the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea*, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. The *Gesta Romanorum* is a collection of moral stories, often with a classical or oriental origin, which were adapted for the use of preachers. The *Legenda Aurea* (Golden Legend) of Jacobus de Voragine is a collection of the lives of the saints, which was immensely popular in the Middle Ages. The *Speculum Historiale* is a vast historical compilation, which aimed to provide a comprehensive account of human history from the creation of the world to the author's own time.

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These works were not merely historical records; they were also vehicles for moral and theological instruction. They reflected the medieval worldview, in which history was seen as a divine drama, unfolding according to God's plan. The lives of the saints, in particular, were used to illustrate the virtues and to provide models of Christian conduct. The *Gesta Romanorum*, with its allegorical interpretations, served to bridge the gap between the secular and the sacred, showing how even pagan stories could be made to yield Christian truths.

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The influence of these works extended far beyond the cloister. They were read by the laity, and their stories were retold in sermons, plays, and poems. They helped to shape the medieval imagination, providing a common stock of images and themes that were shared across Europe. In this way, they contributed to the creation of a unified Christian culture, which transcended national and linguistic boundaries.

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The study of these texts reveals much about the intellectual and spiritual life of the Middle Ages. They show us a world that was deeply concerned with the meaning of history and the nature of human existence. They also remind us of the importance of the Church as a custodian of knowledge and a mediator of culture. Through these works, the Church not only preserved the past but also actively shaped the present, providing a framework for understanding the world and our place within it.

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THE MOON SETS

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[1678—1680]

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1. Results of the Karnatak Campaign.
2. Public Remonstrance against Aurangzeb's intolerance.
3. Sambhaji's desertion.
4. Effort to reclaim Sambhaji fails.
5. The End.
6. Family and religious preceptors.

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1. Results of the Karnatak Campaign.—Netāji Pālkar's desertion was a great blow to the aspirations of Dilir Khan and the expectations of the Emperor. The State of Bijapur was now managed by the Pathan minister Bahlol Khan with whom Dilir Khan effected a close friendship; and the two formed fresh plans for the subjugation of both Shivaji and the Kutb Shah. Shivaji entertained a severe hatred for this Pathan who was ruining the old kingdom of Bijapur. Bahlol Khan put to death his Siddi competitor Khawas Khan on 18 January 1676, which acted as an open signal for a civil war in Bijapur. Bahadur Khan considered this a suitable opportunity for conquering Bijapur and with a large army came suddenly upon it. But he met with strong opposition, and was worsted in many sanguinary actions near Bijapur in June 1676. This sealed Bahadur Khan's fate in the eyes of the Emperor, to whom Dilir Khan had reported the utter incapacity of Bahadur Khan to cope with the situation in the Deccan. The Emperor thereupon recalled Bahadur Khan and entrusted the supreme command to Dilir Khan. Bahadur Khan gave up his office in August 1677 and in September Dilir Khan attacked Golkonda to punish Kutb Shah for joining Shivaji.

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Shivaji's advance into the Karnatak was a great indirect blow to the Mughal Emperor's dreams of conquest. While Aurangzeb and Dilir Khan were planning finally to extinguish both Bijapur and Golkanda, Shivaji stepped in and practically seized the southernmost regions. His alliance with Golkonda proved a master-stroke, which upset Dilir Khan beyond calculation. Finding the allied troops of Kutb Shah and Shivaji absent in the south, Dilir Khan made a dash for Golkonda; but Mādannā being fully prepared to meet him, easily turned him back from the way. The news of this move and the Emperor's fresh measures for taking prompt action against Shivaji, compelled the latter to hasten back home leaving the completion of his Karnatak venture to other hands. On the way back Shivaji established a strong line of defensive posts right from Panhālā to Tanjore. While returning to his homeland towards the end of 1677, he met a slight opposition at Belvadi near Belgaum from the guardian Desai (i.e. Thanadar) of that post and his heroic wife Savitri Bai. Belvadi was captured after a month's attack by the heroic effort of Dādāji Raghunāth Prabhu Nadkar, and the distressed and humiliated lady was taken under protection by Shivaji.¹ He reached Panhālā in April 1678 after an absence of nearly fourteen months, having added to his dominions a territory yielding 20 lacs of Hons and containing a hundred forts.

