New History of the Marathas v1.c11: Chapter VII. The Lion Bearded in His Den [1666-1667]

New History of the Marathas v1.c11

Language: English

Chapter VII. The Lion Bearded in His Den [1666-1667]

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1. Hesitation to visit Agra.
2. The Audience Hall.
3. The wonderful escape.
4. After effects, peace.

1. Hesitation to visit Agra.— Although Shivaji was shrewd enough to assume a submissive attitude towards Jay Sinh at Purandar, he cleverly made it a stepping stone to his future advancement. The treaty of Purandar was to him only a temporary set back, by no means a final extinction. After all Jay Sinh was a brother Hindu whom Shivaji meant to conciliate rather than to destroy. The treaty of Purandar was almost a stage-managed affair and should not be interpreted as a humiliation for Shivaji. He was not openly beaten. Jay Sinh was sanguine about effecting a permanent understanding between the Emperor and Shivaji. Could not this be satisfactorily secured if the two were to meet and arrange matters personally? Shivaji had already agreed to serve the Emperor in the Deccan, and even in that connection he had carefully avoided offering his own person, but substituted in his place his own son of 8 years for the Emperor's service. There was a provision in the treaty for a personal visit of Shivaji to the Emperor. But as time passed, Jay Sinh considered it the best way to bring about a permanent reconciliation, more or less a first step to leading Aurangzeb back to the policy that had been adopted by the Great Akbar, of making friends with the Hindu princes. The experiment was worth trying. Jay Sinh repeatedly urged Shivaji to meet the Emperor personally and explain to him all the grievances that he had himself uttered in the Purandar camp. With equal force he urged upon the Emperor to receive a visit from Shivaji, test his hearty goodwill and convert him into a powerful support for the preservation of peace in the southern dominions. If only Shivaji could once meet the Emperor, thought Jay Sinh, and the latter shower on him all his kindly attentions and honours, he could be won over to serve the Empire loyally. Thus Jay Sinh played the part of a mediator for reconciling the two opposite views into a beneficent union. History has pronounced this as Jay Sinh’s blunder in not having judged his master’s character correctly.

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Jay Sinh offered Shivaji his personal guarantee that no harm would come to him from his visit to the Emperor. He assured Shivaji that the Emperor was anxious to meet him and to utilise his services for the conquest of Bijapur and Golkonda on which he had long set his heart. So while Aurangzeb probably suspected mischief from Shivaji in a personal visit, Shivaji had grave doubts about the sincerity of the Emperor, whose ways and methods were already well-known. He deceitfully betrayed his own brother Murad, cruelly encompassed the ruin of Dara Shukoh and Shuja, artfully confined his father and selfishly seized the throne for himself, not even sparing his own sons from his wrath. These were public acts which made Shivaji hopeless of receiving any signal favour by a personal visit. But there were other considerations which persuaded him to undertake the risk. A personal visit to the Emperor and his capital would give him a realistic idea of the inherent power of the Empire, so that he could judge for himself who could be his friends and who his foes at Court, and how far his dream of a Hindu Empire was practicable. In his own narrow sphere of the south, Shivaji was anxious to oust the Siddi from the vicinity of his capital on the west coast. Jay Sinh assured Shivaji that this object could be easily adjusted in a mutual discussion. Although, therefore, the prospect of a personal visit to the imperial capital was not very tempting to Shivaji, it held forth opportunities which made it worth a trial. He revolved the project in his own mind and with his mother and advisers for days together. Some matter-of-fact-men declared the step as dangerous and therefore highly inadvisable; but the priests, the astrologers and above all Shivaji’s inner voice the Devi Bhavani, favoured the undertaking. Jay Sinh and his son Kirat-Sinh sent him solemn oaths and written promises that while at the capital both Jay Sinh and his eldest son Ram Sinh would guarantee his life and safety. The resolve was taken, the die was cast. Jay Sinh reported that Shivaji would soon arrive at the imperial Court.

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These matters were under negotiation during the early months of 1666. Shivaji prepared for the worst and made as perfect arrangements as possible for his work being carried on in his absence. Jija Bai was to be the head of the administration with Moropant Peshwa, Nilopant Muzumdar and Pratāprao Gujar Senapati forming the executive Council. Shivaji made a tour of his districts, encouraging and inspiring local officials and guardians of forts. On Monday Falgun Shudha 9, 5 March 1666, he took his departure from Rajgad with his son Sambhājī and a select following of officials and servants and an escort of about 4000 men. Exact lists of those who accompanied him are not forthcoming, but Tānāji Mālusre, Yesāji Kank, Bāji Sharzerav Jedhe, Hiroji Farzand, Balāji Avji, Nirāji Rāoji, Raghunath Ballāl Korde, Trimbak Sondev Dabir, and Madāri Mehtar are some of the prominent names mentioned in the available sources as his companions. The Emperor advanced him one lac of rupees for his travelling expenses and commanded that he should be accorded the honours of a Shahzada throughout the journey. The local official of every district through which Shivaji travelled was to accompany him in his jurisdiction.

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On 5 April 1666 the Emperor wrote to Shivaji, “Your letter reporting that you have started, has been placed before me. Come here without delay with full confidence in my grace and perfect composure of mind. After you have obtained audience of me, you will be glorified with my royal favours and given permission to return home. I am sending you a resplendent Khilat.”

