New History of the Marathas v1.c12: Chapter VIII. Still Greater Triumphs [1668-1673]
New History of the Marathas v1.c12
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Chapter VIII. Still Greater Triumphs [1668-1673]
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1 Fresh wave of Mughal fanaticism. 2 Shivaji's reply, recovers lost forts. 3 Second sack of Surat and its sequel. 4 Bloody toll of Salher. 5 Panhala taken. 6 Pratap Rao Gujar sacrifices himself.
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1. Fresh wave of Mughal fanaticism.—Soon after peace was concluded by Shivaji with the Emperor through the Shahzada, there occurred serious differences between that Prince and his overbearing lieutenant Dilir Khan of which Shivaji was not slow in taking advantage. The Emperor held the Khan in high esteem and credited his slanderous reports in preference to his son's statements. This produced a strong ill-feeling between them, the Shahzada being guided by Jashvant Sinh who was a great opponent of Dilir Khan. Their growing enmity came to a head just about the time that Shivaji was negotiating his peace and when the Emperor's attention was directed more to his preoccupations in north India involving as a consequence an utter neglect of the affairs in the Deccan. Sambhaji lived at Aurangabad under the guardianship of Pratāp Rāo Gujar and Nirāji Rāoji. They formed a close friendship with the Shahzada and Jashvant Sinh, all sharing the pleasures of hunting and the amusements of camp-life. This phase of Mughal-Maratha fraternity so disgusted Dilir Khan that he went to the length of reporting to the Emperor that the Shahzada was planning to depose him with the help of the Marathas. Thereupon the Emperor sent urgent and explicit orders to his son to place under immediate arrest the two Maratha officials Pratāp Rāo Gujar and Nirāji Rāoji. The Shahzada being friendly to the Marathas, contrived to communicate the news of this order privately to the two officials and thus enabled them to return home. This conduct further embittered the relations between Muazzam and Dilir Khan and produced utter confusion in the Mughal administration of the Deccan. Just at this time Aurangzeb launched his cherished policy of persecuting his Hindu subjects by issuing on 9 April 1669 general orders “to demolish all the schools and temples of the infidels and put down their religious teaching and practices.” A new large department was organized for a wholesale attack on the unbelievers throughout his dominions, and he called for periodical reports of what actual results were achieved as regards the demolition of schools and temples, the imposition of Jazia, the exclusion of the Hindus from public offices, the banning of Hindu fairs and festivities and similar measures.¹
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¹ Sarkar’s Aurangzib, Vol. 3, p. 264-286.
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Aurangzeb was obsessed with the vain belief that Providence had given him his position and power only for exalting his own religion and putting down other faiths. In his view other religions could not stand in equality with his own. Soon after his father’s death when he felt himself firm in his seat, he started on his life’s mission with all the earnestness and vehemence he was possessed of. In this spirit of fanaticism he turned his arms first against the Bundellas, then against the Rajputs and lastly against the southern peoples to whom he was drawn by the rebellion of his son Akbar. Shivaji did not fail to remonstrate strongly and publicly against the mistaken policy of the Emperor which received its first formal demonstration in 1669 when the famous Kashivishveshvar temple was demolished. The Keshorai temples of Mathurā suffered a similar fate. So furious was Aurangzeb against the Krishna worship at Mathurā that he changed the name of the town to Islamabad. Ahmadabad and Ujjain were similarly treated. “Officers were appointed in a systematic plan, in all the cities and sub-divisions of the Empire, as Censors of Morals to enforce the regulations of Islam. The festivals of Divali and Holi were ruthlessly suppressed. A Director General was placed over the large number of officers employed in this grand task. The provinces of Bengal, Orissa, Assam and Rajputana suffered the same fate. The temples of Ambar, the capital of the loyal state of Jaipur were broken down later in 1680.”
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Neither age nor experience softened the rigour of Aurangzeb’s religious policy. He confiscated all Hindu religious grants in Gujarat and remained deaf to all pleadings of pity and political expediency alike. When he was the Viceroy of Gujarat he had desecrated the temple of Chintamani at Ahmadabad in 1644 by slaughtering a cow in it and turning it into a mosque.
