Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions c11: IV. Manners and Customs
Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions c11
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IV. Manners and Customs
c11.1
AMONG singular customs, those involving self-sacrifice of life may claim our notice. The Jain vow of *sallēkhana* (see *EC.* vol. ii.) involved suicide by gradual starvation, in cases of incurable disease, hopeless calamity, or the inevitable approach of death. It was the orthodox Jain mode of emancipation from the body when life could no longer be endured, and the instances of its performance are numerous, especially at Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa, from the earliest times. A more expeditious and pleasanter way of meeting death was that adopted in 1068 by the Chālukya king Sōmēśvara I (Sk 136), who, being prostrated with mortal fever, after performing *yōga* ceremonies, walked into the river Tuṅgabhadrā up to his neck and drowned himself.
c11.2
The practice of *sati*, or the burning of a widow with the dead body of her husband, was a recognised institution at all periods and with all creeds, but seems to have been more actively revived in the fourteenth century under the Vijayanagar empire. The memorials of *sati*, which was entered on with perfect readiness, as duty-bound in honour, are found in all parts. They are known as *māstikal*, that is *mahā-sati-kal*, and are generally sculptured with a pointed pillar or post, from which projects a woman's arm, bent upwards at the elbow. The hand is raised, with fingers erect, and a lime-fruit is placed between the thumb and forefinger. This is what is alluded to in Sh 61, 62, and Md 103, where women are said to have given arm and hand. No clear explanation has been obtained of the symbolism. Some of the stones are accompanied with elaborate inscriptions. Such is the stone of the fifth century to the memory of the Kadamba king Ravivarmma's wife (Sb 523). Another is the beautifully pathetic Belatūr stone of 1057 (Hg 18).
c11.3
But other instances of self-sacrifice of life are fairly numerous. The earliest are connected with the Ganga kings. Thus, in about 865, we have (TN 91) Nītimargga's death-bed scene, and are told that his *mane-magattin* or *major domo* became *kil-guṇṭhe* under him, which may be interpreted as meaning—was buried under him, probably alive, in the same grave. Another *kil-guṇṭhe* sacrifice is recorded in 930 (Dg 119), at the death of the Ganga chief Chandiyammarasa. With the same object of attesting undying attachment and fidelity to a master, others entered the fire and were burnt to death. In about 912 we have (Ag 5, 27) two cases in which men committed themselves to the flames on the death of the Ganga king Rāchamalla. In 1130, a man who had taken a vow to die with the Kadamba king Tailapa, fulfilled his vow (Hl 47), but in what manner is not stated.
c11.4
At the same time, vows of self-destruction were not confined to execution on the death of patrons. They were also entered into for the purpose of securing the accomplishment of some cherished desire. In these cases beheading seems to have been the usual method of despatch. In about 991, we are told (Sb 479) that a man vowed to give his head to a goddess at Hayve in order that the king Śāntivarmma might have a son. His wish having been obtained, he surrendered himself to the soldiers and was beheaded. In 1050 a servant had his head cut off in order to die with the king Pompala (Ct 31). But in 1123, a cowherd, when Bopparasa and his wife paid a visit to a temple in the rice-fields, perhaps with a view to offspring, vowed that he would give his head to swing on the pole before the god at Koṇḍasabhāvi if the king should obtain a son (Sk 246). In 1180 a chief gave his head in order that the army to which he belonged might be victorious in the war to which it was marching (Gd 41). In 1185 a man who had taken a vow that he would die with the queen, at her decease was reminded of it by her husband, and instantly gave himself up to be beheaded (Sk 249), for, as the inscription says, a word spoken with full resolve must not be broken. In 1215 a woman gave her head to the hook on the death of her chief's mother (Mk 12). From sculptured representations it appears that the process of these ghastly decapitations was as follows. The votary was seated close to an elastic rod or pole fixed in the ground behind. This was forcibly bent down over the head of the victim, and the hook at the end made fast to the top-knot of hair. On being severed from the body, the head flew up, carried with the rebound of the rod released from its tension.
c11.5
In 1050 there was the curious case of the man who vowed to continually pull out the nail of his finger in order to prevent the giving of a fort to a particular person (Sk 152). But his vow was of no avail, and the grant was made. Whereupon he cut off the finger, and climbing to the top of the Bhēruṇḍa pillar, threw himself down on a row of spear-shaped stakes and was killed.¹
c11.6
¹ A parallel to such cases may be found in the present day if the following newspaper cutting be true. A St. Louis negro has bet his life, as announced by him in the following manner: "To all whom it may concern. Take notice that I, A— P—, being sound in mind and body, do solemnly promise, with God for my witness, to put an end to my earthly existence by leaping into the Mississippi from the centre of Eads Bridge, within seven days after the Presidential election of 1904, if Theodore Roosevelt, the Republican candidate, be not elected."
c11.7
The instances of the Garuḍa warriors under the Hoysala kings have already been mentioned above (p. 104). They were life guards, who took upon themselves a vow to live and die with the king, and at his decease committed suicide. This was done in a wholesale manner, the chiefs in Kp 9, 10 being joined in despatching themselves by their wives and servants, male and female. With the prince Lakshma, too (Bl 112), his whole battalion of a thousand men slaughtered themselves. In the former case the act is described as embracing Garuḍa (the kite which is the bird of Vishnu) on the head of an elephant. One chief is said thus to have embraced Garuḍa six times, and another, to have confronted Garuḍa, shaken and embraced him. What took place is not clear, but it may be conjectured that they killed themselves when seated in state on an elephant, and the bodies remained to be devoured (as on Parsi towers of silence) by kites and vultures, which would be immediately attracted to the spot. The final acts attributed to the chiefs no doubt refer to their death struggles. In the case of the prince Lakshma, he is said to have mounted, with his wife, on the pillar which was to be their monument, and thus become united with Garuḍa.