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When Shivaji reached Aurangabad crowds of citizens turned out to have a look at him. But the Governor Safshikan Khan did not come out to receive him, expecting that Shivaji would call on him. Shivaji noticed the affront and went straight to Jay Sinh’s quarters. The latter at once reprimanded the Governor who came the next day, offering apologies for his remissness. About the middle of March Shivaji left Aurangabad and proceeded towards Agra by slow comfortable marches, patiently studying on the way men and matters of the Mughal Government and noting whatever was found pertinent to his purpose. No untoward incident is reported of this journey; a distance of about 500 miles was covered in nearly two months.

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Shivaji was received by the Emperor in the Agra fort and not at Delhi as is commonly supposed. Agra was the favourite residence of Shah Jahan, where the celebrated Peacock Throne was located. When in 1658 Aurangzeb became Emperor, he proclaimed himself at Delhi and kept his father confined in the fort of Agra, which he never visited till after his father’s death on 22 January 1666. When the time of mourning was over, Aurangzeb made his first public entry into the Agra fort and decided to celebrate his 50th lunar birthday, which fell on 12th May 1666, by holding his first grand Darbar with his seat on the Peacock Throne. As Shivaji was expected to reach Agra about the same time, it was arranged that his first audience with the Emperor should take place in that Darbar on 12th May. Aurangzeb was then at the height of his glory. He had just recovered from a serious ailment: all internal and external enemies had been humbled. He had not yet proclaimed his famous religious policy which later brought on him the Rajput war and other troubles. His generals had overcome the rebel Shivaji in a short easy campaign. Thus this birthday celebration of 1666 had a peculiar significance for Aurangzeb, which was to receive added importance from the presence of Shivaji. What proved to be the outcome of this proudest day for the Mughals, history has recorded.

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2. The Audience Hall.—Contemporary letters have recently been discovered among the state archives of Jaipur which throw full and true light on the important events connected with Shivaji’s visit to the Emperor and his miraculous escape. These events can now be accurately explained on the strength of this fresh evidence. Mirza Raja Jay Sinh was then the premier grandee of the Mughal Court and his success over Shivaji added lustre to his laurels. As he had constant dealings with the imperial Court, he had stationed his news-writers who despatched regular reports in Hindi and Persian to his capital Amber about every important transaction at the Court. These reports and letters which have now become available are of great historical importance, after remaining buried in oblivion for over two and a half centuries.

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About twenty of these letters in Hindi pertain to Shivaji’s visit and supply a graphic account of how he was received, how he took offence at the slight shown to him, and how he was dealt with during the three months of his confinement at Agra. One particular point about the presence of the poet Parmānand, author of the *Anupuran* or its Tamil name the *Shiva-Bharat*, among the followers of Shivaji at Agra has now been clearly established. These works recently recovered and published, have now a precious historical value, as the doubt about the contemporaneity of Shivaji and Parmānand is now set at rest.¹

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¹ *House of Shivaji* by Sir Jadunath Sarkar.

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Parmānand’s uncompleted epic brings the story of the Bhosles and the life of Shivaji down to the year 1661, and the portions subsequent to this date if at all written are missing. Parmānand was a Mahārāshtra Brahman who long lived at Benares and wrote his work at the request of curious local inquirers about the wonderful career of the Maratha hero. This Sanskrit poem was planned to consist of 100 cantos, of which only the first 31, with a portion of the 32nd, are now available.

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We must now resume the story of Shivaji’s visit to Agra. On that 12th of May the palace Hall Diwani-i-Am of Agra presented a unique spectacle. The whole square bristled with men and their varied equipment, and formed a grand exhibition of the highest Mughal splendour. The Emperor was weighed against various costly articles according to the Hindu fashion and then took his seat on the Peacock Throne. Let us quote from the eye witness’ description of the part Shivaji played on this occasion :—

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“ A letter has been sent by Mahara} Kumār Rām Sinh to Shivaji asking him to arrive at Agra by the 11th of May to have the audience of the Emperor, who has ordered that the Kumar and Fidwi Khan should advance one day’s march and welcome Shivaji on the way and conduct him to the capital. Tāj Sinh has been deputed by the Mirza Raja to accompany Shivaji all the way. On 11th May Shivaji reached Malik Chand’s Sarai and halted there. Then Kumar Rām Sinh gave to Giridhar Lāl Munshi a special robe and a horse with

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silver trappings and said to him, “Do you go and convey my Rām Rām to Shivaji.” So Giridhar Lāl went there with 40 horsemen, gave Shivaji his master’s salutations and informed him of the arrangement made for their meeting. Shiva dismissed Giridhar Lāl after bestowing on him one robe and Rs. 200 cash.