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¹ This memorable episode is well described in *Prabhu Ratnamala*, p. 82.

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In this latest exploit of Shivaji one must recognise the full play of his inherent genius. The Maratha kingdom was shaped into a real and compact unit; its scanty resources were strengthened; a band of young earnest men was trained in military and civil administration, so as to ensure the permanency of his achievement. Santāji Bhosle, Hambir Rao Mohite, Santāji Ghorpade, Janārdan Pant Hanumante, Keshav Trimal Pingle, Harji Mahādik, Dhanāji Jādhav and many other youthful energetic soldier-diplomats, who figured in later history so conspicuously, were initiated in state-craft in the fruitful field offered by this Karnatak expedition. Merit was critically tested and amply rewarded. Shivaji well understood the principle that the highest strength of the State lay in its efficient administration. Under his direction everyone felt inspired to do his duty and to sacrifice one's all for the good of the State. A healthy rivalry thus came into being to serve the State and earn the Raja's esteem. This benign policy won the hearts even of the rebellious Poligars and Deshmukhs of the Karnatak, who were indirectly influenced by his benevolent ways in severe contrast to the Muslim policy of the preceding age and readily submitted to his rule. This healthy change was put to a real test during the difficult days of Sambhājī and Rājārām, when it was the cordial co-operation of the peoples of the south that enabled the Marathas to score phenomenal victories over the Emperor.

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During Shivaji’s absence in the Karnatak the Pathan Bahlol Khan of Bijapur died on 23 December 1677 and Siddi Mas’ud took up the control of that Government. Dilir Khan at once directed his attack upon Bijapur, when in his sore need Siddi Mas’ud applied to Shivaji for help in a pathetic letter, which ran thus: “We have been neighbours eating out of the same dish. You have doubtless as great a concern for the preservation of this State as I have. Let us join hands and in mutual co-operation destroy our common enemy the Mughals.” Shivaji was touched by this appeal and at once prepared for an attack upon the Mughals. It can thus be realized how the two Muslim States were practically coming under Shivaji’s heels and would have been easily absorbed by him, if his sudden death had not changed the course of events.

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2. Public Remonstrance against Aurangzeb’s Intolerance.—With Shivaji’s return to his home-land unfortunately began the last chapter of his life. With a view to checking Dilir Khan he despatched some of his commanders to plunder the Mughal territory north of the Godavari up to Aurangabad and tried in vain to recapture Shivner, his birth place. Aurangzeb felt extremely uneasy at the rising tide of Shivaji’s fortune and was utterly perplexed as to the means of overcoming him. He had already employed all his best generals and resources against him. Once again he appointed his son Muazzam to the Government of the Deccan on 18th September 1678, and this Shahzada reached Aurangabad on 25 February in the following year (1679). He was instructed to be guided entirely by Dilir Khan.

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About this time there was a great stir in the country over the revival of the Jazia or poll-tax which had long been in abeyance and which the Emperor re-imposed by a fresh order dated 3rd April 1679. Shivaji at once wrote to the Emperor a well reasoned and spirited letter of protest against the measure, which was drafted by Nila Prabhu in eloquent Persian. This famous remonstrance clearly exposed the wrong-headed policy of Aurangzeb. "In strict justice," says Shivaji, "the Jazia is not at all lawful. If you imagine piety to consist in oppressing and terrorising the Hindus, you ought first to levy the tax upon Rajsinh who is the head of the Hindus. But to oppress ants and flies is neither valour nor spirit. If you believe in the Koran, God is the Lord of all men and not of the Muham-madans only. Islam and Hinduism are only different pigments used by the Divine Painter to picture the human species. To show bigotry for any man's creed and practices is to alter the words of the Holy Book. Your officers neglect to tell you of the true state of things and cover a blazing fire with straw." The appeal fell on deaf years. The Emperor was obdurate. He at this very juncture declared a war upon the Rajputs and thus flung himself into innumerable difficulties and disasters, which ultimately swallowed him up and ruined his Empire.