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All these measures of the Emperor, who must, by his position, be the protector of all religions, and of all races, became well known throughout India and caused the deepest concern to all thinking men. Brilliant examples of tolerance and liberty of worship and conscience, were before the Indian public, like those of Akbar and Kabir. Shivaji certainly knew this and we may be sure that during his three months’ sojourn at Agra he kept his eyes and ears open in order to devise measures to meet such attack on the Hindu religion, the most emergent question of the moment. Shivaji accepted the challenge and devoted his life to its solution.
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The news of the demolition of the Vishveshwar temple at Benares on 4 September 1669 spread like wild fire and caused extreme consternation throughout the country. The masjid raised on the old shrine stands to-day as a living witness of the event. Shivaji at once set about measures to avenge the wrong and retaliate for the insult offered to his religion. At the beginning of 1670 he recommenced his aggression upon the Mughal territories in all directions, taking full advantage of the daily growing confusion in the Mughal administration of the Deccan. He began vigorously to recover the important forts he had surrendered to Jay Sinh. Early in January 1670 his troops plundered Berar and collected 25 lacs. Similar raids were carried out in the region of Ausa. At this moment the quarrel between the Shahzada and Dilir Khan had reached its height. Dilir Khan turned a rebel, and was about to be arrested and imprisoned under orders of the Emperor which had been previously obtained, but having got an inkling of the plan against him, he ran away into Malwa, leaving all his military equipage behind. The Shahzada and Jashvant Sinh pursued him and called upon Shivaji to take part in the chase. The Emperor’s government became practically paralysed throughout the Deccan. Shivaji being supplied with correct news took advantage of the situation, and declared an open war by his famous capture of fort Sinhagad on February 4, 1670.
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2. Shivaji’s heroic reply, Sinhagad recaptured.—Of all the forts surrendered to Jay Sinh the most important was doubtless Sinhagad, for it was looked upon as the capital of the western regions and a key in the hands of those who had to govern them. Purandar ranked next to it. That is why Jay Sinh had insisted that Sinhagad should be the first to be handed over by Shivaji personally. He had after his visit to Jay Sinh in June 1665 personally delivered the fort to Kirat-Sinh. The fort was now most strongly held by a trusted and valiant Mughal commander named Uday Bhān Rāthod. No other fort was so well protected both by man and nature and now strongly guarded by the Mughals. He who possessed Sinhagad was the master of Poona.
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There is evidence to show that Shivaji himself thought Sinhagad impregnable. He was, however, egged on to the venture by his mother Jija Bai in whose mind the public insult of the demolition of Kashivishveshwar was bitterly rankling. The ballad of Sinhagad says, when she found Shivaji hesitating on the question of retaking Sinhagad, which practically meant a sacrifice of some of his best soldiers and a challenge to the Emperor, she insisted on playing with him a game at dice and the wager was to be the capture of this fort. She demanded that if Shivaji lost the game he must pay the price. If he refused, she threatened him with a curse upon his newly erected raj,—a mother’s curse! What was Shivaji to do?²
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Shivaji certainly wanted the fort back, but believed that an attack on it would unnecessarily plunge him into a deadly war with the Emperor, which had been to some extent happily closed. He well knew that the fort could not be taken by any other means than by his brave soldiers scaling the walls
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2. The reader may spend a little time in going over the ballad of Sinhagad so ably rendered by Acworth. Says Shivaji to his mother.—
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“Oh lady, all my forts are thine,
But ask me not what is not mine.”
“Beware a mother’s curse,” She cried
Its fire shall scorch thy kingdom wide.
Give me Sinhagad.”
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by means of rope-ladders stealthily walking in and opening the main gates, through which the storming party could rush in. Sinhagad is the only fort not vulnerable to artillery : there is no room where guns could be brought into position for a bombardment of it. All the sides are steep, upon one of which a narrow path now leads to the main gate for communication with the outside world. The difficulty was removed by Jija Bai who called in Tānāji Mālusre, Shivaji’s dearest comrade and his brother Suryāji and prepared them for the venture with all the arts of motherly affection.