c11.8
References to the healing art may next be noticed. The earliest mention is a droll account in 1087, given (Nr 40) in connection with the army of Vikrama-Śāntara. While hurrying to the seat of war, the men, in order to appease the fire in their bellies, fed on carcases, and as the result were driven mad with indigestion. On applying to the army doctors, these said elephant was the remedy. So they swallowed elephant and were cured, whereupon the doctors laughed. More to the point is the statement (Sb 277) that in 1158 there were three medical dispensaries in Baḷḷigāve. And in 1162 the Kōḍiya maṭha there is described (Sk 102) as a place for the treatment of the diseases of destitute sick persons. In the thirteenth century there was a Vaidya named Dēvapilleyaṇṇa, who was physician to the mother of the minister of the Hoysala king Nārasimha III (Ak 8). Like Dhanvantari (the physician of the gods) was this Dēvarāja, and celebrated for his new system of medicine (Ak 9). In the fifteenth century, in the time of the Vijayanagar king Dēva-Rāya II, there was the famous and learned head of a line of physicians, known as Sālagrāma, whose name was Kēśava, the son of Aruṇāchalēśa-paṇḍita (Dv 81). In 1818, when an epidemic of small-pox and cholera had broken out and the people were dying around, it was stopped in the following supernatural manner (Kr 25). The goddess Mahākāli of Ujani became incarnate in a Śūdra virgin of the Gaṅgaḍikāra tribe, named Nanjamma, whose family descent is given. Wherever she went these diseases and other troubles, among Brāhmans, Kshattriyas, Vaiśyas, and Śūdras alike, were cured. And out of the gifts made to her a new temple of Mahākāli was erected at Kannambāḍi. Sixteen years afterwards she had a *ranga-maṇṭapa* built for it (Kr 24).
c11.9
The accounts of the decorations and titles conferred on men who had distinguished themselves are of interest. The most dignified seems to have been the *paṭṭa* or golden band to be worn on the forehead. It was a symbol of royalty, but was also bestowed as a mark of royal favour, or for other purposes of distinction. Thus the Chōla king in 1005 decorated Panchama-mahārāya with a *paṭṭa* bearing the title Kshattriya-śikhāmaṇi Kongālva (Cg 46). The Chālukya king Tailapa-Dēva in 1096 bound a *paṭṭa* on the victorious general Ereyamma, with the title *Rājya-samuddharanam* inscribed in gold, and gave him also *keysere* (? bracelets) for his children (Sa 80). The rāja-guru and other priests in 1254 bound the *vibhūti-paṭṭa* on the Gaṇa-kumāri Chandavve (Ak 108). But a high distinction often mentioned in connection with prominent public men is the *gaṇḍa-peṇḍāra* (see Dg 36, 44, etc.). This was a golden anklet, apparently worn on the right leg. From Bl 112 of 1220, relating to the prince Lakshma, it seems to have been set with clusters of pearls. He also had another decoration, called *toḍar*, which was a golden chain or ankle-ring, embossed with medallions, and was worn on the left leg. It seems to have been regarded specially as a pledge of unswerving fidelity, and hence, when the prince received it, his wife also bound a *toḍar* on her left leg to signify that she would never desert him for another.
c11.10
A singular custom, which was universal, was the ceremony of washing the feet of the guru or priest on making over the grant to a temple or for other objects. The transfer of the land or whatever was the subject of the benefaction is invariably described as accompanied with the performance of this act by the donor. But in one case, in 968, the guru's feet are said to have been not only washed but rubbed, ? dry (Hk 23).
c11.11
The oriental custom of touching and remitting offerings, which is still practised in the case of *nazars* presented at darbārs, is mentioned in 1300, in connection with the dues payable by Brāhmans. According to the custom of the country, it is said (TN 98), the palace will touch and remit to the Brāhmans of Sōmanāthpura the former dues, whatever they may be. This was in the time of the Hoysala king Ballāla III.
c11.12
Another incident mentioned in 1434 (Mr 1) was very likely typical of a custom. On the completion of a fort which the king had ordered to be built, he celebrated the occasion by having tigers captured and brought before the principal bastion, where he and his son hunted them, at the same time giving to the bastion its name as Rāja-gambhīra.
c11.13
In Ci 64 is a reference to stichomancy, like the classical *Sortes*. One of the donees is described as a *salākāchārya*, a man who answers questions by putting a *salāka* or stick into a book (a palm-leaf book) at random and so finding a suitable passage. There are elaborate rules for the system, as for most Hindu mysteries.
c11.14
Every one knows or has heard of the extraordinary feats of memory performed by certain natives of India. References to such accomplishments occur in some of the inscriptions. In 1103 is mentioned (Sk 98) Malli-dēva, known as the Niṭalāksha (Īśvara) among *āśu-kavī* (fast or extempore poets). Of him it is said that if two persons from different sides should come towards him writing it down from the end (that is, backwards) and reading it out, he would arrange the poem so read out, whatever the subject might be, as a new poem. He would also repeat four stories from hearing them related (simultaneously); and make calculations in any number of given figures. All this he was able to do by mental effort alone. In 1223 is mentioned (Cn 203) Viśvanātha, who could write letters with both hands (at once), and go through (at the same time) a hundred mnemonic feats (these are known as *śatavadhāna*), so that the learned men who examined him nodded their heads (in approval). In 1079 there was the minister Nakulāryya, who was learned in writing four languages (Cn 99); but this is not exceptionally wonderful. In 1344 there was Sōma, who was a successful poet in eight languages (Mb 158, Gd 46).