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While the Raja was engaged in the south, Ānāji Datto and Moropant Pingle extended Maratha dominion along the west coast both southwards and northwards. They even went beyond Surat and plundered Broach. But these achievements were more than counterbalanced by the sudden desertion of Sambhājī to the Mughals, a contrivance of the astute Dilir Khan. This disaster dealt such a blow to Shivaji's heart that it may be said to have hastened his end.

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3. Sambhaji's desertion.—Born in 1657, Sambhājī had lost his mother when he was only two years old. Of fine manly features Sambhājī's appearance was perhaps more commanding than his father's. At the age of 9 he accompanied his father to Agra, and upon his return was for a time stationed at Aurangabad as commandant of the Maratha contingent in Mughal service, when he came in direct contact with the loose life led by the Mughal grandees. It was at this time that he must have contracted the evil habits of addiction to sensual pleasures in severe contrast to the austere life of his father's surroundings. He freely shared the hunting pastimes of Muazzam. He had received the traditional education in reading and writing, accounts and sportsmanship, and in addition became well-versed in Sanskrit also in which Keshao Bhat Purohit and Kavikalash were his tutors. Soon after the coronation ceremony of 1674, complaints reached Shivaji's ears of his son's evil habits. Shivaji kept him under surveillance at Shringārpore during 1676. He was also placed in the company of Rāmdās for some time. But his ways did not improve.

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Upon his return from the Karnatak expedition in 1678, Shivaji noticed a distinct change for the worse in his son, and kept him in practical confinement at Panhālā. Sambhaji's high spirit revolted at this rigorous treatment, and in an evil moment he succumbed to the tempting offer made by Dilir Khan through secret spies. On the night of 13 December 1678 the Prince quietly escaped from Panhālā with his wife Yesu Bai and proceeded towards the Mughal camp at Bahadurgad to meet Dilir Khan, to whom he had already communicated his intention. The Khan felt immensely elated at the success of his game, and welcomed Sambhājī on the way at Karkam. The Khan immediately reported the affair to the Emperor and requested orders for entertaining Sambhājī with dignity. The Emperor certainly felt happy at the news, but conveyed to Dilir Khan his own grave suspicion that this might be a ruse on Shivaji's part for doing some mischief and warned him to be on his guard. Dilir Khan and Sambhājī then planned to proceed against Bijapur and on the way attacked Bhupalgad where, Sambhaji disclosed, a large amount of treasure and the families of several respectable Maratha nobles had been kept for safety under the trusted commandant Phirangoji Narsāla. Phirangoji could have fired his guns against the attackers, but refrained from fear of injuring his master's son and heir. After a severe hand to hand fight Dilir Khan captured the fort on 2nd April 1679, and put to death most of the inmates that fell into his hands. When Shivaji learned of the fall of Bhupalgad, he severely reprimanded Phirangoji for not firing on Sambhājī and putting such a sinner to death. After devastating Maratha territory, Dilir Khan and Sambhājī crossed the Bhimā at Dhulkhed on 18 August and marched to the vicinity of Bijapur where Siddi Mas'ud was in power, who in his distress implored Shivaji's help. Shivaji readily agreed and at once marched with two large contingents for the defence of Bijapur. In the mean time Dilir Khan laid siege to Bijapur, and for two months tried his utmost to capture the place. But Shivaji from outside severely handled the besiegers and dexterously supplied the defenders with necessaries and materials, so that Dilir Khan was compelled to raise the siege and save his forces from destruction by a precipitate retreat on 14 November. Māloji Ghorpade of Mudhol at this time heroically defended Bijapur fully co-operating with Shivaji.

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Thus sorely discomfited before Bijapur, Dilir Khan and Sambhājī turned to the west with a view to taking Panhālā. Siddi Mas'ud expressed his gratitude to Shivaji for having rendered timely help, and after honouring him with costly presents and dresses, gave him leave to depart. At this time an agreement was effected between the Bijapur Government and Shivaji, by which that Government renounced its right to the principality of Tanjore and confirmed to Shivaji all the territory he had seized between Kopbal and Jinji.

