New History of the Marathas v1.c13: Chapter IX

New History of the Marathas v1.c13

Language: English

v1.c13.s1 Chronology — 6 parts

Chapter IX

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1674 June 6, Saturday Shivaji crowned at Raigad. ,, Monsoon Do. proposes peace to Bahadur Khan. ,, Sept. 24 Do. performs supplementary coronation. ,, Do. plunders Bahadur Khan's camp. 1674 Apr.–June 1676 Dilir Khan absent from the Deccan. ,, Ānnāji Datto besieges Ponda. 1675 March 22 Shivaji at Rājāpur, planning attack on Ponda. ,, May 5 Do captures Ponda, Karwar, & Sondha. ,, June 12 Rani of Bednore submits to Shivaji. ,, Novr. 11 Shivaji captures Satara ; falls severely ill. Saint Rāmdās takes up residence at Parli. ,, ,, 19 Bahlol Khan confines Khawas Khan and seizes power at Bijapur. ,, Sambhāji put under arrest at Shringārpur. 1676 Shivaji captures Khatāv. 1676 June 19 Netāji Pālkar reconverted to Hinduism. ,, Dec. 5 Pitāmbar Shenvi put under arrest. 1678 Sept. Do dies.

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the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea* of Jacobus de Voragine, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction and edification of the faithful.

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But the Church did not merely provide books; it also provided the means of their dissemination. The monastic scriptoria, where monks labored in silence to copy the sacred texts, were the precursors of the printing press. And when the press finally arrived, it was the Church that first harnessed its power, using it to spread the word of God to the corners of the earth. The Gutenberg Bible, the first major book printed in Europe, was a testament to the Church's commitment to the written word.

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Yet, even as the Church championed the spread of knowledge, it also sought to control it. The *Index Librorum Prohibitorum*, or List of Prohibited Books, was a tool used by the Church to suppress ideas it deemed dangerous or heretical. This tension between the desire to educate and the need to control would define the Church's relationship with literature for centuries to come.

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It is a complex history, one that is marked by both enlightenment and suppression. But it is a history that cannot be ignored, for it is the history of the very foundation of Western civilization. The Church, in its role as the guardian of knowledge, has shaped the way we think, the way we write, and the way we understand the world around us.

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THE FULFILMENT ¹

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¹ निर्जित्य सर्वानवनीमहेन्द्रान् नृपः स सिंहासनमध्यरोहत्। योऽधत्त दिल्हीपतिचित्तशल्यं अनन्यगच्छन्नृपतीतिशब्दम्॥ शि. च. प्र. पृ. १३१ Victor over every other King on earth This sovereign has mounted the throne; He has lanced the Delhi King's heart; Such alone we call "Lord of Men."

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[1674—1676]

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1 The Coronation,—its true significance. 2 The Ceremony. 3 A year of unrest all round.

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1. The Coronation,—its true significance.—Man is fond not only of work and achievement, but of exhibition and demonstration as well. By performing a splendid coronation ceremony in the old orthodox fashion, which had long been in abeyance for the Hindu nation, Shivaji revived the ancient custom and proclaimed the restoration of full Hindu sovereignty at least over one corner of India.

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The ceremony consists of the erection of a throne and its formal occupation after a ritual bath and the sprinkling of holy waters accompanied by Vedic incantations. This was considered to be an excellent method for Shivaji's novel experiment of attracting public attention and confirming his ideal in the Indian imagination. Most of the Maratha nobles had the long established tradition of being addressed as "Rajas," but this did not mean actual kingship. Nor were there any Maratha kings of old who had celebrated the coronation ceremony since the days of the ancient Guptas. After long and deep deliberation with his counsellors, Shivaji conceived the plan of impressing not only on the Hindu but on the Muslim and Christian Powers of India as well, that the Marathas were now masters of their legitimate home, that the religious persecution of the past would no longer be tolerated, and that full religious liberty for all was the essence of the new State. The title of the Chhatrapati for the Maratha king was specially borrowed from Sanskrit works to convey this meaning.