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On the dark night of Magh 9 (4 February 1670) when the moon rose after midnight, Tānāji made the attempt, succeeded in capturing the fort but lost his life. With about 300 Mavlas he arrived at the fort after nightfall. A large number headed by Suryāji remained concealed near the main gate and Tānāji himself with his selected followers scaled the walls by means of an iguana and opened the gates by putting to the sword the few sentries that came out to oppose him. But all this could not be accomplished without making a noise. The guards were roused, an alarm was given and the commandant himself came out determined to defend the place to the last. A sanguinary action ensued in which both sides lost heavily including their leaders Tānāji and Uday Bhānu. The fort was captured and a huge bonfire announced the result to Shivaji at Rajgad. Next morning the dead body of Tānāji arrived in a palanquin to be received by Shivaji and Jija Bai, who grieved for the loss with poignant anguish. The fort had been recovered, but the lion Tānāji was no more.³
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³ Sinhagad is even to-day a rare sight not only for Mahārāshtrians but to travellers and visitors from all over India, who as a rule when they visit Poona, do not return without paying homage to Sinhagad at a distance of 18 miles thence, which motor buses now cover in half an hour for a few annas. From the foot the climb up is about 3 miles which one must do on foot.
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Tānāji’s exploit is annually commemorated at the fort, which is practically still in tact in its original grandeur. Jija Bai at once sent for Tulsidās, a professional bard from Poona, and asked him to compose a ballad which sang in touching strains the valour and sacrifice of Tānāji Malusre. Shivaji amply rewarded the relatives of those who had fallen. Tulsidās’
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ballad is still recited in stirring accents to thousands of listeners whose hearts are passionately moved to strong sentiments of pathos and patriotism. The quaint old language of the ballad as now before us may be taken as evidence of its historical accuracy. It has been rendered into English by Acworth.
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When this principal fort fell, the others were not long in being taken, as none of them was so well defended. The defence of these forts could only be conducted by the devoted Mawlas, adept in a particular device perfected by the genius of Shivaji, who knew full well, in handing them over to the Mughals, that it would not be a difficult task to take them back. So they were peacefully handed over and now as peacefully got back. Purandar was attacked and taken on 8 March 1670, when its commandant Razi-uddin Khan was made a prisoner. At the same time Shivaji’s men raided Chāndwad near Nasik and carried away the imperial treasure that was deposited there. An attempt was made on Mahuli, but its keeper Manohardas, Aurangzeb’s trusted officer, successfully defended it and for the time Shivaji had to give up the attempt. Kalyan and Bhivandi were easily taken by putting to death the Mughal Governor Uzbeg Khan on 3 March 1670. Manohardas too failed to get timely reinforcements and himself delivered Mahuli to Shivaji on 16 June, thereafter joining another post under the Mughal government. Thus Shivaji got back the whole territory of north Konkan and quickly removed all traces of his former submission to the Emperor of June 1665. By the end of April 1670 Junnar, Ahmadnagar, Parenda and many other important Mughal possessions were raided and laid under heavy contribution by Shivaji’s armies. There was one most valiant and efficient Mughal General, Daud Khan Qureshi, previously working under Dilir Khan at the siege of Purandar, who now did his best to resist this aggression of Shivaji manfully and for a time captured back fort Mahuli. We shall soon hear more of this Daud Khan.
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3. Second sack of Surat and sequel.—Shivaji’s active mind meditated fresh blows against the Emperor, and once more Surat attracted his attention. Having been informed that the Governor of Surat had recently died and that it had no strong garrison, Shivaji at the head of a large force of fifteen thousand horsemen and some choice commanders, suddenly appeared before Surat on 3 October 1670. For three full days the town was mercilessly subjected to plunder and fire, nearly half the town being reduced to ashes. The European traders were cautious enough and had removed their valuable goods and treasure several miles away to the harbour of Swally, beyond Shivaji’s reach. They did not oppose Shivaji, nor did he interfere with them. On the 3rd day when he learned that a large army was marching from Burhanpur for the relief of Surat, he retraced his steps after imposing an annual payment of 12 lacs upon the town by way of tribute and declaring his intention of renewing his attacks in case of failure to pay it. If the amount were regularly paid without demur, he proclaimed that he would do no injury to the peaceful merchants of that trading city. Two agents of the English factory at Surat waited upon Shivaji in his tent outside the town with presents of cloth, sword-blades, and knives. The Maratha King received them kindly and assured them that he would do no harm to the English, as they were his friends.