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After all, Sambhājī’s desertion did not benefit the Khan much. During their march towards Panhālā Dilir committed fearful atrocities upon the innocent populace of the various places on the way. At Tikota a large number of bankers and rich gentry had taken shelter with their hoarded wealth. Dilir Khan’s cupidity was excited; he wantonly plundered the gentry and inflicted untold miseries upon innocent women and children, both Hindu and Muslim, many of whom killed themselves by jumping into wells to save their honour. Several thousand of these hapless people were taken prisoners and heavy ransoms demanded from them. This barbarous procedure chilled Sambhājī’s ardour for Dilir Khan to such a degree that he strongly protested against it. From Tikota they proceeded to Athni, another wealthy mart, where the Khan expected to collect a rich booty. Here he laid violent hands only on the Hindus, who made piteous appeals to Sambhājī in the name of his father to intercede with the Khan for their safety and honour. And now Sambhājī’s conscience was so keenly awakened that a complete estrangement took place between them. Dilir Khan taunted Sambhājī saying, “I am my own master: you have no business to teach me lessons in good conduct.”

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During all these months Shivaji had employed various means through secret agents to wean away Sambhājī from his sinister association. Their joint failure before Bijapur was reported to the Emperor who censured Dilir Khan and ordered him to put Sambhājī under arrest at once, and bring him a prisoner to Delhi; and he also replaced Dilir Khan by Bahadur Khan in the Government of the Deccan. All this was going on secretly without Sambhājī’s knowledge : but he did not fail to get scent of it and became afraid about his own safety. Mahādaji Nimbālkar to whom Sambhājī’s sister was married, was then a noble in the service of the Emperor under Dilir Khan, and he roused Sambhājī to a sense of the dangerous situation in which he was placed. This remonstrance at once opened Sambhājī’s eyes, and in the night of 20th November 1679 he with Yesu Bai in male disguise escaped secretly from Dilir Khan’s camp at Athni with only ten followers and sought shelter with Mas’ud Khan of Bijapur. Dilir Khan on learning that Sambhājī had run away and was at Bijapur, sent his agents to Mas’ud Khan, and offered to pay him a heavy bribe for placing Sambhājī in his own custody. Mortally afraid of these sudden developments, Sambhājī left Bijapur secretly on the night of 30th November, joined a band of troopers whom Shivaji had specially stationed to watch his movements, and by long and strenuous marches rode into Panhālā on 4th December, after having been away for nearly one year. With his mother’s death Shivaji’s private life had become clouded with anxiety and unhappiness. His first wife Sai Bai, a gentle affectionate woman had been long dead and the gap was not properly filled up. Her son Sambhājī was growing up into a passionate reckless youth impatient of his father’s control. The next queen-consort Soyra Bai possessed a character far from amiable. She planned, it is said, to supplant Sambhājī with her own son Rājārām, and gave Shivaji little rest by her ceaseless importunities and intrigues, particularly during the period when Sambhājī was away with Dilir Khan. Soyra Bai’s obsession with this purpose disturbed the whole palace and embittered the relations between Shivaji and Sambhājī all the more. The lion-hearted king for once lacked the nerve to handle the delicate domestic situation.

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4. Effort to reclaim Sambhaji fails.—While Shivaji was fighting in the environs of Bijapur against Dilir Khan, he devised an ingenious plan of creating a diversion in the Khan’s rear. He divided his force, himself leading one division and sending Ānand Rāo Makāji to lead the other ; they suddenly struck against the Mughal possessions in the vicinity of Aurangabad. They plundered and devastated Jalnāpur and obtained enormous booty. Many rich residents of the city had taken shelter in the Darga of Saiyad Jan Muhammad, a Muslim saint. When Shivaji obtained news of this concealed wealth, he plundered the hermitage and carried away all the hoard deposited therein. Khafi Khan says that the saint cursed Shivaji for this act, in consequence of which the Raja soon after died.

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The Mughals were quickly on Shivaji’s track. When he was returning with the plunder of Jalnā, he was opposed by strong Mughal armies near Sangamner. Sidhoji Nimbālkar and Santāji Ghorpade faced the Mughals, obstructed their advance, and allowed Shivaji time to escape with the plunder to the fort of Patta. In the action that ensued near Sangamner Sidhoji was killed and Santāji after being routed took to flight. Portions of the plunder had to be given up and Shivaji returned to Raigad early in December.

