V. 4. 1, 11.
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(5) Narration by the *hotṛi* priest of the story (*ākhyāna*) of Śunaḥśepa.⁸ (6) A mimic cow raid against a relative¹; or a sham fight with a member of the ruling aristocracy (*rājanya*);²
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⁸ *Ait. Br.* vii, 13 ff; Keith, *RPVU*, 341n.
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¹ *RPVU*, 342; *cf.* *Śat. Br.* V. 4. 3. 3. *et seq.*
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² *Cf.* Taittirīya Saṁhitā, 1. 8. 15 with commentary; *Vedic Index* II. 219. SBE; xli, 100, n. 1.
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(7) Enthronement;³
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³ *Śat. Br.* V. 4. 4. 1.
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(8) A game of dice in which the king is made to be the victor;⁴
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⁴ *Śat. Br.* V. 4. 4. 6; Keith, *Religion and Philosophy of the Veda*, etc., p. 342.
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The recipients of the sacrificial honours called "*Ratnināṁ havīṁshi*" were the divinities in the houses of the **Ratnins**, *i.e.*, of the chief members of the royal household and of the king's civil and military service, *viz.*—
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1. The *Senānī* (Commander of the army).⁵
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⁵ *Cf.* *Senāpati* in *Ait. Br.* viii. 23.
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2. The *Purohita* (Royal Chaplain).
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3. The *Mahishī* (Chief Queen).
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4. The *Sūta* (Charioteer and Bard).⁶
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⁶ The importance of this office is shown by the cases of Sumantra and of Sañjaya who is called a *Mahāmātra* (Mbh XV. 16. 4).
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5. The *Grāmaṇī* (Leader of the Host or Village Headman).⁷
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⁷ *Cf.* the *Adhikṛitas* appointed for *grāmas* or villages by the paramount ruler (Samrāṭ) mentioned in the *Praśna Upanishad* (III, 4).
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6. The *Kshattṛi* (Chamberlain)—forerunner of the *Antarvaṁśika* or Superintendent of the Seraglio of later times.⁸
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⁸ Vidura was the *Kshattṛi* (Mbh, I. 200, 17; II. 66. 1., etc.) at the Kuru Court. For the views of different commentators see *Vedic Index*, I. 201.
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7. The *Saṁgrahītṛi* (Treasurer)—forerunner of the *Sannidhātṛi* of the *Arthaśāstra*.
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8. The *Bhāgadugha* (Collector of the Royal Share, *i.e.*, Taxes)—forerunner of the *Samāhartṛi*.
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9. The *Akshāvāpa* (Keeper of the Dice).⁹ 10. The *Go-vikartana* (lit. Cutter-up of Cattle, *i. e.*, the King's Companion in the Chase).
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⁹ *Cf.*, the position of Kaṅka (Yudhishṭhira) at the Matsya Court.
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11. The *Pālāgala* (Courier)—forerunner of the *Dūta* (*Śāsanahara*, etc.).¹
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¹ Curiously enough, this list of the *ratnins* does not include the *Sthapati*, probably a local ruler, vassal chief, or governor who is, however, mentioned in *Śat. Br.* V. 4 4. 17, in connection with the concluding ceremonies of the *rājasūya*. The sacrificial sword (*sphya*) given by the priest to the king is passed on successively to the king's brother, the *sūta* or the *sthapati*, the *grāmaṇī* and finally to a tribesman (*sajāta*). The post of *sthapati*, was held by *Uparikas* or governors of *Bhuktis* (provinces) in the Gupta period (Fleet. CII, p. 120). Slightly different lists of ratnins are found in the *Taittirīya* texts. A group of eight *vīras* finds mention in the *Pañchaviṁśa Brāhmaṇa* (Camb. Hist. Ind. I. 131). In *Śat. Br.* XIII. 5. 4. 6. we have reference to the *Pariveshṭṛi*, the *Kshattṛi* and the *Sabhāsads* in connection with a performance of the horse-sacrifice.
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The most essential part of the *Rājasūya* was the **Abhisheka** or besprinkling. It began with offerings to the deities Savitā Satyaprasava, Agni Gṛihapati, Soma Vanaspati, Bṛihaspati Vāk, Indra Jyeshṭha, Rudra Paśupati, Mitra Satya and Varuṇa Dharmapati. The consecration water (*Abhishechanīyā Āpaḥ*) was made up of seventeen kinds of liquid including the water from the river Sarasvatī, sea-water, and water from a whirlpool, a pond, a well and dew. The sprinkling was performed by a Brāhmaṇa priest, kinsman or brother of the king-elect, a friendly *Rājanaya* and a *Vaiśya*.