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“On 12th May Rām Sinh rode out to welcome Shivaji; and the two chiefs met each other at the Nurjung Garden. Tej Sinh told Shivaji, ‘This is Kumār Rām Sinh’ and next coming up to the Kumār’s side pointed out Shivaji to him. The Kumār moved forward and embraced Shiva. Mukhlis Khan met Shiva next. The Kumār conducted Shivaji to a tent close to his own camp and welcomed him with music etc. Then Rām Sinh and Mukhlis Khan started leading Shivaji to the Court. In the mean time the Emperor had left the Diwāni-Am and taken his seat in the Diwan-i-Khās where Shivaji was conducted. The Emperor ordered Asad Khan Bakshi to bring Shivaji forward. Asad Khan led him upto the Emperor’s presence. Shivaji presented one thousand Mohars and two thousand Rupees as his Nazar and Rs. 5000 as Nisar (propitiatory gifts being waved round). Sambhāji too was introduced to the Emperor and he offered 500 Mohars and 1000 Rs. as Nazar and Rs. 2000 as Nisar. Shivaji was made to stand in the place of Tahir Khan in front of Raja Rai Sinh. The Emperor neither talked with nor addressed any word to him.

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“It was the Emperor’s birthday and the bétel leaf of the ceremony was distributed to the Princes and the nobles and Shivaji too got one. Next the Khilats for the occasion were presented to the Princes, to the Wazir Jafar Khan and to Raja Jashvant Sinh. At this Shiva became wrathful and fretted. He flew into a rage and his eyes became red. The Emperor noticed and told the Kumar, “Ask Shiva what ails him.” The Kumār came to Shiva’s side, when Shivaji told him, “you have seen, your father has seen, your Padishah has seen what a man I am, and yet you have deliberately made me stand up so long. I cast off your mansab. If you wanted me to stand, you should have done so according to the right order of precedence.” After saying this he turned his back to the throne and roughly walked away. The Kumār caught hold of his hand, but Shiva wrenched it away, came to one side and sat down. The Kumār followed him and tried to reason with him, but he would not listen and cried out, “my death-day has arrived. Either you will slay me or I shall kill myself. Cut off my head if you like, but I am not going to the Emperor’s presence again.”

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“As Shiva could not be persuaded, the Kumar came back to the Emperor and reported the matter to him. The Emperor ordered Multafat Khan, Aquil Khan and Mukhlis Khan to go, console Shiva, invest him with the Khilat and bring him back to the presence. These three nobles came over and asked Shiva to wear the Khilat, but the latter refused, saying, “I don’t accept the Khilat. The Emperor has deliberately made me stand below Jashvant Sinh. I am such a person and yet he has wilfully kept me standing. I decline the Emperor’s mansab. I will not be his servant. Kill me, imprison me, if you like, but I will not wear the Khilat.” So the nobles returned and reported this to the Emperor, who then told the Kumār to take Shiva away with himself to his own residence and persuade him to the proper course. Rām Sinh led Shiva away to his tents, seated him in his private chamber and reasoned with him. But Shiva would not listen. After keeping Shiva with him for an hour, the Kumār dismissed him to his own camp.”

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In the mean time how to deal further with Shivaji became a serious question with the Emperor. Many nobles advocated a severe punishment for such a gross breach of etiquette as he had committed. Rām Sinh on his part continued to send his agents and presents to Shivaji and tried to induce him to a reasonable course. Siddi Fulad the Police Prefect of the capital, visited Rām Sinh and conveyed a message from the Emperor intended to conciliate Shivaji. The next day, 13th May, Rām Sinh attended the Emperor’s Darbar taking Shivaji’s son along with himself. The Emperor gave the boy one full robe, a jewelled dagger and a pearl-necklace. In due course the Emperor decided either to kill Shiva or to confine him in a fortress. He ordered Siddi Fulad to remove Shiva to the house of Rad-Andaz Khan, a low-born fanatical young favourite of the Emperor, who was then Commandant of the Agra Fort. When Rām Sinh heard of it, he sent a message to the Emperor, saying, “Shivaji has come under a sacred guarantee of safety from me and my father. So kill me first and then deal with Shivaji as you like.” Then the Emperor asked the Kumār to sign a bond of security for Shivaji that he might not escape or commit any harm. In the morning of 15 May Shivaji came to the Kumār’s tent, gave him the solemn assurance of good conduct and Rām Singh signed the security bond.

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One of the Jaipur letters thus describes Shivaji’s appearance and retinue at Agra, “He has come alone with only a hundred retainers and his escort numbers 200 to 250 in all. Among the latter, 100 are mounted on their own horses and the rest are bargirs. When Shiva rides out in a Palki, many foot men wearing Turkish caps go before him. His flag is orange and vermillion-coloured with golden decorations stamped on it. In his train camels are few and meant for carrying luggage. He has a hundred *Banjaris*. All his high officers have Palkis to ride in ; so he carries many Palkis with him.

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“At sight Shivaji’s body looks lean and short. His appearance is wonderfully fair in complexion, and even without knowing who he is, one does feel instinctively that he is a ruler of men. His spirit and manliness are apparent. He is a very brave, high-souled man and wears a beard. His son is nine years old and is marvellously handsome in appearance and fair in complexion.

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“Shivaji has come with a rather small contingent but with great splendour of equipment. A large elephant goes before him carrying his flag. An advance guard of troops precedes him. His force moves with grace and pomp. His Palki is completely covered with silver plates and its poles with gold plates. The public extol him for his manliness all the more, on account of his audacity and strong replies in the presence of the Emperor.”