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As soon as Shivaji learned that Sambhājī had come back, prompt measures were taken for the defence of Panhālā lest Dilir Khan should come and attack it. But the Khan considered it an impossible task to attack Panhālā and turned his steps southward towards Kopbal, where he met with a severe reverse at the hands of Janārdan Pant Hanumante.

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Shivaji lost no time in visiting Sambhājī at Panhālā, and spent something like a month in his son’s company, trying to reclaim him to a sense of his duty and responsibility. But the prince showed no repentance or improvement in his ways.

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As Sambhājī had received ample experience of life in Dilir Khan’s camp, Shivaji did not purposely use any harsh measures towards him, but treated him with kindness and affectionate consideration. He employed a large staff of officials to prepare complete and detailed lists of the property of the Maratha State, the acquisitions of a life of strenuous labour and achievement. This was meant indirectly to impress Sambhājī with the idea of what one man could achieve and what responsibility rested on his shoulders in his prospective inheritance. These lists are minute and full and include every item trivial or costly, cash, ornaments, valuables, stores, provisions, arms, forts and property of every description.²

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² See the Legacy of Shivaji—Sarkar’s House of Shivaji, pages 165-172, as also Sabhāsad and other Bakhars, where the full lists are printed.

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Father and son lived together for nearly a month at Panhālā, both deeply distressed at heart. But if human minds could be suddenly reclaimed by mere wordy advice or remonstrance, the world would be an entirely different place. “There was no repentance, no change in Sambhājī,” says Sabhāsad. Shivaji was overtaken by a serious ailment. His future appeared altogether clouded to him, his health rapidly failed. That his own son should join his enemies was too much for the father to bear. He gave hurried orders for Sambhājī being kept in confinement at Panhālā and appointed Hiroji Farzand, Somājī Naik Banki, and Vithal Trimbak (grand-son of Murār Bāji and keeper of the fort) to watch him closely. He also asked Janārdan Pant to remove himself from Kopbal to Kolhāpur, exercise strict supervision upon Sambhājī and prevent him from committing further mischief. Shivaji in a despairing mood started to seek solace at Sajjangad in the company of the saint Rāmdās.

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5. The End.—One can only imagine the serious agonies of Shivaji’s mind at this time. It was all very well to wage a relentless war against the Emperor and administer him a severe threat in an open letter of remonstrance. But who was to undertake this grand task in his absence? He who could so wonderfully devise his means of escape from Agra was now powerless before his own son. He vividly felt his end approaching and the concern about the future of the Maratha State weighed heavily on his bosom. Shivaji’s second son Rājārām was just ten years old: his mother Soyrā Bai, the principal queen, was by no means an accommodating lady. Shivaji’s ministerial cabinet was in no sense a homogeneous or united body. The two powerful ministers Moropant Pingle and Ānāji Datto were so openly at logger-heads with each other, that Shivaji himself entertained grave fears that without a competent master to control them, the ministers alone would not be able to carry on the affairs of the State smoothly for a moment. When parting from Sambhājī at Panhālā Shivaji told him, “We now proceed to Raigad, where Rājārām’s marriage awaits our presence ; thereafter we shall soon return here and talk about future plans. You are our eldest son ; and we have naturally every reliance on you.” The Waquenasi note on Rāmdās records “The Maharaja came to visit (Rāmdās) on Paush Shukla 9 (December 31) and stayed till Magh Shukla 15 (4 Feb). Every day passed in ceremonial and attention. The Samarth discussed fully matters of State and philosophy of life. For three full days the Maharaja was unconscious in deep contemplation. The Samarth inferred that the Maharaja’s end was near.” Shivaji left for Raigad on 4 February, where Rājārām’s thread ceremony was performed on 7th March 1680, and a week later on 15 March Rājārām was married to Pratāp Rāo Gujar’s daughter Janki Bai. A week later on 23 March Shivaji had an attack of fever, which soon proved fatal. Some officials were called to his bed-side. When all hope of life seemed to be lost, messengers were sent to Sambhāji Rājā at Panhālā, with a proposal for dividing the raj between the two sons. This Sambhāji refused to accept. All inmates of Raigad were overcome with extreme grief. The holy water of the Ganges was administered to the dying Raja. Thus Shivaji expired at midday, on Saturday, Chaitra Sh. 15. Shake 1602 (3 April 1680), Raudra year, in the presence of Rāmchandra Nilakanth, Pralhād Nirāji and Bālāji Avji. Neither the Peshwa Moropant nor the Sachiv Ānāji Datto was near.