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This time Shivaji collected from Surat a treasure worth 66 lacs and returned by way of Salher and Mulher. When he arrived in the vicinity of Chāndwad, he found his way barred by a large Mughal army led by the redoubtable Daud Khān Qureshi, who had obtained correct news of Shivaji’s movements, and on the night of 16 October suddenly attacked him between Vani and Dindori with fury and determination. In this predicament how to save his men and treasure became a serious problem for Shivaji. He at once divided his force into four separate columns, each under a clever and resourceful leader, and decided to harass the Mughals in a guerilla fashion, avoiding open action as far as possible and giving out that he was going to make a sudden attack upon Auranga-bad. A fifth and smaller body with the main booty of Surat managed to slip away through a secret pass, while the other divisions engaged the enemy. The ruse succeeded and the treasure was got safely away. But the action somewhere between Vani and Dindori proved most tenacious and costly on account of the determined onslaught made by the Mughals, under their various capable officers, Ikhlas Khan and Baqui Khan, well directed by Daud Khan himself. This time Shivaji personally led the Marathas in an open and sanguinary action. On the whole three thousand Mughals and a few Marathas were killed. Four thousand horses were captured by the Marathas along with a number of officers and soldiers. They were subsequently released by Shivaji and allowed to go home. The famous Rai Bagan, the heroic wife of the Deshmukh of Mahur who had once before confronted Shivaji at the time of Kartalb Khan’s discomfiture, now came forth to defend the Mughal cause, but she was overpowered and allowed to go home, completely subdued. As a result of this battle the Mughal power was neutralized for more than a month afterwards. Siddi Hilal the Mughal governor of Dindori transferred his services to Shivaji.
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For several years after Shivaji’s withdrawal from Surat the town used to shudder with panic every now and then, even at false alarms of the Marathas coming, so that the trade of this the richest port of India was practically destroyed. The alarm was revived throughout the following months of November and December and also fitfully throughout several succeeding years.⁴
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⁴ The numerous and complicated details of this affair are interesting and may be studied minutely in the well arranged narrative given by Sir Jadunath Sarkar in his Shivaji and his Times, pp. 178-179.
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Shivaji rapidly followed up his second sack of Surat by a sudden irruption into Berar, Baglan and Khandesh. Early in December he himself traversed Khandesh, capturing some forts of the Baglan district on the way. His Senāpati Pratāp-Rāo Gujar plundered Bahadarpura, a suburb of Burhanpur, and quickly passing into Berar fell unexpectedly upon the rich and flourishing city of Karanja. Spoils to the value of a crore of rupees were carried away loaded on four thousand oxen and donkeys. The richest merchants of Karanja were carried away for the exaction of ransom. Shivaji from now on openly commenced his levy of Chauth on all the Mughal territories through which he passed. He meant to announce that all Maratha territories belonged to right to him and not to the Mughals.
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4. Bloody toll of Salher.—While Shivaji was occupied in Berar and Khandesh, his Peshwa Moro Trimal Pingle made his way through north Konkan into Baglan, wresting from the Mughals Trimbak and some other forts, and passed via Mulher into West Khandesh levying contributions wherever he went, right, upto fort Salher, which is on the border of Khandesh and Gujarat. It was a post of the utmost strategic importance, for the possession of which a bitter conflict unprecedented in all Shivaji’s life ensued, and several bloody battles were fought with heavy losses on both sides, proving thereby that Shivaji and his Marathas never shirked open fights when such were considered necessary. As Shivaji was returning from the plunder of Karanja, he was joined by a column under his Peshwa Moropant and the united division besieged the fort of Salher and captured it on 5 January 1671 after a short but desperate defence by Fathulla Khan its Mughal commander. The Mughal Government tried strenuously for a year to retake the place, when several memorable actions took place between the two contending parties.