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For more than three months from 12th May to 17th August Shivaji stayed at Agra, under confinement which became more rigorous as the days passed. How to remove the deadlock was the question which agitated both the Emperor’s and Shivaji’s minds during this interval. The former, however, made up his mind to put Shivaji to death, in what decent way was the only point he had to decide. Shivaji too understood what fate there was in store for him and set about making preparations to meet it. The Jaipur letters have the following entries on this point :—One day in a general talk in Rām Sinh’s tent Shivaji said, “ it is sheer destiny that has brought me here. Why did you not advise the Mahārājā (Mirzā Rājā) against sending me into the Emperor’s hands ?” Shivaji then paid some money to the Vazir Jafar Khan to win his support ; and on other courtiers too he spent more or less. He sent presents to many Umras to gain their favour. On 20th May Jafar Khan presented Shivaji’s petition to the Emperor and got him to pardon Shivaji’s offence and spare his life. Previous to this the Emperor had ordered Rām Sinh and Shivaji to go on duty to Kābul. But afterwards he rescinded that order. There were hopes that Shivaji would be taken to the Emperor and formally pardoned.

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“ On 29 May Shivaji wrote a petition to the Emperor saying, “ If Your Majesty would restore all my forts to me, I will pay two crores of Rs. Give me leave to depart. My son will stay here in your service. I came here in full trust in your word. My loyalty is strong. Your Majesty is now at war with Bijapur. Let me go and fight there in your service.” To this petition the Emperor replied, “ Shivaji has gone off his head, because of my mildness towards him. How can he be given leave to depart for his home ? Tell him firmly that he must not visit anybody, not even go to the Kumār’s house.” Thereafter strong patrols have been posted round Shivaji’s residence.”

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8th June. Shivaji has petitioned the Emperor requesting, “ issue orders for a residence for me, to which I can move, but do not keep me here in the custody of Rām Sinh.” The Emperor replied, “ Rām Sinh is a faithful servant, you must remain in his charge.” So the Kumār’s men are now keeping a watch over Shivaji in addition to the Kotwal’s troops. Rām Sinh says that “ if Shivaji escapes or kills himself, I shall have to answer for it to the Emperor.” Therefore Tej Sinh and his retainers keep watch over the bed of Shivaji, while Arjunji, Sukh Sinh, and other Rajputs patrol around. Shiva, therefore, has sent word to Rām Sinh, take back the bond of security you have given to the Emperor and let the Emperor do what he likes with me.” In the mean time the Emperor wrote to the Mirzā Rājā asking what course should be followed with regard to Shivaji and his replies are awaited.”

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On Friday 9th June Shivaji sent all his servants away, saying “ Go away, you all. Let none remain with me. Let me be killed if the Emperor desires it.” Thereupon his men loaded their goods for departure. Shiva sent word to the Emperor directly through Fulad Khan, “ I beg that my men be granted passports for the journey.” These were obtained and Shivaji’s retinue left Agra about 25th July.

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16th June. Shivaji petitioned the Emperor asking permission to go to Benares and there pass his days as a religious recluse. The Emperor replied, “ Let him become a *fakir* and live in the Allahabad fort. My Subahdar there will keep a good watch on him.” Shivaji’s residence is strictly patrolled by the Emperor’s troops. The Kumār too enforces all strictness and caution. Rām Sinh takes Shiva’s son to the Darbar.² No reply has been received by the Emperor from Jay Sinh. It is rumoured Shivaji is secretly soliciting some of the nobles for his release. He offered through them to the Emperor to be allowed to go personally to hand over the forts. The Emperor declined, saying, “ Why need he go there himself? His men will yield the forts upon writing to them.” Shivaji had run out of funds during his unexpectedly long stay at Agra. He had to spend heavily in bribes, presents and perquisites in order to secure his release. He had also to make large purchases. By the middle of July he appealed to Kumār Rām Sinh for a loan and obtained 66,000 rupees for which he gave a hundi on his officers in the Deccan to pay the Mirzā Rājā.”

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² Sambhaji was then nine years old and used to visit the Emperor now and then. In giving an account of his past life in a sanskrit paper (dated 1680) he says he was, while at Agra, called upon to have a duel or a wrestling match by the Emperor (possibly with another boy of his age). He strongly refused to obey the Emperor. प्रादुर्भूत बालभावेन्द्रप्रस्थाधिनाथानुज्ञात मल्लयुद्ध दत्ताज्ञाभंग [ संभाजी दान-पत्र ]

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Days passed in this way. Jay Sinh wrote back strongly to the Emperor not to take severe steps against Shivaji but to conciliate him and utilise his services in the Deccan. He urged that the Emperor ought to respect the sacred oath and guarantee he had solemnly given to Shivaji that no harm would be done to him; that an Emperor’s word is the most sacred thing in the world. An open violation of such guarantee would not only antagonise Jay Sinh, powerful as he doubtless was, but would estrange all the other Rajput princes. This fear indeed deterred the Emperor from taking the extreme step of putting Shivaji to death.

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Backdoor influences were at the same time urging the Emperor to take that extreme step. Shaista Khan’s wife was bitter against Shivaji on account of the latter’s raid upon the Khan’s Camp at Poona. Aurangzeb’s maternal aunt was married to the Vazir Jafarkhan, to whom Shivaji once paid a visit to explain matters. But Jafarkhan’s wife prevailed upon her husband to dismiss Shivaji summarily, as she considered it dangerous to have in the house this dreadful devil, the perpetrator of that outrage against Shaista Khan as he was supposed to be able to take a sudden and long jump upon an adversary at a distance.