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At the same time Shivaji by this ceremony dealt a death-blow to the notion that he was a jagirdar of the Bijapur State and as such its bond servant, or that he was a mere robber. There were still some Maratha nobles who could not conceive an independent position and who hugged the idea that they were vassals of Bijapur. Such antiquated notions were to be for ever shattered : once an independent kingdom is formally proclaimed, the king could exercise the inherent right of levying taxes, of dealing with other Powers on terms of equality and prove that he was no longer to be looked upon as a mere upstart. There was also a prevalent notion even among his own clansmen that there no longer existed any Kshatriyas of ancient tradition and that there could now be no Kshatriya king after the great Parashuram had annihilated that caste. This palpably absurd social theory required to be knocked on its head by means of a bold stroke. With these various purposes in mind, Shivaji decided upon his own formal coronation and laboured to establish his lineal connection with the Sisodiā Kshatriya clan of the north.

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By the beginning of 1673 the idea of a public coronation began to materialize, and when preparations were fully completed, the event took place at fort Raigad, on Friday 5 June 1674, the day of the sun's entering the constellation Leo.

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The orthodox Brahman opinion was not favourable to Shivaji's claim to be recognised as a Kshatriya by blood, although he had proved this claim by action. More than a thousand years had passed since such a ceremony was last performed, and on that account men's memories had been entirely dimmed. All ancient learning of the Deccan had migrated to Benares after the invasion of Ala-ud-din Khilji and the Muslim conquest of the Deccan. Ancient families noted for hereditary learning like the Devs, the Dharmadhikaris, the Sheshas, the Bhattas, the Maunis, had left their hearths and homes at Paithan, with all their sacred books, and opened their new university of letters on the bank of the holy Ganges. The ignorant unthinking folks of Paithan had now no voice of authority left in them. Benares now began to dominate Hindu thought and learning. So Shivaji had to negotiate with Gaga Bhatt of Benares, a learned representative of that school of Hindu law-givers. He was invited to Raigad to arrange the details in such a way as to suit the needs of the present moment as much as to conform to the ancient usage.

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During the reign of Akbar a learned Brahman of Benares named Krishna Narasinha Shesha wrote a work entitled *Shudrāchār Shiromani* (the head-jewel of the functions of the Shudra caste) wherein a theory was promulgated that there existed no Kshatriya caste in the present Kali age. The soul of Shivaji could not tolerate this humiliating position. The pronouncement of Krishna Shesha must be publicly refuted. So he sent a deputation of some learned Brahmans, Keshav Bhat Purohit, Bhalachandra Bhat, Somnathbhat Katre, to go to Udepur and other centres of Kshatriya tradition in North India and rally their opinion in favour of renovating the Kshatriya caste and declaring that caste being never extinct. The deputation was headed by Bālāji Āvji, the keeper of Shivaji's plans and a consummate diplomat. The avowed object of this regenerating movement was to purge society of stupid irrational notions, to put an end to the degradation that ignorance had inflicted in the spheres of the national language, the national religion and national patriotism.² The deputation sought out an equally versatile opponent to Krishna Shesha, in the person of Vishveshvar alias Gāgā Bhatta, whose ancestor Govind Bhatta, had left Paithan and taken up his residence at Benares early in the 16th century, and who was now ready to display his deep erudition and sharp dialectical powers and beat Krishna Shesha on his own ground. Govind Bhatta's descendants formed a large school of learning and opinion at Benares and produced numerous works of outstanding merit on religion, law and polity, which are even to-day taken as authoritative in Indian courts.³

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² स्वराष्ट्र-स्वधर्म-स्वभाषादिकांचा जर्गी मान व्हावा असा हेतु साचा ॥

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³ These are under the titles of मयूख, उद्योत, कमलाकर &c. व्यवहार मयूख by Nilakanth Bhatt, निर्णय कमलाकर or निर्णय सिंधु by Kamalakar Bhatt, दिनकरद्योत by Dinkar Bhatt and a vast number of religious tracts and treatises are all well known to students of Hindu Law.

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The Rajput princes respected the Bhatt family so highly that no ceremony could be completed in that part of India without some member of their learned family being present to officiate at the function. Vishveshwar alias Gāgā was himself an author of repute and has to his credit an important standard work, *Kāyastha-Dharma-Pradīp*, in which the fanciful theories of the *Shudrāchār Shiromani* have been fully demolished and Kshatriya rites have been granted to the Kāyastha caste. At all social and religious conferences of Benares the Bhattas always received the honour of precedence. The deputation headed by Balaji returned after completing the preliminary arrangements.

