Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions c14: VII. Religion
Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions c14
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VII. Religion
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THE early inhabitants of the country were probably to a great extent, especially on the female side, Nāgas or serpent worshippers, that is, of the cobra, which is the Nāga. Effigies of the cobra are set up to this day at the entrance of every village or town for public adoration, and ceremonial offerings are made to the living cobra. In the Śātavāhana inscription at Banavāsi, of the first or second century, the king's daughter is named Nāgaśrī, and she makes the gift of a Nāga. The province corresponding with the Shikārpur tāluq, said (Sb 263) to have been ruled by the wise Chandra Gupta, was named Nāgakhaṇḍa or Nāgarakhaṇḍa. Some of the minor royal lines in the west claim Nāga descent. Thus, the Sēndrakas were of the Bhujagēndra-anvaya or lineage of the snake king (*IA*. vii. 106), and the Sindas were of the Phaṇirāja-vamśa (Hl 50, 20), which has the same meaning, while the Sēnavāras had the *phaṇi-dhvaja* or serpent flag (Cm 95). Jinadatta, the founder of the Śāntara line, is said to have married a Nāga virgin. The Chōla prince Rājādhirāja is said to have bravely gone down into a cavern, and by his radiant beauty won the hand of the noble daughter of the Nāga race. The professed Janamējaya grants (Sk 45, etc.), which really belong to the twelfth century, are records of donations made to Brāhmans for performing the *sarpa-yāga* or serpent sacrifice, perhaps indicative of a wholesale subjection or extinction of serpent worshippers or Nāgas. Of the Vijayanagar king Harihara II, it is said (Si 95) that his virtues were sung in pleasant stories by the Nāga maidens in Pātāla. Hottenna- Nāyaka of Harati is described (Cl 54) as brother to the Nāga virgins of the Nāga-lōka.
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NĀGA AND NĀGINI.
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Jainism prevailed in Mysore from before the third century B.C., when Bhadrabāhu, accompanied by Chandra Gupta, led a migration of Jains from the North to the South (SB 1), and it continued a popular faith during more than a thousand years of the Christian era. Aśōka, the grandson of Chandra Gupta, strove towards the close of his reign to propagate Buddhism (Mk 21), and in the fourth century A.D. a Bāna king is compared with Bōdhisattva in compassion for all living things in the world (Mb 157). Even so late as 1055 a Buddhist vihāra was erected in Belgāmi (Sk 170), and the Bauddha sāvāsi is mentioned in 1098 (Sk 106), while a great Bauddha town named Kalavati is mentioned even in 1533 (Tp 1). But Buddhists it would seem were never numerous. The spread of Jainism was greatly promoted in the second century A.D. by Samantabhadra (SB 54), and later by Akalanka, who defeated the Buddhists in public disputation at Kāñchi in the eighth or ninth century (SB 54), in consequence of which they were banished to Ceylon. Jainism was the State creed in the time of the Gangas, of some of the Rāshṭrakūṭas and Kalachuryas, and of the early Hoysalas. Also of the minor states of Punnāṭa, of the Śāntaras, the early Changālvas and the Kongālvas, as testified by their inscriptions. But the Chōla conquests in 1004, the conversion of the Hoysala king in 1117, and the assassination of the Kalachurya king in 1167 were severe blows to its influence. In an endeavour to accommodate itself to the age, Jina is described in 1151 as the Universal Spirit who is Śiva, Dhātṛi (Brahmā), Sugata (Buddha), and Vishnu (Tm 9); and for a generation following we find (Ck 21, 13) chieftains who were supporters of all the four creeds,—Māhēśvara, Jaina, Vaishnava, and Bauddha.
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Lists of the Jain hierarchy and the succession of Jain gūrus are contained in the following inscriptions, arranged according to date: SB 1, Nr 35, Sh 64, SB 47, 43, 54, Dg 90, SB 40, 42, 105, Ng 76, Cn 149, Ak 1, TN 105, SB 108, Nr 46. The first is of the (?) fifth century; the remainder are of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, except the last two, which are of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The greatest detail for the early period is supplied in SB 105, which gives the names of the Tīrthankaras, the Ganadharas, the Kēvalis, the Śrutakēvalis, the Daśapūrvadharas, the Ēkādaśāngadharas, and Āchārāngas. It then continues, through Kuṇḍakunda, Umāsvāti or Griddhrapinchha, Balāka-pinchha, Samantabhadra, Śivakōṭi, Dēvanandi or Pūjyapāda, Akalanka, etc., to Arhadbali, who formed four divisions of the Sangha,—the Sēna, Nandi, (Tridivēśa or) Dēva, and Simha sanghas. The others contain some of this information, but not in a connected manner, and each one branches off at a certain point to give a succession relating to the immediate object of the inscription. There is none which is more interesting or which conveys more valuable information than SB 54, interspersed as it is with *chūrṇis* or quotations of the first importance in corroboration of the narrative. Its date is 1128, and its object is to record the death of Mallishēna-Maladhāri, who was a disciple of Ajitasēna, and who gained a great name in his day among the Jains. Nr 46 also contains much historical information relating to the sixteenth century in recounting the successes of the Jain orator Vādi-Vidyānanda.