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After these no details are available of Shivaji’s residence at Agra upto 17th August, on which date he escaped in a wonderful manner. The plan was entirely of his own contrivance which revealed what a fertile brain he possessed. The event at once made Shivaji a conspicuous figure, as a divine agent specially appointed to uplift the Hindu religion. How he conceived the plan of escape and executed it with unfailing dexterity, is a perpetual riddle for the historian. We shall proceed to solve it, making the eye-witnesses speak.

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3. The wonderful escape.—Thevenot the French traveller who was then at Agra and has recorded what he saw and heard on the spot, is the only intelligent eye-witness we have for this event. His account singularly corroborates the version of the Jaipur letters and explains the reason of Shivaji’s visit. Thevenot writes, “Aurangzeb hearing the news of the sack of Surat and wishing to do away with Shivaji, expressed himself thus to the Rajas of his Court, amongst whom he knew Shivaji had many friends and told them that he highly esteemed Shivaji for his valour and wished he might come to Court, saying openly that he would take it as a pleasure to honour a hero like Shivaji at his Court. He commanded the Rajas to write to Shivaji and gave his royal word that he should receive no injury, he had now forgot what was past. Several Rajas wrote what the King had said and made themselves in a manner sureties for the performance of his word, so that Shivaji made no difficulty in coming to Court and bringing his son with him.

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“At first he met with all imaginable caresses, but some time after, Shivaji perceived a dryness in the King and boldly told him that he believed he had a mind to put him to death, though he had come on his Royal word to wait upon him without any constraint or necessity that obliged him to it; but that His Majesty might have known what man he was, from Shaista Khan and the Governor of Surat; that after all, if he perished, there were those who would revenge his death and that hoping they would do so, he was resolved to die with his own hands and drawing his dagger made an attempt to kill himself but was hindered and had guards set upon him.

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“The King would have willingly put him to death, but he feared an insurrection of the Rajas. They already murmured at this usage notwithstanding the promise made to him, and all of them were so much the more concerned for him. This consideration obliged Aurangzeb to treat him well and to make much of his son. He told him that it was never in his thoughts to have him put to death, and flattered him with the hopes of a good government if he would go with him to Kandahar which he then designed to besiege. The King granted him passports for his troops coming from the Deccan. When he got these passports he resolved to make use of them for himself withdrawing from the Court. He gave the passports to his officers under pretence of calling his forces to provide him horses in certain places. When everything was ready Shivaji got himself and his son both carried privately in baskets (carried in pairs on bamboos) to the riverside. They crossed the river, mounted the horses that were ready and ran away telling the waterman (at the river) “go and acquaint the King that he had carried over Raja Shivaji.” They rode day and night finding always fresh horses in the appointed places.

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“Aurangzeb was extremely vexed at Shivaji’s escape; many believed that his escape was a false report deliberately given out and that he was in reality put to death. This raja is short and tawny with quick eyes that show a great wit.”¹

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¹ Foreign Biographies of Shivaji, p. 183.

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The Jaipur letters and Thevenot’s account tally in a great measure and may together be taken as the substantial truth. The perfidious conduct of Aurangzeb in inducing Shivaji to come to Agra and then trying to encompass his death through foul means was highly reprehensible. He was too timid to perpetrate the deed boldly. He was afraid of the public opinion which was none too favourable about his past conduct towards his father and brothers. Putting Shivaji to death in open violation of a sacred promise of the Emperor, would have quickly made Aurangzeb’s name odious throughout India.

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Aurangzeb was a man of a thoughtful introspective temperament, not prone to impulsive action. He had a masterly command over his feelings. After Shivaji’s first outburst in the open court, there were three main alternatives before the Emperor : (1) to put him to death, (2) to convert him to Islam and utilize his services, (3) or to conciliate and send him back in fulfilment of his solemn word. There were advocates for each of these courses. The Emperor long wavered between the first two and latterly he made up his mind to do away with Shivaji, trying only to delude the public into believing that he had no hand in such a foul deed. He, therefore, tried to devise a course that would bring about the desired result, without implicating himself directly in it. For such a course Shivaji’s vicinity to Rām Sinh’s quarters was inconvenient, as Rām Sinh was the first person who was to be put off his guard as regards the Emperor’s evil motives. Therefore a complaint was got up from the police that they could not keep a sufficient watch over Shivaji’s movements in the open surroundings in which he lived as Rām Sinh’s neighbour. The Emperor, therefore, ordered that on 18th August Shivaji should be removed to the house of Fidai Husain, which had been hurriedly completed and which was well suited for a prisoner’s residence. When Shivaji was informed that he was to be removed to a new and more comfortable house, he understood what this change meant, and he escaped on the eve of the day appointed for the change of his residence. He had already asked Rām Sinh to cancel the bond of surety he had executed. He was anxious that Rām Sinh’s position should not be compromised by his action.

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To all appearances Shivaji talked of preparing for death.