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The confusion in the Mughal government of the Deccan soon attracted Aurangzeb’s attention. The second sack of Surat and the Maratha conquest of Baglan roused him to a sense of the grave situation. In November 1670 he sent to the supreme command of the Deccan the veteran Mahabat Khan. Another competent general Bahadur Khan was ordered from Gujarat as an additional support. Daud Khan and Dilir Khan were already there. The Emperor often talked of proceeding to the Deccan himself, but if his intention was really serious, it did not materialize, possibly owing to a want of nerve to face Shivaji personally. Many renowned Rajput officers were now posted to the Deccan. Mahabat Khan, Jashvant Sinh, Daud Khan and others all assembled at Aurangabad in January, paid their respects to Prince Muazzam, and fully deliberated upon measures for restraining Shivaji. But, as may be imagined, matters are not necessarily improved by many worthy men being brought together : the probability is that such wise heads differ radically and spoil the result, making the confusion worse confounded. They had mutual jealousies which prevented co-ordination and concerted action. It would be a tedious affair to detail the story of the present Mughal- Maratha War and the recapture of Salher. During the monsoon months of 1671 the Mughals encamped at Parner, where the various commanders held daily entertainments such as music and dancing, where they all attended and made themselves merry when their soldiers were dying in numbers through pestilence in the camp. Four hundred dancing girls from the Punjab and Afghanistan lived in the Mughal camp and were patronized by the officers.⁵
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⁵ Sarkar's Shivaji, P. 189.
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The Emperor suspecting Mahabat Khan of a secret understanding with Shivaji, recalled him from the Deccan and appointed Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan to that government. They rapidly came from Surat while Mahabat Khan was still in charge, and laid siege to Salher which was now in Maratha hands. In order to cripple Shivaji still further, Bahadur Khan and Daud Khan left the conduct of the siege to Ikhlas Khan and themselves made a detour upon Poona with a view to stopping Maratha succours proceeding to Salher. Bahadur Khan advanced towards Supa and Dilir Khan came upon Poona in December 1671. The latter massacred a large number of the innocent inhabitants of the place. But Shivaji was equal to the occasion. Pratāp Rāo Gujar, Anand Rāo Makāji, Moropant Pingle and other commanders of Shivaji played such havoc in Khandesh upon the small Mughal forces of Ikhlas Khan that Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan had to retreat precipitately from the vicinity of Poona and hurry back to the north. Thereafter an obstinate and sanguinary battle took place before Salher in the first week of February 1672, in which the Mughals were completely routed. Ikhlas Khan and some thirty principal Mughal officers were wounded and captured and several thousand soldiers were slain. Moropant recaptured both Salher and Mulher, took prompt and ample measures for their future defence, and returned to report the success to his master. Says Sabhasad, " One Surya Rāo Kākde, Shivaji's companion in arms from childhood lost his life. More than ten thousand men were slain on the two sides with countless numbers of horses, elephants and camels. Rivers of blood flowed on the battle ground. The Marathas acquired by way of plunder six thousand horses, as many camels, one hundred and twenty-five elephants, all the camp baggage of the Mughals with treasure and jewelry. This phenomenal victory was mainly due to the strategy and valour of Shivaji's Peshwa of whom a contemporary poet sang :—
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“The valleys of Poona echo the name of Shivaji,
There roams his dauntless Peshwa,
He slaughtered the Mughals of Salher
Just as Arjun slaughtered the Kauravs of yore.”⁶
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⁶ पुण्याच्या कऱ्या गर्जताती शिवाजी तिथें नांदतो पेशव्या मर्द गाजी । जशी मर्दिलें कौरवें पांडवानें तशी मारिलीं मोगलें पेशव्यानें ॥ Sabhasad Bakhar P. 63.
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The fight of Salher was an open action by Shivaji's men opposing the best equipped and most ably led Mughal armies, by no means partaking of the nature of guerilla warfare. The disaster to the Mughal arms led to the disgrace of Mahabat Khan at the hands of the Emperor, just in the same way as Jay Sinh five years before him had suffered. He was transferred to Afghanistan and died on the way thither, having served the Empire long and faithfully.
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Sabhasad paints a glowing picture of the battle of Salher. Maratha captains and the Mavla troops overcame the most renowned Mughal commanders. The news rejoiced Shivaji's heart. He rewarded the messengers who brought the news with gold bracelets and wrist-lets. Sweets were widely distributed. Dilir Khan saved his life by flight. A large number of the Mughal wounded and captives fell into Shivaji's hands. They were properly nursed and were released with presents after their wounds had been treated. Some willingly accepted Shivaji's service. Thus Shivaji in a few years not only recovered his former position but became a match for the best generals and administrators of the Mughal Empire. His officers and men were so well trained that they could exhibit skill and initiative in every difficult situation. How one earnest leader can change the character of a whole nation and attain a swift rise to prosperity is well exemplified in this military organization of Shivaji.