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Shivaji held consultations with his counsellors and his guru like Rāmdās, and having formed his decision sent his agent Govind Bhat Khedkar to escort Gāgā Bhatt to Raigad with all honours due to his position. The Bhatt arrived in due course and held consultations with prominent representatives of the various views on the subject of the Raja's coronation. He convinced his opponents about the necessity of looking upon Shivaji as a Heaven-sent warrior of undoubted Kshatriya characteristics and attributes as defined in the Smritis and the Bhagawadgītā. In Shivaji, he maintained, the merciful Almighty has once again incarnated himself in order to protect the people persecuted by Aurangzeb.⁴ Gāgā Bhatt possessed great erudition and persuasive oratory and won over to his views most of the great intellects then living in Mahārāshtra. He was helped by the clever Bālāji Āvji under Shivaji's own direction.

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⁴ See p. 34, Note 19.

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Many distinguished guests were invited and brought to Raigad in special Palkis. An immense concourse of Pandits, diplomats, commanders, nobles, friends and relatives gathered at the capital. The coronation meant the performance of all the prescribed ceremonies of a twice born (*Dwija*) which in the case of Shivaji had been neglected and which required grand preparations, water brought in sacred jars from holy rivers, horses and elephants of healthy auspicious signs, skins of deer and tigers, fly-whisks and umbrellas of particular makes, gold jars of varied shapes, and last of all a gorgeous throne of such shape and size as are enjoined in the scriptures. The construction of the various edifices and requirements, such as palaces, temples, tanks, gates, fortifications, guest-houses, offices, magazines and stores,⁵ was carefully attended to.

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⁵ An elaborate account of these has been recently published in *Shiva Charitra Sahitya*, Vol III, No. 123.

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Before the ceremonies began, Shivaji paid a visit of inspection to the Konkan regions, to Chiplun in particular, where he held a military review and issued some drastic orders quoted later, for the efficient performance of the various military duties. He returned to Raigad and appointed Hambir Rāo Mohite as *Senāpati* in the place of Pratāp Rāo Gujar recently killed. On the way from Chiplun Shivaji visited Pratāpgad, worshipped his family deity the Tuljā Bhavānī, presenting her a gold umbrella worth Rs. 56,000. On Jyestha Shuddha 4 Shak 1596 corresponding to 29 May 1674 Shivaji had his thread ceremony performed with due rites, and two days after, on Jyestha Sudda 6, his marriage with the chief queen was rehearsed with Vedic rites. *Punyahavachan*, sacrificial fire, penances and rites for averting evil (*Shantis*), were all duly executed in consonance with Vedic prescription and incantations of hymns.

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2. The Ceremony of his Coronation.—After all these preliminary rituals came the principal function, which took place an hour before sunrise on Saturday Jyestha Shuddha 13 corresponding to June 6, 1674, when Shivaji ascended the throne and the royal umbrella was held over his head. He was dressed in costly clothes and ornaments. His family priest Balam Bhatt, son of Prabhakar, acted as the Chief ministrant, conducting the religious part of the ceremony. Shivaji was weighted against gold and other articles which were given away in charity. His weight is mentioned to have been 16000 hons, which comes to about 140 lbs (1 hon=7/24 tola). English letters give his weight as 150 lbs, which shews that he was not at all inclined to obesity. Henry Oxenden, a relative of the President George Oxenden of Surat, who was present at Raigad on deputation from the East India Company on that occasion by invitation, has left a realistic narrative of what he saw and heard personally about this grand ceremony.

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The throne was a raised seat rich and stately, nearly square in shape 13½ ft. by 12 ft. with four pillars at the four corners, to hold up the awning made of the cloth of gold. When Shivaji took his seat on it, the eight ministers stood around holding the various insignia of royalty in their hands. Beyond them stood the other officials, vassals, guests and distinguished visitors. Shivaji was sprinkled with holy waters and had sacred rice showered on him by the Brahmans and priests singing Vedic hymns to the accompaniment of offerings and the sweet strains of music. Gifts of money and clothes were distributed, Gāgā Bhatt the presiding priest getting one lac of cash in addition to costly clothes and ornaments. The subordinate priests received according to their ranks from 5 thousand to 25 Rs. each in cash. Other Brahmans received lesser amounts, no one getting less than 25 Rs. each. Ascetics, mendicants, recluses, hermits and all kinds of poor people that had assembled, received gifts, food and attention in various forms.