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The two most important kinds of *Abhisheka* were the *Punar-abhisheka* and the *Aindra Mahābhisheka*.
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The **Punar-abhisheka** or Renewed Anointment is described in the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*.² It was intended for Kshatriya conquering monarchs. The first interesting part of the ceremony was the king's ascent to the throne or *Āsandī* which was made of *udumbara* wood with the exception of the interwoven part (*vivayana*) which consisted of *muñja* grass. Then came the besprinkling. Among other things the priest said: "Do thou become here the overking of kings; the great of the great people, the supreme ruler of the people (or the peasantry)."¹ *Rājñāṁ tvam Adhirāja bhaveha; Mahāntaṁ tvā mahīnāṁ Samrājaṁ charshaṇīnām*."² The king was next required to get down from the throne and make obeisance to the 'holy power (Brahmaṇ); "*Brahmaṇa eva tat Kshatraṁ vaśaṁ eti tad yatra vai Brahmaṇaḥ Kshatraṁ vaśaṁ eti tad rāshṭraṁ samṛiddhaṁ tad vīravadāhāsmin vīro jāyate*,"³ "verily thus the lordly power (Kshatra) falls under the influence of the holy power (Brahmaṇ). When the lordly power falls under the influence of the holy power, that kingdom is prosperous, rich in heroes; in it a hero or heir (*vīra*) is born."⁴ Here there is provision for the prevention of royal absolutism.
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² VIII. 5-11.
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¹ Keith, HOS, 25 (slightly emended).
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² *Ait. Br.*, VIII. 7.
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³ *Ait. Br.*, VIII. 9.
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⁴ Keith.
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Janamejaya, the son of Parikshit, was evidently consecrated with the *Punar-abhisheka*.⁵
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⁵ *Ait. Br.*, VIII. 11. A second coronation of the Ceylonese king Devānaṁpiya Tissa is referred to by the chronicles (Geiger's trans. of the *Mahāvaṁśa*, p. xxxii).
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The **Aindra Mahābhisheka**⁶ or Indra's great unction consisted of five important ceremonies. In the first place, an **Oath** is administered by the priest to the king-elect: "From the night of thy birth to that of thy death for the space between these two, thy sacrifice and thy gifts, thy place, thy good deeds, thy life and thine offspring let me take, if thou play me false."⁷ Next follows the *Ārohaṇa* or enthronement. When the king is seated on the throne we have the *Utkrośana*⁸ or proclamation. The king-makers should say "The Kshatriya, if not proclaimed, cannot show his strength, let us proclaim him. “Be it so” (the people reply). Him the king-makers proclaim saying :
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⁶ *Ait. Br.*, viii. 12-23.
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⁷ Keith; *Ait. Br.*, VIII. 15.
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⁸ *Ait. Br.*, VIII. 17.
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“Him do ye proclaim, O men (*janāḥ*) as king and father of kings . . . The sovereign lord of all beings (*Viśvasya bhūtasya adhipati*) hath been born, the eater of the folk (*Viśāmattā*) hath been born, the destroyer of enemies (*Amitrāṇāṁ hantā*) hath been born, the protector of the Brāhmaṇas (*Brāhmaṇānāṁ goptā*) hath been born, the guardian of the law (*Dharmasya goptā*) hath been born.”
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Here we have the important attributes of kingship. In the words *Viśvasya bhūtasya adhipati* (supreme lord of all beings) we have a reference to the king’s sovereignty and *imperium*. The expression *Viśāmattā*, devourer of the folk, alludes to his power of taxation. As *Amitrāṇāṁ hantā* he exercises supreme command to weed out enemies. The epithet *Brāhmaṇānāṁ goptā* gives expression to his special relations with the hierarchy, while the style *Dharmasya goptā* points to his duties in connection with the preservation of the laws and their proper administration for the promotion of the common weal (*yoga-kshema*).
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When the king has been proclaimed there is an address with the formula, *abhimantraṇa*.¹
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¹ *Ibid.*, VIII. 18.