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An illustration of this national change was now furnished by the fort of Kanhergad near Chāndwad, where Shivaji had appointed one Rāmāji Pangera as the keeper. The small fort was suddenly attacked by Dilir Khan with a very large force, when Rāmāji with a small but select band of 600 men faced terrible odds fighting with all their might, until nearly all the defenders were wounded and disabled but they succeeded in turning the enemy back with discomfiture. Such a spirit of service and sacrifice quickly permeated the whole Maratha nation at the magic lead of Shivaji. The terrible rout and the consequent debacle of the Mughal forces before Salher drove Aurangzeb to an extreme measure of reproach. He thus vented his wrath in bitterest terms in a letter to Dilir Khan and others.
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“Why did you not die on the battle-field to avoid this disgrace to your master? Why do you live and report to me this dismal news? You very well know how the Adil Shah, the Kutb Shah, the Portuguese and the Siddis all court our favour and express an earnest desire to join our standard. If you had made such a common cause with all these and hunted Shivaji down from all sides, he could have been easily brought to his knees.” But things are easier said than done.6a
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6a Compare similar description in पर्णालपर्वतग्रहणाख्यान, २० ७—५२ मृतं किमिति नो तस्मिन् युद्धे सालेरि पर्वते । तेषां तत्क्रंदनं श्रुत्वा मया किंजीव्यतेऽधुना ॥ अफजलोपि हतो येन एकेनैव महामतिः । महाबलो महाबाहुरेदिलस्यातिसंमतः ॥ द्रष्टव्यं स्वामिभिस्तत्र कियद्यत्नेन रक्षितः । तथापि पक्षिवत्तूर्ण पुत्रेण सह निर्गतः ॥ ततस्तेनातिनिपुणं प्रविचार्य विवेकतः । काजी हैदर नामासौ प्रेषितो यवनोत्तमः ॥
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In reply to these taunts Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan rendered a piquant reply to the Emperor saying that:—
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“If the Emperor remembered that this samé Shivaji had before so cleverly managed to effect his escape in a strange manner from the strictest imperial custody at Agra, our own offence would not appear after all so very blameworthy.”
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Writes Sabhasad,
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“The news (of the Mughal defeat before Salher) reached the Emperor and grieved him sorely. He did not make his public appearance for three days, saying “It seems God Almighty is pleased to deprive the Muslims of their Empire and bestow it upon an infidel. Why, I should rather die than live to see such results.” The Emperor’s foster-brother Bahadur Khan Koka, was then near the Emperor, when the latter uttered the above lamentation. He comforted the Emperor saying, “I am ready to go and retrieve the Mughal honour. I will attack Shivaji and humble him.” The Emperor took comfort in this declaration and at once appointed Bahadur Khan to the government of the Deccan with Dilir Khan as his assistant. A local Marathi poet of the time thus described the Emperor’s grief at the unbroken success of Shivaji :—
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Just as one cannot weigh the waters of the ocean,
As one cannot gaze at the noonday sun,
As one cannot grasp a live coal in his fist,
So cannot I overcome this Shivaji.⁷
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⁷ सरित्पतीचें जल मोजवेना । माध्यान्हचा भास्कर पाहवेना । मुष्णींत वैश्वानर बांधवेना । तैसा शिवाजी मज जिंकवेना ।।
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Soon after the battle of Salher Pratāp Rāo Gujar once more threatened Surat, but stayed his attack owing to other engagements. He, however, wrote a singular letter to the merchants and other people of Surat, which received an equally audacious reply from the Governor. These need not be repeated here : they show the pitch which the Mughal-Maratha antipathy had then reached.⁸ Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan informed the Emperor that Shivaji had sent them his own trusted ambassador Qazi Haidar for effecting an amicable settlement. But the Emperor would not think of making peace with Shivaji and ordered that the ambassador should be kept in confinement. He was then detained at Parenda, but soon effected his escape and returned to Shivaji’s service. Obviously Shivaji intended to have his independent status formally recognized by the Emperor. As this effort failed he had to declare his independence to the world by a formal ceremony of coronation which soon after took place. By employing Qazi Haidar a Muslim Official for the delicate task of conducting peace negotiations, Shivaji showed that he entertained no class or religious prejudice, and that the Muslims loved him as much as the Hindus.
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⁸ Sarkar’s House of Shivaji Pp. 157-161.