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About 8 o'clock in the morning as soon as Shivaji became free from the religious performances, he gave an interview from the throne to Henry Oxenden. The latter was accompanied by his assistant and interpreter Nārāyan Senoy. The ambassador brought in presents, a ring, an English chain, a crest, a pair of wristlets set in jewels and a cluster of three large pearls all totalling to Rs. 3,000 in value. Return presents were given and the whole assembly was treated to *pan* and *attar*. Thereafter Shivaji went on an elephant in procession to the temple of Jagdishvar,⁶ when flowers made of gold and silver were showered among the throng, shouting victory to Shivaji. How elephants could get up to the fort appears a marvel today.

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⁶ Note the verse carved there on stone :— प्रासादो जगदीश्वरस्य जगतामानन्ददोऽनुज्ञया श्रीमच्छत्रपतेः शिवस्य नृपतेः सिंहासने तिष्ठतः । श्रीमद्रायगिरौ गिरामविषये हीराजिना निर्मिता यावच्चन्द्रदिवाकरौ विलसतस्तावत्मुजंभते ॥

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The cost of the ceremony together with the construction of the throne and the edifices is estimated by Sabhāsad at Rs.

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5 crores. This probably includes the fortifications and embellishment of the capital also. The ceremony alone is estimated by Sir Jadunāth to have cost about 50 lacs of rupees. Old Jija Bai was fortunate enough to have witnessed the coronation ceremony and along with it the fulfilment of her dream of an independent kingdom for her son. She died just 11 days after the grand function, at her residence at Pāchād at the foot of Raigad on 17 June, 1674, “rejoicing to see” as Sir Jadunāth writes, “before she closed her eyes that her son had reached the summit of human greatness, as the crowned king of the land of his birth, an irresistible conqueror, a strong defender of the religion, which was the solace of her life. A kind Providence seemed to have prolonged her life just long enough to witness the scene of his coronation.” At Pāchād the dilapidated remains of her palatial residence with wells and ramparts still remind the curious visitor of that pious lady’s devotion.

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The coronation ceremony was modelled on the old Aryan traditions. A gold-laced flag accompanying the vermillion coloured national emblem, the grand royal umbrella, the gigantic drum, these were the usual appurtenances of pristine Hindu royalty and were revived on this national occasion. The orange coloured flag, it must be noted, was not newly introduced at the behest of Rāmdās. It was the Hindu national flag long before in use, habitually carried about by Maratha bands. The gold-laced costly emblem⁷ was meant for parading on ceremonial occasions. The whole plan and varied construction of the capital, can even now be well conceived from the broken remains that exist to-day of the walls, the plinths, the grand market street, the gates and ramparts, the Gangā Sāgar tank, all in black hard stone.

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Sir Jadunāth has added many interesting details of this ceremony, which a student will do well to study. A few extracts are given here. “The preparations took many months. The epics and political treatises were ransacked by a syndicate of Pandits and agents sent to learn the modern practice of Udepur and Jaipur. Invitations were sent to every part of India, Brahmans, nobles, local magistrates of the realm, agents of foreign states, distinguished visitors totalling eleven thou-

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7. The भगवा झेंडा and जरी पटका.

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sand people and with their wives and children making fifty thousand souls. All were fed with sumptuous meals for some months.”