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*Varuṇa the Wise One*
*Hath set him down, preserving order,*
*. . . . . for kingship . . . . .*
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Then comes the anointment (*abhishechana*)
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The following kings are said to have been consecrated with the *Aindra Mahābhisheka*; Janamejaya Pārikshita, Sāryāta Mānava, Satānīka Sātrājita, Āmbāshṭhya, Yudhāṁśraushṭi Augrasainya, Viśvakarmā Bhauvana, Sudās Paijavana, Marutta Āvikshita, Aṅga Vairochana and Bharata Dauḥshyanti.² The first-mentioned king, and probably the third, fourth, fifth and ninth also, belonged to the post-Parikshit period.¹ Durmukha Pāñchāla and Atyarāti Jānantapi were informed of the efficacy of the rite. The first made good use of the advice. But the latter who neglected his priest, and wanted to conquer the Uttara-Kurus, whom “no mortal man could vanquish,” perished at the hands of a king of the Sibis.
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² *Ibid.*, VIII. 21-23.
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¹ Śatānīka defeated Dhṛitarāshṭra of Kāsi who, according to the *Mahāgovinda Suttanta* was a contemporary of Sattabhu of Kaliṅga and of Brahmadatta of Assaka. As the Deccan kingdoms are not referred to in pre-Parikshita works, it is probable that Śatānīka and his contemporaries flourished after Parikshit. Ambashṭhya and Yudhāṁśraushṭi were contemporaries of Parvata and Nārada who were very near in time to Nagnajit, the contemporary of Nimi, probably the penultimate king of Videha. Aṅga was probably the immediate predecessor of Dadhivāhana who, according to Jaina evidence, flourished in the 6th century B.C.
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Closely connected with the *Aindra mahābhisheka* was another important ceremonial called the **Aśvamedha** or horse-sacrifice. All the kings who were, according to the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*, actually consecrated with Indra’s great function are represented as “going round the earth completely, conquering on every side, and offering the horse in sacrifice” (*samantaṁ sarvataḥ pṛithivīṁ jayan parīyāyāśvena cha medhyeneje*). To the list of kings and princes who performed the famous rite the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*² adds the names of the Pārikshitas (or Pārikshitīyas) Bhīmasena, Ugrasena and Śrutasena; the Kosalan king (*Kausalya-rāja*) Para Āṭṇāra Hairaṇyanābha; the Aikshvāka king Purukutsa Daurgaha; the Pāñchāla kings Kraivya, the superman of the Krivis (*Krivīṇāṁ atipurusha*) and Śoṇa Sātrāsāha; the Matsya king Dhvasan Dvaitavana, and the Śvikna king Ṛishabha Yājñātura. The *Āpastamba Śrauta Sūtra* says that a paramount king (*Sārvabhauma Rājā*) may perform the *Aśvamedha*.¹ The *Aśva* or steed for a year roamed under guardianship of a hundred princes, and a hundred nobles, a hundred sons of heralds (or charioteers) and village headmen, a hundred sons of warriors and treasurers² (chamberlains?) equipped with various kinds of defensive and offensive weapons. If the year were successfully passed the steed was sacrificed. The features of the rite included panegyrics of the sacrificer along with righteous kings of yore by lute-players including a *Rājanya* who sings to the lute three songs made by himself, "such war he waged, such battle he won." There is also a "circle of tales," *Pāriplava Ākhyāna*³ which lasts by series of ten days for the whole year.
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² XIII, 5. 4, 1-23.
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¹ XX. i. 1. Variant readings (*e. g.* apyasārvabhaumaḥ) of the relevant text seem hardly acceptable; *Cf.* *Baudh.* XV. 1. Even as late as the time of Bhavabhūti (eighth century A. D.) the *Aśvamedha* was looked upon as "the super-eminent touchstone to test the might of warriors conquering the world and an indication of the conquest of all the warriors"—*Aśvamedha iti viśvavijayi-nāṁ Kshatriyāṇāmūrjasvalaḥ sarva-kshatriya-paribhāvī mahānutkarsha-nishkarshaḥ* (*Uttara-Rāma-charitām*, Act IV, translated by Vinayak Sadashiv Patvardhan). The sacrifice seems also to have been performed in early times to atone for sinful work. There was also a Vishṇuite adaptation of the famous rite—no animals being killed on the occasion, and the oblations prepared in accordance with the precepts of the *Āraṇyakas*. Reference may be made to the story of Uparichara Vasu in the *Sāntiparva* of the *Mahābhārata*, Ch. 335-339 (Raychaudhuri, *EHVS.*, 2nd ed., 132). Regarding the significance of the *Aśvamedha* see also D. C. Sircar's note in *Indian Culture* I, pp. 311 ff; II. 789ff.