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The father hugged the son and bitterly mourned their lot, cursing the moment when they left their home. In desperation Shivaji often seemed to have given up all hope and made utterances calculated to accept anything that the Emperor would demand provided his life was spared. He begged each and every person of influence to intercede with the Emperor to have his life saved. Most of his men had already left him. He fell ill or pretended to be so. Only one or two servants Heroji Farzand and Madari Mehtar remained in attendance on him. In the evening of 17th August some one else slept in Shivaji's bed wrapped in coverings, and both Shivaji and Sambhājī escaped in separate baskets as narrated by Thevenot. Nirāji Rāoji, Dattāji Trimbak and Raghu Mitra are mentioned as having accompanied him. As soon as they reached their secret rendezvous, they mounted the horses that were kept ready for them by previous arrangement and rode away for the Deccan by way of Mathura.

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The next morning Hiroji who had been sleeping in Shivaji's bed, also went out quietly telling the guards that Shivaji was fast asleep and that the sick man should not be disturbed. It seems Shivaji was not missed till about mid-day on the 18th. Fulad Khan himself came in and examined the spot to find that the bird had flown away. In extreme terror he went to the Emperor and reported that Shivaji had vanished by magic as no one was detected leaving his house by the guards who were closely watching the place. The Emperor was not so simple as to believe in witch-craft, and in extreme consternation sent round strict and expeditious orders to all governors and local officials to apprehend the runaways. Search parties were immediately despatched in all directions. Passes and fords were closed to traffic. Shivaji got the start of nearly one full day or at least 18 hours. The Emperor held Rām Sinh responsible for Shivaji's escape and commanded him to go personally and catch the fugitive. The Kumār went in search towards Dholpur. Fulad Khan in an outburst of violence declared that Shivaji had escaped through Rām Sinh's patrols. In a few days the Kumār was disgraced and forbidden the Court. It took some time to discover that he had slipped away by crouching down in the baskets of sweetmeats which used to be sent out. Those on duty were severely punished for their negligence. The inquiry went on for several days. The property left behind by Shivaji jewels, elephants, horses etc. was confiscated. Two days after Shivaji had left Agra, Trimbak Sondev and Raghunāthpant Korde were discovered and placed in confinement. They were subjected to severe torture by Fulad Khan and his underlings, but ultimately discharged on 3 April 1667, six months after Shivaji had reached home.

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One of the Jaipur letters dated 15th July 1666 reported about Parmānand thus,—“ Shivaji has a poet entitled Kavindra or Kavishwar to whom he has given a male and female elephant, one thousand rupees cash, a horse and full suit. Shivaji says as I am not able to go out, I will thus give away my horses and elephants and remain here as a Fakir.”

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A letter dated 23rd August from some local official says, “ we have sent out orders to that effect to all the paraganas. To-day Manohardas Purohit and Nathurām report from Dausa that Parmānand Kavishwar had arrived there with two elephants, two camels, one horse, pack-bullocks, and forty runners. I have asked Manohardas to detain the poet and search the bullock packs thoroughly.” The next letter of 28 December says, “ Manohardas and Nathurām write to say Kavindra Kavishwar Parmānand of Shiva’s service had been detained here. Later on an order came from the Mirzā Rājā to release and keep him under guard where he is. We made inquiries and learned that he had gone to Udai intending to proceed to Benares. So on hearing this news, I sent off four horsemen and fifteen footmen after him that very day. They overtook him in Chandangaon in the Hindaun Paragana and brought him back on Wednesday December 26. He now says, “ I want to go to Delhi. Order me, therefore, what I should do with him. He carries much baggage.” There is no further news in the Jaipur letters about the poet Parmānand.

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The whole circumstantial evidence discloses one main fact that the world outside was extremely favourable to Shivaji, accusing the Emperor of treacherously violating his plighted word, an Emperor’s word sacred for all time. If this were not the case, Shivaji could not have so easily escaped, or after having escaped would have been quickly seized. With wrong and unjust ways even mighty Emperors become powerless. After some time Rām Sinh was formally pardoned, but never again taken into that loving confidence which he had enjoyed before. It is also plain that Rām Sinh had no hand at all in Shivaji's escape. Shivaji's own genius and the way in which he had won the hearts of those about him, were mainly instrumental in his safe return. As little Sambhājī could not keep pace with his father in running away, he was placed at Mathura in charge of some faithful priests; and the father himself travelled through the country of the Gonds on to Golkonda and Bijapur and suddenly appeared before his mother at Rajgad in the garb of a wandering mendicant on 12 September 1666 or on the 25th day after his leaving Agra.¹

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¹ This date is mentioned in the Jaipur *Akbarais*, see *House of Shivaji*, p. 151. But the Jedhe Chronology says he reached Rajgad on 21 November, that is 92 days after leaving Agra.

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The news of this most thrilling dramatic achievement quickly resounded throughout the country. Every Indian home began to talk of the contrast,—a small slim figure all alone in that famous historic hall of Agra facing the mightiest and the most awe-inspiring monarch seated on the exalted Peacock Throne, surrounded by all his power and dignity. The incident sent an indescribable thrill throughout India and filled every Hindu breast with new hope and fresh courage on behalf of downtrodden humanity. Shivaji's reputation reached its zenith for having outwitted the wiliest and the mightiest Mughal Emperor. He at once became an all-India figure. His arrival in the homeland was hailed with peculiar joy, and grand celebrations were held throughout the Deccan. The forts pealed out salvoes of artillery announcing the event. As these *feu-de-joies* became unrestrained, Shivaji later on circulated standing orders prescribing the exact number of gunfire for specified important occasions. He rewarded all those individuals who had served him in his sore trial, Nirāji Rāoji, Bālāji Avji, Hiroji Farzand, Raghunāthpant Korde, and Trimbak Sondev and others. Sugar was distributed in all forts in memory of the event. Shivaji was happy to find that his affairs had been satisfactorily conducted during his absence. The Mughal troops were harassing the land, but not a single act of treachery or desertion was noticed among Shivaji’s officials, disclosing thereby to what perfection and order he had raised his State and his Government within a few years, and how the previous chaos and confusion had been removed.