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Apart from the ritual and the spectacular ceremony, the occasion was mainly used for giving a final shape to the constitution of the Maratha Kingdom, parts of which had been already introduced from time to time as necessity arose. Some of the eight ministers were already in existence, and possibly also the title of Chhatrapati itself. The Raja now assumed the formal titles, Maharaja Chhatrapati, Lord of the Throne, Head of the Kshatriya race.⁸ Shivaji also started his own era of calculating time, which he called Raj-Shaka commencing from the date of his coronation, on account of which he is rightly called the ‘Shakakarta,’ “the maker of an Era” or a person who has changed the character of Time. Before him there were in vogue two calculations, the Vikram-Era and the Shaka-Era.⁹ As for his official language Shivaji introduced Marathi in preference to Persian and Urdu, which Muslim rulers had imposed as a mark of their rule. Shivaji purposely borrowed Sanskrit phraseology for official purposes for which a special dictionary of court terms called the *Rajyavyavahār Kosh* was prepared and adopted. This fine work was executed under the able direction of Raghunāthpant Hanumante by various learned Pandits among whom one Dhundirāj Lakṣhman Vyās is specially mentioned.¹⁰ Similarly rules and regulations were framed for the conduct of administrative work, including forms of address, seals for the completion and authenticity of official documents. The most noteworthy features of Shivaji’s constitution was the creation of the eight departments assigned to the eight different ministers styled the *Ashta Pradhans*, borrowed in the main (though not in its present developed form) from *Shukraniti* and other ancient works on Aryan polity. The names of the ministers and their official designations in Persian and Sanskrit are given below. The following four ministers had their seats on the right side of the throne :---

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⁸ क्षत्रिय कुलावतंस, सिंहासनधीश्वर, महाराज छत्रपति.

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⁹ This Coronation Era introduced by Shivaji was in use to the end of the Marathi Raj in 1818. It is wrongly supposed to have been stopped by Nana Fadnis and Sakharam Bapu in 1777. They only prohibited the issue of formal letters in the name of Raja Shau II during the short period that elapsed between his adoption (15 Septr. 1777) and his formal Coronation on 20 Dec. 1777. This is how the note on p. 378 of the Dhadfale chronology (इ. स 1835) can be interpreted.

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¹⁰ सोयं शिवछत्रपतेरनुज्ञां मूर्धाभिषिक्तस्य निधाय मूर्ध्नि । अमात्यवर्यो रघुनाथनामा करोति राज्यव्यवहारकोशम् ।।

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1. Peshwa—*Mukhya Pradhan* (the Prime Minister), Moro Trimal Pingle. The salary of the post was fifteen thousand hons a year.

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2. Muzmudar, *Amātya* (Revenue Minister), Ramachandra Nilkanth, whose salary was twelve thousand hons a year.

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3. Surnis, *Sachiv*, (Finance Minister), Ānāji Datto.

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4. Waqenavis, *Mantri*, (Personal Adviser, Home Member or Chief Secretary), Dattaji Trimbak.

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The following four had seats on the left side of the throne :---

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5. Sarnaubat, *Senapati* (Commander-in-Chief), Hambir Rāo Mohite.

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6. Dabir, *Sumant* (Foreign Minister), Rāmchandra Trimbak.

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7. *Nyayadhish*, The Chief Judge, Rāoji Nirāji.

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8. *Panditrāo* (Minister for Religion), Raghunāth Pandit. The salary of the last six was ten thousand hons. A hon was equivalent to about 3½ Rs.

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It need not be mentioned how much this grand ceremony of Shivaji rejoiced the hearts of the Hindus in general and of the Marathas in particular and impressed the Hindu race with the appearance of a new defender to uphold their religion and liberty, which had suffered oppression under Muslim yoke for centuries past. In contrast the celebration must have as heavily depressed the Emperor. We have no evidence to show what the authorities at Bijapur and Golkonda felt at the news of Shivaji's coronation. They were fast hastening to their ignominious dissolution and they had hardly time to think of anything beyond their own survival from the declared greed of the Emperor.

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Although this coronation ceremony established Shivaji as full fledged Kshatriya, there was certainly a small section which found fault with the ceremonial on the ground that the 6 June of 1674 was under unfavourable stars. One Nischalpuri Gosāvi, a learned monk versed in the Tantric lore of incantation, boldly came forth to denounce what Shivaji had performed and foreboded evil consequences if a rectification was not immediately effected, citing the deaths of Jija Bai and one of Shivaji’s wife soon after the coronation as proof of the allegation. Shivaji was not the man to give cause for any unnecessary irritation in harmless matters like this. He silenced the clamour by acceding to Nischalpuri’s demand of having a fresh coronation ceremony held on a smaller scale. For this he invited Nischalpuri to Raigad and performed a supplementary ceremony three months later on the *Lalita Panchami* day (24 September 1674) the details of which have been published.¹¹

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¹¹ शिवराज्याभिषेक कल्पतरु, B. I. Mandal Q. 10, 6.