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² *Sat. Br.* XIII. 4. 2. 5. *tasyaite purastādrakshitāra upakḷiptā bhavanti. Rājaputrāḥ kavachinaḥ śataṁ rājanyā nishaṅginaḥ śataṁ sūtagrāmaṇ-yāṁ putrā ishuparshiṇaḥ śataṁ Kshātra Saṁgrahītṝiṇāṁ putrā daṇḍinaḥ śatamaśvaśataṁ nirashtaṁ niramaṇaṁ yasminnenamapisṛijya rakshanti.*
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³ *S. B. E.* xliv. pp. 298ff; *Pāriplava Akhyāna* in *Sat Br.* XIII. 4. 3. 2; Keith, *Black Yajus.* pp. cxxxii f; *RPVU*, 343 f; Hopkins, *GEI* 365, 386.
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The kingship disclosed in Brāhmaṇic songs and ritual is not merely a "Patriarchal Presidency." The monarch is not merely a chief noble, the first among equals, 'President of a Council of Peers.' In a famous Atharvanic laud the *rājā* of the Kurus, is extolled as a *deva* who surpassed mere mortals (*martyas*). The consecrated king is the lord of all beings. He is called “*viśvasya bhūtasya adhipati*,” and is further described as the devourer of the people—*viśāmattā*.¹ “*Rājā ta ekaṁ mukhaṁ tena mukhena viśo’tsi*.”² He is surrounded by armed kinsmen and retainers.³ He can “banish a Brāhmaṇa at will, mulct and overpower a Vaiśya at will, and exact labour from or slay a Śūdra at will.”⁴ Further he claims the power of giving his kingdom away to anybody he liked. In the *Bṛihadāraṇyaka Upanishad* Janaka says to Yājñavalkya, “*So’haṁ Bhagavate Videhān dadāmi māñchāpi saha dāsyāyeti*.”⁵
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¹ *Ait. Br*, VIII. 17
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² *Kaush*., Up., II. 6.
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³ *Ait. Br*. iii. 48. ‘Sixty-four armed warriors assuredly were his (a Kuru’s) sons and grandsons.’* When a Pañchāla king makes an offering there arise “Six thousand and three and thirty warriors clad in mail.” *Sat. Br*. XIII, 5, 4, 16; *cf*. 4 2. 5.
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⁴ *Ait B r*. vii. 29.
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⁵ *Bṛih. Up*., IV. 4. 23.
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The king, however, was not an absolute despot in practice. His power was checked, in the first place, by the Brāhmaṇas. We have seen that the most powerful sovereigns, even those who were consecrated with the *Punarabhisheka*, had to descend from the throne and make obeisance to the ‘holy power’ (Brahman) that was the repository of culture and education in those days. We learn from the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*,⁶ and the Kauṭilīya *Arthaśātra*⁷ that even a powerful king like Janamejaya was humbled by the Brāhmaṇas. Karāla Janaka met his doom for a crime against a Brāhmaṇa maiden. The Vṛishṇis perished on account of their irreverent conduct towards Brāhmaṇas.⁸ This shows that not only kings, but republican corporations (Saṅgha), too, had to cultivate friendly relations with the Brāhmaṇas.
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⁶ VII. 27.
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⁷ Ed. 1919, p. 11.
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⁸ *Cf*. also the fate of the Vaitahavyas, *Camb. Hist. Ind*. I. 121.
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The second check was supplied by the ministers individually or in council, and village headmen who aided in the consecration of the king and whom the king consulted on important occasions. In the Vedic texts the *Sūta* and the *Grāmaṇī* are styled *Rājakartṛi* or *Rājakṛit*, i.e., King-maker, “*Rajakṛitaḥ Sūta-Grāmaṇyaḥ*.”¹ The very title indicates their importance in the body politic. They, as well as the other *Ratnins*, figure prominently in the sacrifice of royal inauguration.
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¹ *Sat. Br.*, III. 4. 1. 7; XIII. 2. 2. 18; In *Rām.* II. 67. 2; 79. 1. the king-makers are *dvijātayaḥ*.