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6. Family and religious preceptors.—As Shivaji’s gurus the following are mentioned among many others whose blessings he never failed to seek :—
(1) Tukārām Bāwā.
(2) Samarth Rāmdās.
(3) Bābā Yākut of Kelsi.
(4) Mauni Bāwā of Patgaon.
(5) Nischalapuri Gosāvi.
(6) Parmānand Bāwā of Polādpur.
(7) Jayarām Swāmi of Wadgaon.
(8) Nārāyan Dev of Chinchwad.
(9) Rangnāth Swāmi of Nigdi,
(10) and his brother Vithal Swāmi.
(11) Bhānudas Bāwā, descendant of Eknāth.

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(12) Ānand Murti of Brahmanāl.
(13) Bodhle Bāwā of Dhāmangaon.
(14) Trimbak Nārāyan of Bārāmati.

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Wives and Children.

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1. Sai Bai Nimbālkar—married 17 April 1640, died 5 September 1659 ; one son and three daughters:- Sambhājī born 14 May 1657 ; Sakwār alias Sakhu Bai married to Mahādaji Nimbālkar ; Ranu Bai married into the Jādhav family ; Ambikā Bai married to Harji Raje Mahādik of Tarle.

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2. Sagunā Bai Shirke, married 1641. Had one daughter, Nani Bai alias Rajkuwar married to Jānoji Shirke Malekar.

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3. Soyara Bai Shirke married about 1660 ; died 1681 ; had one son Rājārām born 14 February 1670 and one daughter Bālābai alias Dipā Bai married to Visaji Rao.

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4. Putlā Bai Mohite, married 1653, became Sati.

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5. Lakshmi Bai Vichare married before 1656.

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6. Sakwār Bai Gaikwad, married January 1657 ; had one daughter Kamaljā Bai married to Jānoji Pālkar.

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7. Kashi Bai Jādhav married 8 April 1657.

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8. Gunavantā Bai Ingle married 15 April 1657.

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Shivaji thus had eight wives and eight children, 2 sons and 6 daughters. Besides two illegitimate wives are mentioned. Only three out of these wives were alive at the time of his death. Putlā Bai became Sati, Soyrā Bai was put to death by Sambhājī, and Sakwār Bai was long kept a prisoner in Aurangzeb’s camp in the Deccan with Yesu Bai and Shahu.

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the *Gesta Romanorum*, the *Legenda Aurea* of Jacobus de Voragine, and the *Speculum Historiale* of Vincent of Beauvais. These were the books that fed the imagination of the Middle Ages, and they were the books that the Church, in its wisdom, provided for the instruction and edification of the faithful.

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But the Church did not merely provide books; it also provided the means of their dissemination. The monastic scriptoria, where monks labored in silence to copy the sacred texts, were the precursors of the printing press. And when the press finally arrived, it was the Church that first harnessed its power, using it to spread the word of God to the corners of the earth. The Gutenberg Bible, the first major book printed in Europe, was a testament to the Church's commitment to the written word.

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Yet, even as the Church championed the spread of knowledge, it also sought to control it. The *Index Librorum Prohibitorum*, or List of Prohibited Books, was a tool used by the Church to suppress ideas it deemed dangerous or heretical. This tension between the desire to educate and the need to control would define the Church's relationship with literature for centuries to come.

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It is a complex history, one that is marked by both enlightenment and suppression. But it is a history that cannot be ignored, for it is the history of the very foundation of Western civilization. The Church, in its role as the guardian of knowledge, has shaped the way we think, the way we write, and the way we understand the world around us.