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3. A year of unrest all round.—The last six years of Shivaji’s short life from coronation to death bear an essentially different character from the previous period. His own health, usually so robust, began to deteriorate with domestic troubles, particularly the evil character which his son Sambhāji began to disclose in an increasing degree, and his anxieties to ensure the permanency of the State he had created by life-long effort. It is a common experience that it is easier to build a fortune than to preserve it. The coronation ceremony put a final seal on all the nation-building efforts Shivaji had put forth in the past. But the Maratha State having thus come into being, had to be sustained and secured from internal conflicts as well as external attacks. Like his ill-behaved son Sambhāji, his step-brother Ekoji too was by no means a friend to his cause. He inherited a certain prejudice against Shivaji and could not divest himself of a feeling of subordination and dependence upon the Bijapur Sultan, which itself was then in its last throes of death. Both Bijapur and Golkonda were dragging on a precarious existence between Mughal aggression and Shivaji’s ambition.

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Bahadur Khan had assured the Emperor that he would do his best to bring the Maratha ruler down to his knees and neutralise the effect of his coronation ceremony. How could an Emperor tolerate an independent state in the midst of his possessions? While the Raja was occupied with his coronation ceremonies at Raigad, reports reached him that Bahadur Khan was straining every nerve to undo all his work. Shivaji thereupon decided to strike the first blow. While the strong monsoon of 1674 was on, Shivaji sent his ambassador with proposals of peace to Bahadur Khan, to divert his attention. In the mean time Shivaji carried out a sudden raid upon the principal Mughal camp at Pedgaon on the Bhimā. He divided his forces into two parties, the smaller one of 2000 troops sought an open encounter with the Khan, who unwarily advanced about 50 miles to face the Marathas. When the Khan had thus been lured away from his base, the other and main division of the Marathas (more than 7000 strong) suddenly fell upon the Mughal Camp, set fire to all their tents and material and carried away more than a crore in plunder, including 200 select horses, which had been intended as a present for the Emperor. This happened in the month of July within a few weeks of the Coronation at Raigad. The attack was pressed during the next two months. Shivaji’s men carried fire and sword through the Koli country of Jawhār and Rāmnagar. About the *Dussara* time (October) Shivaji himself led an expedition through Baglan, Khandesh and Berar, plundering the Mughal territory right from Aurangabad northward. Among other places Shivaji pillaged and burnt the English factory at Dharangaon near Erandole. The Mughal officer of the place Qutbuddin Khan Kheshgi bravely came forth to oppose Shivaji, but being routed with a loss of 300 men, he fled to Aurangabad for refuge, (November 1674).

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Bahadur Khan found himself entirely thwarted on every side in dealing with Shivaji, and gladly entered into negotiations for the peace which Shivaji had been offering for some time. Shivaji agreed to restore 17 forts to the Emperor and allow his own son to be entertained as a six-thousand *mansab*- dar in the Mughal army. The terms were reported to the Emperor, who sent his sanction. But by the time the negotiations came to be concluded, Shivaji assumed a different tone, and dismissed the Mughal ambassadors who had arrived for arranging the terms. The affair fell through with the result that Bahadur Khan was thoroughly lowered in the Emperor's estimation. "Bahadur Khan was like a petted child" said Shivaji. "He received a large bribe secretly from Shivaji, under the cloak of a tribute for his master and concluded a formal peace with the Marathas." (*Jedhe chronology.*)

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For two years after Shivaji's coronation Bahadur Khan was left alone in charge of the Mughal interests in the Deccan, the indefatigable Dilir Khan having been recalled by the Emperor to the north, from April 1674 to June 1676. Aurangzeb soon perceived that Bahadur Khan was not equal to the task of subduing Shivaji and looked about for the best way of accomplishing that object. Why he himself did not come against Shivaji it is difficult to say. Possibly he did not like personally to take the lead. He consulted Dilir Khan on the subject and it was found that unless there was some one well acquainted with the geographical situation and the leading men of the Deccan, it would not be possible to subdue Shivaji. Such a man in their opinion was Netāji Pālkar who had long ago fallen out with Shivaji and being now a convert to the Muslim faith would, they conceived, support the imperial cause. Netāji alias Muhammad Kuli Khan, was sent for and he readily agreed to do his best in entrapping Shivaji if he was freely supplied with the necessary treasure and materials. The Emperor granted all that Netāji demanded and despatched him and Dilir Khan together for the destruction of Shivaji. They obtained news of Shivaji's movements and came upon him somewhere in the vicinity of Satara. One morning Netāji was suddenly missed from the Mughal Camp. He secretly rode away, came and met Shivaji privately and explained to him all that had happened. He had now been a Muslim convert for some eight years and had left his new family in the north. He solicited Shivaji for a reconversion and was at once admitted into the Hindu fold after performing the prescribed penance (*prayaschitta*) on 19 June 1676. Thus the Emperor's deep-laid plan of overcoming Shivaji was foiled.