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But perhaps the highest gain which Shivaji derived from this adventure was that he came into direct contact with the men and politics, the currents and cross-currents of the imperial Court. He minutely noticed its strong and weak points and made full use of this experience in his future work. He concluded that the Mughal power was a hollow show, full of injustice, tyranny and corruption, and that it could be easily overthrown. Historians trace the decline of the Mughal Empire from this date of Aurangzeb’s ascent to the zenith of power. Hereafter his slide down began, although slowly at first. Shivaji was ever on his brain and the Emperor continued mourning to the last day of his life the mistake he had committed in not putting Shivaji to death at once. He wrote in his will, “A moment’s negligence in gathering correct news from the Kingdom leads to serious consequences and would have to be repented for life. I neglected to guard carefully that wicked Shiva, and have on that account to suffer these terrible hardships of war till my end.”¹

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¹ *Sarkar's Shivaji*, p. 157 and on.

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4. After effects, peace.—Shivaji’s escape from the Emperor’s custody at once nullified all the work of conquest that Jay Sinh had effected in the Deccan and increased the Emperor’s anxieties. His visit to Agra benefited Shivaji more than if he had remained contented with the treaty of Purandar ; he now felt himself no longer bound to observe that treaty. To guard against Shivaji, the Emperor thought of Netāji Pālkar whom Jay Sinh had recently admitted to the Mughal service, and who possessed valuable experience of war in the Deccan. Aurangzeb wrote to Jay Sinh to arrest Netāji and send him a prisoner to the Court, thinking perhaps that he would create further trouble in conjunction with Shivaji. So Netāji and his uncle Kondāji arrived at the capital, when the Emperor suggested to Netāji that if he would turn Muhammadan, he would be amply rewarded ; if he declined, he would have to remain in life-long confinement. Netāji reluctantly agreed and was converted, receiving the name of Muhammad Kuli Khan. He was then married to a Muslim lady and asked to accompany Mahabat Khan on war duty to Afghanistan. Here he remained for 8 years, receiving high praise for the good work he did there. The future career of Netāji and his reconversion will be noticed in a later chapter.

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Upon his return Shivaji for a time allowed himself rest and ease for recouping his shattered health and deliberating on the line of conduct he should now adopt towards the Mughals. Jay Sinh was still in the south with large armies, but Shivaji gave him no occasion to notice him. In fact Shivaji studiously avoided causing any irritation to the Mughals for some time. He directed his energies to consolidating his power in the Konkan and effecting a revenue settlement there. He had yielded formal submission to the Mughals by the treaty of Purandar, which he continued to observe in all outward appearance. He informed the Emperor that he had run away from Court for fear of his life, that he had no ill-will towards him personally, and that he was still as ready to serve the Emperor as he had stipulated. He wrote to Jay Sinh, “the Emperor has cast me off ; otherwise I intended to have begged him to allow me to recover Kandahar for him with my own unaided resources. If through your intercession I am pardoned, I shall send my son Sambhā to wait on the Prince and serve at the head of my followers wherever required.”

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“In May 1667,” says the *Shakawali*, “Bahlol Khan and Ekoji Rāje besieged fort Rangnā. Shivaji Rāje attacked and raised the siege. A treaty of agreement was concluded in September between Shivaji and the Adil Shah.” This proves that the Adil Shah at this time tried to regain his hold on south Konkan and that Shivaji wrested it back. Jay Sinh’s position as the Mughal generalissimo in the south became untenable both on account of Shivaji’s escape and his own failure before the armies of Bijapur. When Shivaji was in confinement at Agra, Jay Sinh urged his son Rām Sinh not to undertake the unpleasant task of guarding Shivaji, one Hindu prince watching over another. In this way both Jay Sinh and Rām Sinh fell in the estimation of the Emperor, who suspected them to be the agents responsible for Shivaji’s escape. Some of Shivaji’s Brahman followers who were arrested at Agra after Shivaji’s flight, admitted, no doubt under torture, that Rām Sinh had played a mischievous game. Jay Sinh on the other hand kept on writing bitter letters to the Emperor expressing his severe anguish at the pass to which matters had come and reproaching his own ill-fate for the result. He was disgraced and recalled by the Emperor to the Court. Shahzada Muazzam was sent as Governor and arrived in May 1667; Jay Sinh delivered over the charge to the Prince at Aurangabad and set out on his northward journey, worn out by age and toil and by extreme disappointment at this public humiliation and the thought that his loyal life-long services had proved ineffectual in sustaining his honour and dignity. On the way he died at Burhanpur on 28 August 1667 (aged 62, born 1605).