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According to Sk 186 there were no Brāhmans in the South in the time of Mukkaṇṇa Kadamba, the third century. Having sought diligently for them throughout the region and finding none, he went without delay to the North, and from the Ahichchatra agrahāra (said to be in the Bareilly District) procured a number of Brāhman families (see also Nj 269) whom he settled in the agrahāra of Sthānakundūr (Tālgunda), to the north of Belgāmi (Shikārpur tāluq). From his family sprang the royal Kadamba line, as related in the Tālgunda pillar inscription (Sk 176). On the other hand, it seems that there must have been *some* Brāhmans before, for the Śātavāhana grant of the first or second century on the Malavalli pillar (Sk 263) was made as a Brāhman endowment. But they may have left the country, as those above-mentioned from the north are said to have attempted to do. In the east, tradition attributes the introduction of Brāhmans to Mukunti Pallava, who is also of the third century. It is evident from the Tālgunda pillar inscription that Brāhman professors had gained a great reputation in Kāñchī, the Pallava capital, when Mayūraśarmma, the founder of the Kadamba dynasty, went there at about that period in order to complete his studies.
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The earliest form of the Brāhman faith was connected with the worship of Śiva, who was, it is asserted, doorkeeper to the Mahāvalis or Bāṇas (Sp 5, 6). But Vishnu, in his Vāmana or Dwarf incarnation, deprived Mahā Bali in two strides of all his possessions except Pātāla, which was left to him. And Krishna, who is another form of Vishnu, also found means, in a war against Bāṇa, to overcome Śiva who fought for the Bāṇas. It is difficult to separate the worship of Śiva and Vishnu in subsequent periods. They continued to be jointly recognised in all parts, and the united form Harihara, composed of Hari (Vishnu) and Hara (Siva), was a symbol of their general equality in religious estimation. Of Harihara, Dg 25 in 1224 says: “The celebrated Śiva acquired the form of Vishnu, and Vishnu acquired the great and famous form of Śiva, in order that the saying of the Vēda (that they were one: see Dg 36) might be fully established.” Kēśava or Vishnu, again, is identified as follows in the fourteenth century (Bl 3) with the chief object of worship in all the sects: “He whom the Śaivas worship as Śiva, the Vēdāntins as Brahmā, the Bauddhas as Buddha, the Naiyāyikas as Kartta, the Jainas as Arha, the Mīmāmsakas as Karmma.”
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The worship of Śiva was from an early period specially associated with an ancient teacher named Lakulīśa, who apparently can be traced back as far as the first century (JRAS, 1907, p. 419). His name frequently recurs in our inscriptions (see Si 28, Sk 126, 107, 104, 108), and his creed and sect are referred to as the Lākulāgama (Ak 62), Lākulāmnāya, Lākula-samaya (Sk 107), etc. But there must have been a succession of gurus of the name. For Si 28 in 943 says that Lakulīśa, fearing lest his name and works of merit should be forgotten, became incarnate in the muninātha Chilluka. And Sk 126 records a grant made in 1036 to a Lakulīśvara; perhaps he was the same as the one mentioned in a grant of 1020 in Mēlpāḍi in North Arcot (SII. iii. 27). Sk 107, of about 1078, describes a Vālmīki-muni as being (?) a hand to Lakula. Sk 94 in 1094 praises Śrīkaṇṭha-paṇḍita as himself Lakulīśa, while Sk 98 in 1103 says that his son Sōmēśvara-paṇḍita caused the Lākula-siddhānta to blossom; and Sk 92 and 96, of 1168 and 1179, compare the rājaguru Vāmaśakti with Lakulīśvara or Nakulīśvara. But farther, Tp 12 of 1285 speaks of Lakula’s new samaya. As hitherto generally known, Lakulīśvara was the founder, in about the eleventh century, of the Pāśupata sect, and this was at Kārōhana in the Lāṭa country, which Dr. Bühler identified with Kārvān in Barōda. The Lakula of our inscriptions belongs to the period between 1054 and 1156, and is generally mentioned in connection with the Kālāmukha sect, who are described as a branch of the Śakti-parshe in the Mūvara-kōneya-santati of the Parvvatāvali (Jl 10, Sk 107, 114, 316, Bl 117, Sk 104, 108). There is a list in Ck 35 of a succession of gurus of the Agastyēśvara maṭha at Śrīparvvata, all whose names end in śakti.