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Soon after the capture of Salher and Mulher, the Peshwa Moropant descended into North Konkan and conquered the territories of Jawhar and Rāmnagar in June 1672, thus clearing Shivaji’s direct way to Surat, which city on that account remained in constant alarm ever after. The Emperor was unable to prevent it. Although most of the forts in Baglan also surrendered to Shivaji, his birthplace the fort of Shivner remained in the Mughal possession right upto about 1755.
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The Rajas of Rāmnagar had been receiving Chauth or one fourth of the land revenue from the Portuguese of Daman for a long time past to ensure their defence against koli raids. Shivaji, it is supposed, picked up this practice of exacting the levy of Chauth on the model of Rāmnagar. It soon developed into a formidable instrument for the expansion of the Maratha power, after Shivaji’s death.⁹
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⁹ See शफकर्ता शिवाजी P. 150.
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Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan took vigorous measures against Shivaji and exerted themselves most energetically in restoring the lost prestige of the Emperor. With a view to having a greater check upon Shivaji’s central government at Poona, Bahadur Khan transferred the principal Mughal camp from Aurangabad to Pedgaon situated at a convenient bend of the river Bhima east of Poona. A large fort came to be constructed at Pedgaon during 1672 and onward and it was named Bahadurgad.
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The three years 1669—1672 were a time of peculiar strain for Shivaji and his men. But it is this strain which called forth sacrifice, co-operation, and a sense of national unity and brotherhood, and stopped for a time the fissiparous tendencies of the Marathas. National unity and joint efforts thus came into being for the first time under the inspiring lead of Shivaji.
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Indeed this is the greatest service Shivaji did his nation as is testified to by Grant Duff.¹⁰
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5. Panhala taken.—While engaged in dealing blows at the Mughal Empire, Shivaji continued nibbling at the possessions of Bijapur also. But on the whole there was peace between them since the expedition of Jay Sinh. This peace came to be disturbed on the death of Ali Adil Shah II on 24 November 1672, which caused a scramble for power among the officials and ministers of the Adil Shahi State. On this occasion Shivaji was engaged in consolidating his possessions from north to south along the Sahyadri range and was careful in holding strongly those forts and posts which had political and strategic significance. Like Sinhagad for the Poona region, the fort of Panhālā was coveted by him for the security of his southern section. His memorable fight at Panhālā with Siddi Jawhar Salabat Khan had before this proved fruitless and the fort had remained in Bijapuri possession since 22 September 1660 with a strong garrison to defend it against any sudden move on the part of Shivaji. When Sinhagad was secured by the death of the lion Tānāji Mālusre, Shivaji became ever more impatient to get back Panhālā, and concerted measures for its recovery. He assembled a band of valiant fighters at Rājāpur and asked Anāji Datto to lead them against Panhālā. Anāji obtained a clever co-worker Kondāji Ravlekar and arranged a sudden attack upon Panhālā on a dark night, nearly on the same plan that had been adopted by Tānāji Mālusre at Sinhagad two years before. Kondāji managed to obtain a secret entrance into the fort in disguise and seduced the garrison. On the night of 6 March 1673, the 13th dark moon of Phālgun, the Maratha Captain secretly scaled the walls with sixty select companions by means of rope ladders and suddenly created such a noise and confusion by means of trumpet calls and yells that the defenders did not realize what had happened and what was to be done. Kondāji’s men opened the gates and Anāji Pant’s bands rushed in, sabring every one that came
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10. “The highest legacy of Shivaji to his nation was not the territory and treasures he acquired but the example of service and sacrifice which he infused into the Maratha people.”
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to oppose them. They went straight to the Chief Keeper Babu Khan’s residence and killed him outright. Nāgoji Pandit, Babu Khan’s second in command, got such a fright that he ran away for his life. Thus with no one to lead the garrison, the fort fell easily into Maratha hands. A vast amount of buried wealth was recovered by threatening severe punishment. Shivaji received the news at Raigad and immediately repaired to Panhālā for making permanent arrangements for its defence. Satara and Parli were two other forts belonging to Bijapur in that sector and these were secured quickly. The Bijapur monarchy was hastening to its final extinction. Fort Parli was handed by Shivaji to Samarth Rāmdās for his shrine and named Sajjangad or the fort of the pious.