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The existence of a Royal Council (*Sabhā*) is clearly suggested by references to *sabhāsads* in Vedic texts, particularly in connection with king Marutta Āvikshita.² In the *Rāmāyaṇa*³ the *sabhā* is clearly a body in which the *Rājakartṛis* have a place along with the *amātyas* and the *Rājapurohita* (royal chaplain). The claim of the ministers and headmen to be consulted is recognised in Pāli texts while dealing with the period down to the time of Bimbisāra. The *Mahāvagga* says, “King Brahmadatta of Kasi, O Bhikkhus, having entered Benares, convoked his ministers and counsellors (*Amacce Pārisajje sannipātāpetvā*)⁴ and said to them: ‘If you should see, my good sirs, young Dīghāvu, the son of king Dīghīti of Kosala, what would you do to him?’” The *Mahā assāroha Jātaka*⁵ refers to a king who by beat of drum through the city gathered together his councillors (*amachcha, amātya*). The *Chulla-Sutasoma Jātaka* refers to the eighty thousand councillors of a king headed by his general,¹ (*Senāpati pamukhāni asītī amachcha sahassāni*). The power of councillors (*amātyas*) to depose a prince and elect a king is recognised in the *Pādañjali*, *Saṁvara*, and *Sonaka Jātakas* respectively. There is evidence regarding special gemots of village headmen. We are told that "when Seṇiya Bimbisāra, the king of Magadha, was holding an assembly of the eighty thousand Grāmikas (Village headmen) he sent message to Soṇa Kolivisa."²
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² *Ait. Br.* viii. 21; *Sat. Br.* XIII. 5. 4 6
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³ II. 67. 2-4.
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⁴ *S.B.E.*, XVII 304; *Vinayapiṭakam* (Oldenberg), I (1879), p. 348. C *Rām*, II, 79, *sāmātyāḥ saparishadaḥ*.
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⁵ No. 302.
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¹ Cowell's *Jātaka*, V, p. 97 (No. 525); 'eighty thousand' is a stock number and should not be taken too literally.
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² *Mahāvagga*, S. B. E. XVII, p. 1.
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Another check was supplied by the general body of the people (*Jana*, *Mahājana*) who were distinct from the ministers and *Grāmaṇīs*, or *Grāmikas*, and who used to meet in an assembly styled **Samiti** or **Parishad** in the *Upanishads*.³ In the *Utkrośana* passage of the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*⁴ the people (*Janāḥ*) are clearly distinguished from the *Rājakartāraḥ* among whom, according to the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*⁵ were included the *Sūta* and the *Grāmaṇī*.⁶ That the *Samiti* or *Parishad* was an assembly of the whole people, is apparent from such expressions as "*bhūyishṭhāḥ Kuru-Pañchālāssāgatā bhavitāraḥ*...",⁷ "*Pañchālānāṁ Samitiṁ eyāya*", "*Pañchālānāṁ Parishadaṁ ājagāma*," "*samaggā Sīvayo hutvā*". The *Chhāndogya Upanishad*⁸ mentions the *Samiti* of the Pañchāla people presided over by king Pravāhaṇa Jaivali, Śvetaketuṁ
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³ In the *Jaim. Up. Br.* II. 11. 4. we find a reference to the *Parishad*, the *Sabhā* and the *Saṁsad*. It is not clear, if these are distinct institutions. The *sabhā* and the *samiti* are, however, distinguished in the *Atharva-Veda*.
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⁴ VIII, 17; cf. *Sat. Br.* V. 33. 12.
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⁵ III, 4. 1. 7; XIII. 2. 2. 18.
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⁶ For Mahājana, see *Jātaka* (525), Vol. V. p. 187; *Jātakas* (542, 547), Vol. VI p. 156, 489 etc; cf. *Sat. Br.* V. 3. 3. 12.
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⁷ "Most of the Kuru-Pañchalas shall be assembled together." *Jaim. Up. Br.* III. 7. 6.
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⁸ V 3. 1.