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The Śaiva reformer Śankarāchārya opposed the Jains and revived Śiva worship in the eighth century, when also he founded the Śringēri maṭha in the Kadūr District (Sg 11). But in the middle of the twelfth century took place the Vīra Śaiva revival, a revolt against Brāhmanism, promoted by Basava, the minister of the Kalachurya king Bijjala, which resulted in the establishment of the Jangama, Śivāchāra, or Lingāyit faith, the popular religion to this day of the Kannaḍa-speaking peoples. Into this great numbers of Jains were merged, while Jain images and temples were converted to Linga use. Ck 21 mentions the Shōdaśar or Sixteen, a special class of Lingavantas. The Keladi kings, the Changālvas, the Bhairarasu-Woḍeyars, the Coorg Rājas, and other smaller states, professed the Lingāyit creed, which was also adopted by the Mysore Rājas in conjunction with the Vaishnava faith of their origin.
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The revival of Vishnu worship was due in great measure to the Vaishnava reformer Rāmānujāchārya, also called Emberumānār,¹ who, at the beginning of the twelfth century, took refuge from Chōla persecution in the Mysore country, where he converted from Jainism the Hoysala king Biṭṭi-Dēva, thenceforward called by the name Vishnuvarddhana. Rāmānuja established the Yatirāja maṭha at Mēlukōte (see Sr 64), and received a large tract of land on both banks of the Kāvērī near Seringapatam, named the Ashṭagrāma or eight townships. For the management of his affairs he appointed the Fifty-two. These were Śrīvaishnavas, and his first disciples.
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¹ His original name is said to have been Iḷaiyālvān.
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Bitter animosity continued to exist against the Jains, and in 1368 (as already related above, p. 113) they complained in a body to the Vijayanagar king Bukka-Rāya of the persecutions to which they were subjected by the Vaishnavas. The king summoned before him the leading men of both sects, and after inquiring into the matters in dispute, decided that no difference could be allowed as regards their liberty to follow their respective ceremonials. He then took the hand of the Jains, and holding it in the hand of the Vaishnavas, decreed that the Jains were free to carry out their customary ritual, and that equal protection would be given to both sects (SB 136). This decree was to be set up at all Jain bastis by the Vaishnavas, who were not to look upon the Jains as in a single respect different. And, from a fund which the Jains would annually raise among themselves, the Vaishnavas were to appoint twenty men as a body-guard for the Jain image of Gomaṭa at Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa, and were to repair such Jain temples as had been ruined. This was actually done at Kallēha (Kalya in Māgaḍi tāluq), as witness the copy of the decree set up there (Ma 18).
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The Śringēri maṭha had assisted in the foundation of the Vijayanagar empire in the fourteenth century, and furnished the first minister to the kings, who in consequence liberally endowed it (Sg 1). From the Vīra-Śaivas, who had largely superseded the Jains in the west, the latter were exposed to violent opposition. For instance, Bl 128 states, in 1638, that an over-zealous Lingāyit official had stamped a linga on the piliars of the principal Jain basti at Halebīd. The Jain merchants remonstrated on this with the Śivāchāra high priests, and an agreement was come to that the Jain priests of the basti should first offer the usual Śaiva salutation of ashes and betel leaf, and then perform their worship and other ceremonies according to their own custom. This decree was engraved on stone by order of the minister of the Bēlūr kingdom. On the fall of Vijayanagar in 1565, the Śringēri maṭha fell for a time to ruin, but in the next century was restored, and its endowments were renewed by the Keladi kings (Sg 5, 11, 13), who also established and endowed Śivāchāra maṭhas all over the Shimoga District.
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The Rājas of Mysore likewise established agrahāras for Brāhmans (see Kg 37, Yd 54, Sr 64, Yd 58), and erected or added to temples (see Bn 118, Ch 86, Nj 1). Of Doḍḍa-Dēva-Rāja it is said (Kg 37) that temples of the gods he had made, was making, and would continue to make. The Varāha (or Boar) which was lost in the Yavana invasion, Chikka-Dēva-Rāja brought from Śrīmushna (in South Arcot) and set up with devotion in Śrīrangapaṭṭana or Seringapatam (Ch 92). It is now in Mysore, having been removed there at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
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Of Muhammadan records, Sk 324 is one of the principal. This informs us that in 1632 the Bijāpur Sulṭān, Muhammad Ādil Shāh, son of Ibrāhim Ādil Shāh, erected the fort on the hill at the Māsūr Maḍag tank as a sign of victory in the attempt to repel the wicked infidels and to establish the auspicious Islām. Si 66b is a memorial to Malik Rihān, Subahdar of Sīra, dated 1651. DB 31 contains an interesting inscription of the time of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb Ālamgīr, dated in 1691. Si 66a records the erection of the big mosque at Sīra in 1696. Ht 19 is a Mughal grant in the time of Dilāvar Khān, Navāb of Sīra, dated 1745.