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In heroic and lively strains this capture of Panhālā has been celebrated by the Sanskrit poet Jayrām Pindye and his account, absolutely contemporary, deserves a careful study.¹¹
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¹¹ *Parnala Parvata Grahanakhyan.*
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6. Pratap Rao Gujar’s Sacrifice.—The Bijapurians could not take all this lying down. Khawas Khan, the minister in power, at once despatched Bahlol Khan with armies and provisions for wresting back Panhālā. The news of this fresh advance reached Shivaji, and deciding to encounter the Khan before he had proceeded far from Bijapur, Shivaji sent Pratāp Rāo Gujar and Ānand Rāo Makāji to oppose him. The two forces came into contact near Umbrani about 36 miles west of Bijapur. The Marathas hovered round the Bijapurians and starved them out. Unable to stand the privation any longer, the Muslim troops came out for an open action on 15 April 1673, when they were beaten with heavy loss. Bahlol Khan entreated Pratāp Rāo for quarters which he at once gave in a chivalrous spirit. The Khan was allowed to return, but he treacherously broke his word and started a quick offensive in another direction.
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When Shivaji heard the full account of the battle of Umbrani he considered Pratāp Rāo’s generosity entirely misplaced in allowing Bahlol Khan to go away unscathed when he was fully in the Maratha clutches. Shivaji imparted a strong reprimand to his commander about his conduct and asked him not to show his face to him again until he had brought Bahlol Khan to complete submission. Pratāp Rāo’s pride was sorely touched by this unwonted censure from his master, and he immediately started in pursuit of the Khan, rightly guessing that the Khan would come out again at him if he would ravage the Kolhapur districts by levying a heavy blackmail. Pratāp Rāo left his headquarters first proceeding to the south and plundering the rich town of Hubli. Bahlol Khan, as expected, came against him with his full force, fired with a resolve to reconquer south Konkan from Shivaji. Bahlol Khan was soon joined by Sharza Khan and they together started their work with great fury and determination. Pratāp Rāo keenly watched for an opportunity to face Bahlol Khan in a personal combat, and having been informed by his spies of the Khan’s exact position, fell upon him in the narrow pass of Nesari near Gad-Hinglaj about a mile to the north of the Ghataprabhā river. When Pratāp Rāo received the news, he was alone with only 6 or 7 of his own bodyguards, his main army far behind : but fired with anger and in reckless disregard of ordinary precautions, he set out and attacked the Khan’s army. But how could eight men, however powerful and determined, hope to beat thousands! These were all quickly cut down on 24 February 1674. Pratāp Rāo fell fighting like a brave warrior proving how dearly he loved his master’s cause in preference to his own life. How much Shivaji mourned his Senapati’s death and reproached himself for this sad result, can be better imagined than described.
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Pratāp Rāo’s help-mate Ānand Rāo Makāji was not far away when the former fell, and upon learning the news of his death hastened to avenge it. Bahlol Khan received timely help from Dilir Khan and extricated himself from the difficult situation in which he found himself. Ānand Rāo plundered Sampgaon the principal seat of Bahlol Khan’s jagir, and carried away a plunder of 1½ lacs hons (23 March 1674). On his way back he was surprised by Bahlol Khan, but beat back the attacking force and returned home safely in high spirits. These events bring the story of Shivaji to the most glorious event of his life, his coronation.
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the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea* of Jacobus de Voragine, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction and edification of the faithful.
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But the Church did not merely provide books; it also provided the means of their dissemination. The monastic scriptoria, where monks labored in silence to copy the sacred texts, were the precursors of the printing press. And when the press finally arrived, it was the Church that first harnessed its power, using it to spread the word of God to the corners of the earth. The Gutenberg Bible, the first major book printed in Europe, was a testament to the Church's commitment to the written word.
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Yet, even as the Church championed the spread of knowledge, it also sought to control it. The *Index Librorum Prohibitorum*, or List of Prohibited Books, was a tool used by the Church to suppress ideas it deemed dangerous or heretical. This tension between the desire to educate and the need to control would define the Church's relationship with literature for centuries to come.
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It is a complex history, one that is marked by both enlightenment and suppression. But it is a history that cannot be ignored, for it is the history of the very foundation of Western civilization. The Church, in its role as the guardian of knowledge, has shaped the way we think, the way we write, and the way we understand the world around us.