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*Āruṇeyaḥ Pañchālānāṁ Samitiṁ eyāya; taṁ ha Pravāhaṇo Jaivalir uvācha.*" The *Bṛihadāraṇyaka Upanishad*¹ uses the term *Parishad* instead of *Samiti*, "*Śvetaketur ha vā Āruṇeyaḥ Pañchālānāṁ Parishadamājagāma.*" The analogy of the Lichchhavi Parishā and of similar assemblies mentioned in Buddhist works shows that the functions of the Kuru and Pañchāla Parishads were not necessarily confined to philosophical discussions only. The *Jaiminīya Upanishad Brāhmaṇa*² refers to disputations (*saṁvāda*) and witnesses (*upa-drashtṛi*) in connection with popular assemblies, and informs us that the procedure among the Kurus and the Pañchālas was different from that of Śūdras. The people took part in the ceremony of royal inauguration.³ The *Dummedha Jātaka*⁴ refers to a joint assembly of ministers, Brāhmaṇas, the gentry, and the other orders of the people.
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¹ VI. 2. 1.
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² III. 7. 6.
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³ Ait. Br., VIII. 17.
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⁴ No. 50; *cf.* *Vessantara Jātaka* (No. 547), Vol. VI, pp. 490 ff. The whole Sivi people assembled to discuss a matter of public importance, to give advice to the king and to inflict punishment on a prince.
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That the people actually put a curb on royal absolutism is proved by the testimony of the *Atharva-Veda*⁵ where it is stated that concord between king and assembly was essential for the former's prosperity. We have evidence that the people sometimes expelled and even executed their princes together with unpopular officials. Thus it is stated in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*⁶ "Now Dush-ṭarītu Pauṁsāyana had been expelled from the kingdom which had come to him through ten generations, and the Sṛiñjayas also expelled Revottaras Pāṭava Chākra Sthapati."¹ The *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*² refers to personages who were expelled from their kingdoms (rāshtras) and who were anxious to recover them with the help of the Kshatriya consecrated with the *Punar-abhisheka*. Such persons were the Indian counterparts of the French "emigrants" who sought to reclaim revolutionary France with the help of the troops of the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns.³ We learn from the *Vessantara Jātaka*⁴ that the king of the Śivis (Śibis) was compelled to banish prince Vessantara in obedience to "the people's sentence" (*Sivīnaṁ vachanatthena samhā raṭṭhā nirajjati*).
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⁵ VI. 88. 3.
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⁶ XII. 9. 3, 1 *et seq*; Eggeling, V. 269.
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¹ For the designation 'Sthapati', see ante, p. 167.
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² VIII. 10.
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³ *Cf.* Lodge, *Modern Euorope*, p. 517.
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⁴ No. 547; Text VI. 490-502. The Śibis are known to *Ait. Br.* viii, 23.
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The king was told :
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"*Sache tvaṁ na karissasi Sivīnaṁ vachanaṁ idaṁ*
*maññe taṁ saha puttena Sivīhatthe karissare ti*"
*The bidding of the Sivi folk if you refuse to do*
*The people then will act, methinks, against your son*
*and you.*
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The king replied :
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"*Eso che Sivīnaṁ chhando chhandaṁ na panudāmase*".
*Behold the people's will, and I that will do not gainsay.*
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The *Padakusalamāṇava Jātaka*⁵ tells a story how the town and the countryfolk of a kingdom assembled (*jānapadā negamā cha samāgatā*), beat the king and priest to death as they became a source, not of weal, but of woe (lit. fear, *yato khemaṁ tato bhayaṁ*), and anointed a good man as king. A similar story is told in the *Sachchaṁkira Jātaka*.⁶ We are told in the *Khaṇḍahāla Jātaka*⁷ that the people of one kingdom killed the minister, deposed the king, made him an outcaste and anointed a prince as king. The ex-king was not allowed to enter into the capital city. Fick¹ points out that in the *Telapatta Jātaka* a king of Takshaśilā, says that he has no power over the subjects of his kingdom. This is in striking contrast with the utterance of Janaka quoted above.² Evidently the Royal power had declined appreciably, at least in some of the north-western *Janapadas*, since the days of Janaka.³
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⁵ No. 432.
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⁶ No. 73.
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⁷ No. 542.
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¹ *The Social Organisation in North-East India*, trans. by Dr. S. K. Maitra, pp. 113-114. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar follows him in *Carmichael Lectures*, 1918, 134f.
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² P. 172, "Bhagavate Videhān dadāmi".
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³ Note the references to elected kings (e. g. amongst the Kathaioi) and autonomous folks by the historians of Alexander in the fourth century B.C. The Ambashṭhas had a strong monarchy in the Brāhmaṇa period (*Ait. Br.* viii 21). In the days of Alexander (*Inv. Alex.* 252) the constitution was democratic.