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There are some grants by Haidar Ali to Musalmān fakīrs in 1763 and 1767 (Cp 146, 16, 114). Of Tipu Sultan’s inscriptions, one of the most characteristic is Sr 159 at the Elephant gate of the Seringapatam fort, the date of it being 1791. Those at the Gumbaz in Ganjam, the mausoleum of Haidar and Tipu, are of interest (Sr 23, 24, etc.). My 54 relates to the construction of a dam in the Kāvērī in 1797.
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Of Christian records, an old inscription has been found at Ānekal, surmounted by a cross, and referring to the *Kumbara ane* or Potters’ dam. Its date is uncertain. But Dominican friars are said to have built a church there in 1400. A stone or stones are also said to have existed at Kānkānhalli recording a grant to the “sannyāsis of Rome.” Nr 46, of about 1530, in relating the successes of the Jain disputant Vidyānanda at various royal courts, says that he destroyed (*alidu*) the European faith (*Peringiya mata*) of the Viceroy (or Agent—*Kāryya*) of Śrīranganagara or Seringapatam, who must, it would thus seem, have been a Roman Catholic Christian.
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Of special religious ceremonies, one of the earliest mentioned is the *aśvamēdha* or horse-sacrifice, which was a royal rite symbolic of supreme power. The Kadamba kings claim to have performed many horse-sacrifices. Accordingly, the Brāhmans of Tānagundūr are said (Sk 178) to be residents of 144 villages acquired as donations for the 18 horse-sacrifices of king Mayūravarmma. The king Krishnavarmma (? fifth century) is expressly stated (Bl 121) to have performed the horse-sacrifice. The Chalukya king Pulikēśi I performed the horse-sacrifice in the sixth century (Kl 63, Gd 48, etc.). A much later instance is that of the Chōla king Rājadhirāja or Jayangonda-Chōla in the eleventh century, who is also said (Dv 75) to have performed the horse-sacrifice. Other sacrifices mentioned are the *vājapēya* (Cn 167), performed in the sixteenth century for the Vijayanagar kings Nṛisimha and Krishna-Rāya; and the *agniṣṭōma* (Mb 62) performed in the seventeenth century for the chief of Sugaṭūr. The Mysore king Kaṇṭhīrava-Narasa-Rāja is said (Ag 64) to have revived the performance of the *ēkādaśi-vrata*, like Ambarīsha and all the other kings. The Brāhmans of Sthānakundūr are described (Sk 176) as drinking *sōma* juice, and those of Kellangere are called (Ak 117) 200 ornaments of *sōma* drinkers.
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An interesting term is that of *ghaṭika-sthāna*, which seems to indicate a place of public assembly for Brāhmans. It has been translated by Professor Pāthak as "religious centre"; and Professor Kielhorn has written an article suggesting that it was something like a Brahmapuri. The name occurs in Sk 176, where Mayūraśarmma, on going to the Pallava capital for completing his studies, is said to have frequented every *ghaṭika*. In Si 23 of 1167 the Noṇambēśvara temple is said to be the great *ghaṭika-sthāna* of the city of Henjeṛu. On the other hand, Sk 197 of 1182 describes *ghaṭika-sthānas* as supports to *dharmma* and mines for enjoyment (*bhōga*). Cn 178 of 1442 contains the statement that a *ghaṭika* was established in a certain place "in accordance with the saying (or directions) of Uttanka in the Sāma-vēda."
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There are a few references to rarer religious sects. Thus, Hs 18 records a grant in about 450, by the Kadamba king Mrigēśavarmma, as made to an Ātharvaṇi Brāhman. The grant in Sk 281 was made to Kāśmīr Brāhmans. Then Gb 61 of 812 mentions the Yāpaniyas, a Jain unorthodox sect, who had the appearance of Digambaras, but followed the observances of the Śvētāmbaras (*EI.* iv. 338). And Hl 23 of 968 describes one of the places where the grant was made as a Lōkāyata city. The Lōkāyatas were an atheistical sect, followers of the doctrines of Chārvāka. Certain tenets and sectarian terms of the Lingāyits are set forth in Kg 49, in connection with the erection of a *maṭha* for the Tōṇṭada-svāmi. The essentials are detailed which constitute a primeval *bhakta*, and a primeval *jangama*.
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Attention may be drawn to some notable donations. Bl 121, of about 420, describes a merchant as the donor of a thousand cows. Kg 33, of 1663, mentions a Brāhman who was known as the donor of a crore of virgins. Nl 88 records a grant for feeding 12,000 oḍeyars or Lingāyit priests in the Gangādhara temple at Śivaganga on a certain anniversary day. A singular statement is that in Sb 18, which speaks of the Vijayanagar king Dēva-Rāya II as having become after his death a mahārājika or demigod, reminding one of the apotheosis of the Roman emperors.