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At this moment Shivaji was not at all inclined to undertake any warfare against the Mughals; and when he heard that Jay Sinh had been recalled, he probably breathed a sigh of relief as with all his persuasive powers he had found Jay Sinh either incorruptible or too much committed to the views of the Emperor, so that he could now welcome the return of the weak and indolent Muazzam and the open-hearted friendly Jashvant Sinh to the government of the Deccan. For the time being the implacable Dilir Khan was absent in a campaign against Devgad conquering the Gond country. Muazzam had all along resented the insubordinate spirit and spying nature of Dilir Khan, who wielded on that account an abnormal influence with the Emperor. Dilir Khan and Jashvant Sinh openly slighted each other, as the latter was the trusted counsellor of the Shahzada. Shivaji with his usual circumspection was fully posted in these internal details of the Mughal Government and did not fail to take full advantage of them.

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Jashvant Sinh and the Shahzada welcomed with all their heart Shivaji's offer to serve the Emperor, knowing well that it was not possible to crush him. They recommended Shivaji's offer to the Emperor, who replied accepting the proposal and recognized Shivaji's title of "Raja." Sambhaji was sent to the Viceroy's Court at Aurangabad, had his first interview with him on 4th November and was then allowed to return home. In a letter dated 9 March 1668 Muazzam conveyed the Emperor's orders to Shivaji, conferring on him the title of "Raja" and agreeing to a peace, which lasted for two years.

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On 5 August 1668 Sambhājī came back to serve in the Mughal Camp with his contingent headed by Pratāprāo Gujar and Niraji Rāoji. Sambhājī was created a commander of five thousand, and presented with a jewelled sword and an elephant. Jagirs for his expenses were assigned to him in Berar. This was Shivaji’s peculiar method of securing substantial interests, practically losing nothing by his submission according to the treaty of Purandar. He soon got most of his forts also back as we shall see shortly. He was Aurangzeb’s vassal in name. His relations with Bijapur also remained pacific. The European powers on the west coast sought his friendship. The Portuguese sent their agents to Shivaji and concluded a treaty of peace with him (11 December 1667). When the Mughal Emperor acknowledged him as a Raja, Bijapur and Golkonda began to deal with him as an independent king. Through Muazzam Shivaji secured the right of exacting *Chauthai* dues from those two States, thus treating them as his vassal territories. In order to avoid annual Maratha incursions for the exaction of these dues, they agreed to pay him a lump sum annually, Bijapur three and Golkonda five lacs. The year 1668 thus marks a rapid increase towards fullness of the last lunar phase of Shivaji’s life.

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VIII

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1669 April 9 | Emperor orders Hindu schools and temples to be demolished. --- | --- ,, Sept. 4 | Kashi-Vishweshwar temple pulled down and masjid built on its site. 1670 Jan. | Shivaji plunders Berar. ,, Feb. 4 | Shivaji recaptures Sinhagad. ,, March 3 | Kalyan and Bhivandi recovered. ,, April | Junnar, Ahmadnagar, Parenda plundered. ,, Oct. 3—6 | Shivaji's second raid on Surat. ,, ,, 16 | Daud Khan routed at Vani Dindori. ,, Nov. | Shivaji raids Burhanpur and Karanja. Mahabat Khan appointed Mughal Governor. 1671 Jan. 5 | Shivaji captures fort Salher. ,, monsoon | Dilir Khan sacks Poona. ,, Dec. | Mahabat Khan recalled : Bahadur Khan takes his place. ,, ,, | Ikhlas Khan besieges Salher. 1672 Feb. | Mughals defeated before Salher. ,, ,, | Fort Kanhergad bravely holds out for Shivaji. ,, | Shivaji's envoy, Qazi Haidar, meets Bahadur Khan and is confined at Parenda. ,, | Junnar and Ramnagar seized by Moropant. ,, | Bahadurgad built by Bahadur Khan. ,, Nov. 24 | Death of Ali Adil Shah II. 1673 March 6 | Fort Panhālā taken by Shivaji. ,, April 15 | Battle of Umbrani : Bahlol Khan routed. ,, | Pratāp Rao Gujar plunders Hubli. 1674 Feb. 24 | Battle of Nesari, Pratāp Rāo killed. ,, March 23 | Sampgaon plundered the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea* of Jacobus de Voragine, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction and edification of the faithful.

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But the Church did not merely provide books; it also provided the means of their dissemination. The monastic scriptoria, where monks labored in silence to copy the sacred texts, were the precursors of the printing press. And when the press finally arrived, it was the Church that first harnessed its power, using it to spread the word of God to the corners of the earth. The Gutenberg Bible, the first major book printed in Europe, was a testament to the Church's commitment to the written word.

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Yet, even as the Church championed the spread of knowledge, it also sought to control it. The *Index Librorum Prohibitorum*, or List of Prohibited Books, was a tool used by the Church to suppress ideas it deemed dangerous or heretical. This tension between the desire to educate and the need to control would define the Church's relationship with literature for centuries to come.

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It is a complex history, one that is marked by both enlightenment and suppression. But it is a history that cannot be ignored, for it is the history of the very foundation of Western civilization. The Church, in its role as the guardian of knowledge, has shaped the way we think, the way we write, and the way we understand the world around us.

Linked texts (1)

Śivabhārata — Paramānanda, Sanskrit