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Netāji continued thereafter in Shivaji’s service and died an old man during Sambhājī’s reign, but nothing is on record about this last phase of his life.

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The State of Bijapur was now sinking deeper and deeper into ruin through a succession of ministerial revolutions. The boy Sultan Sikandar Adil Shah was on the throne with Khawas Khan as the principal minister wielding all authority. Aurangzeb urged his generals Bahadur Khan and Dilir Khan to subjugate the Adilshahi state now that it was in its weakest condition. Khawas Khan intrigued with Bahadur Khan, to whom he paid a personal visit on 19 October 1675 at a place on the banks of the Bhima. This visit was interpreted as a move on Khawas Khan’s part to sell away the Adilshahi raj for some paltry selfish gain. Khawas Khan’s rival Bahlol Khan got scent of this ruinous move, and at once put Khawas Khan under confinement at Bankapur and himself seized all power, (19 November 1675).

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Shivaji was not slow to turn this opportunity to his advantage. The Portuguese of Goa too were equally alert in guarding their own realm, in case Shivaji succeeded in aggrandising his power at the expense of Bijapur, particularly on the coastal regions. Whenever there was any war on hand between some country Powers of India, it was the usual practice of these European maritime traders to make huge profits by supplying guns, arms and ammunition to the contending parties. This had attracted Shivaji’s attention long since and he was anxious to develop his own naval resources and wrest both power and trade out of European hands. For this purpose he employed the consummate diplomat Pitāmbar Shenoi, who was well posted in the affairs and rivalries of these European traders and knew how to read and write their language. Through Pitāmbar’s influence Shivaji borrowed the services of a few Portuguese naval and artillery experts from Goa and established his own ship-building yards and arsenals at Malwan. It was Pitāmbar Shenoi¹² who supplied Shivaji with valuable details of the levy of the Chauth cess, which the Portuguese and some of the coastal powers were in the habit of paying and receiving. Shivaji adopted the system for his own purpose and developed it into a profitable instrument for the expansion of his swarajya.

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¹² A letter dated 6 December 1676 mentions that Pitāmbar was kept under arrest by Shivaji and all his papers and property confiscated. This shows Pitāmbar fell from Shivaji’s favour for a time, but was upon inquiry absolved from blame and restored to office. Pitāmbar died about 1st September 1678.

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From Kolaba to Malwan the west coast was already in Shivaji’s possession with fortified bases at Kolaba, Suvarnadurg, Vijaydurg and Sindudurg. Chaul and Janjira were thorns for Shivaji lying in between. Immediately to the south was the important post of Goa, from which the Portuguese could check Shivaji’s naval enterprises. South of Goa there were two more posts Ponda and Karwar, both strong and suitable, belonging to Bijapur, which Shivaji coveted in order to hold the Portuguese in restraint, and also to control the Siddi of Janjira. For executing his plan Shivaji soon after his coronation deputed Ānāji Datto to try and capture Ponda from the Bijapurians. Ānāji proceeded on his task in August 1674 and invested the place, which was valiantly defended by the Bijapuri keeper Muhammad Khan. As Ānāji found his efforts unavailing, Shivaji started for his support, reached Rājāpur on 22 March 1675 and thence despatched 40 vessels full of war material by sea to be used against Ponda. Shivaji himself proceeded against the place by land and besieged it on 8 April. Bahlol Khan ran to the rescue of Ponda, but was stopped on the way by Shivaji’s men. Muhammad Khan soon found his position untenable and surrendered Ponda on 6 May 1675. Shivaji immediately strengthened the defences of the place and provided a strong and picked garrison for its future protection. He thus established his own counterpoise against Goa. His clever foresight could hardly be too much commended. He thereafter marched still southward and captured Karwar as well, with its marine fort called Sadāshivgad. He also annexed the neighbouring State of Sondha. This southern move extended Shivaji’s responsibilities which required to be securely looked after. He created a fresh territorial division and appointed to its head an efficient officer Dharmāji Nāgnāth, just as Rāoji Somnāth was managing the district from Rajapur to Malvan. These two clever governors proved an effective check upon the Portuguese of Goa.

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While in this region Shivaji’s help was solicited by the Rani of Bednur for bringing to submission her disloyal general Timannā who had defied her authority. Shivaji readily accepted the mission and extended his principle of Chauth to the Rani's jurisdiction. She agreed to pay the Chauth to Shivaji and purchased his protection. For this purpose he stationed Umāji Pandit at Bednur and completed the arrangements. He returned to Rājāpur on 12 June 1675, having at one stroke confirmed his hold on the western coast practically from Rāmnagar (near Daman) in the north to Basrur (port of Bednur) in the south. Soon after this he arrived at Raigad.

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The fort of Satara also belonged to Bijapur and was captured by Shivaji on 11 November 1675. He liked the place very much, and at once took up his residence there, assigning the neighbouring fort of Parli to his *Guru* Ramdas, for whom he had recently conceived the highest reverence and from whom he received great comfort and solace in the midst of his numerous anxieties, which necessitated frequent mutual communication and exchange of visits. Thus during the year following his coronation Shivaji practically seized all the western territories of Bijapur, at the same time holding at bay Bahadur Khan the Mughal General in the manner already described.

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Towards the end of 1675 when Shivaji was residing at Satara, he suddenly fell so seriously ill that reports spread abroad that he had died. A sudden and extreme depression took possession of his mind probably on account of his son Sambhāji's misbehaviour. "Sambhāji fell under disfavour and was kept confined with Umāji Pandit to give him lessons at Shringarpur.¹³ Thereafter Sambhaji was for a time put under Rāmdās's care also. But there was no improvement in him. It seems Shivaji recovered his health in the early months of 1676 and stayed for a time at Panhālā. "He attacked Khatāv, pulled down its old fortifications, and created fresh defences," is an entry for 20 October 1676.¹⁴

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¹³ See *Prabhat Shakavali*, Article 58 p. 29 of *Prabhat Bakhar*.

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¹⁴ *Pashwa Deftar*, Vol. 45, p. 20.

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Chronology

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,, Nov. 24 1675 March 17 1676 1677 Jan. ,, ,, ,, March ,, ,, ,, April ,, May ,, ,, 23 ,, July 5 ,, July 3rd week ,, ,, 27 ,, Nov. 16 ,, ,, 1678 Feb. 1678 March 1 ,, ,, July 22 1679 1680 Jan.

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Abdullah Qutb Shah dies. Ali Adil Shah II dies. Ekoji crowned at Tanjore. Shivaji decides upon his Karnatak expedition. Shivaji’s army moves against Koppal. Shivaji leaves for Haidarabad. The Miana brothers are humbled. Shivaji at Bhāgānagar. Do Visits Shri Shaila. Do captures Jinji. Do besieges Vellore. Do humbles Sher Khan Lodi. Do encamps on the Coleroon, receives tribute from Choknath Nayak & a visit from his brother Ekoji. Do leaves Tanjore territories. Ekoji routed at Valigundapuram. Shivaji reaches Gadag. Sher Khan Lodi’s son pays ransom and is released. Shivaji’s letter to Ekoji. Treaty of peace between the two brothers. Vellore captured by Shivaji’s troops. Shivaji’s letters to Dipa Bai and Raghunāth Pant. Shivaji’s last letter to his brother.

Linked texts (5)

Bhagavadgītā — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
Kaṇvasmṛti — Kaṇva, Sanskrit
Nirṇayasindhu — Kamalākarabhaṭṭa 1612, Sanskrit
Vyavahāramayūkha — Nīlakaṇṭhabhaṭṭa 1610, Sanskrit
Śūdrācāraśiromaṇi — Kṛṣṇaśeṣa 1520, Sanskrit

New History of the Marathas v1.c13: Chapter IX

Contents

Chapter IX

Chronology

Linked texts (5)