New History of the Marathas v1.c7: Chapter III
New History of the Marathas v1.c7
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Chapter III
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1635 | Shahji obtains a military commission from Adil Shah. --- | --- 1635 — 1642 | Venkatapati II rules at Penukonda. 1642 — 1673 | Shriranga Rai III, the last of the Vijayanagar Emperors. 1636 Oct. | Shahji joins Bijapur service. 1637 Dec. 3 | Randaula Khan and Shahji destroy Ikkeri. 1638 — 1640 | Shira and the Western Karnatak reduced. Shahji establishes himself at Bangalore. 1640 | Shivaji married to Sai Bai. 1640 — 1642 | Shivaji's visit to his father at Bangalore. 1643 | Death of Randaula Khan. Shahji and Shivaji visit Bijapur. 1644 August 1 | Shahji in disgrace. 1645 | Mustafa Khan captures Vellore. 1646 June 5 | Mustafa Khan marches against Shrirang Rai. 1648 July 25 | Shahji arrested at Jinji. 1648 Nov. 9 | Mustafa Khan dies. 1648 Dec. 28 | Jinji captured by Bijapur forces. 1649 | Shahji confined at Bijapur. 1649 May 16 | Shahji obtains release. 1651 | Shahji at Kanakgiri. 1654 | Shahji's son Sambhaji killed at Kanakgiri. 1656 Nov. 4 | Muhammad Adil Shah dies. 1658 May 26 | Shahji absolved from collusion with his son. 1662 | Shahji visits Mahārāshtra, advises Shivaji to build Raigad. 1663 April | Adil Shah marches to Bankapur. 1664 Jan. 23 | Death of Shahji near Basavapattan.
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SHAHJI'S LATER CAREER.
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1. Shahji's work in Karnatak. 3. Shahji under disfavour.
2. Shahji possesses Bangalore. 4. Shahji's two sons in action.
5. Shahji's death.
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1. Shahji's work in the Karnatak.—About the entry of Shahji into the Bijapur service, the six-articled chronology remarks, “During Shak 1557 (1635), Shahji Raje obtained from the Adil Shah a command of twelve thousand horse with the provision of land for his expenses. This land included the Poona country, the management of which was entrusted by him to Dādāji Kondadev of Malthan. He made Poona the seat of his rule and started operations by drawing a good plough through the land, (in order to remove the evil effects of the plough drawn by asses a few years before under the orders of Murar Jagdev). Dādāji brought in cultivators to settle on the land and made it rent-free for the first five years. Shahji Raje left for Bijapur.”¹ Shahji's later career is thus concerned with the affairs of the Karnatak.
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¹ Shiv Ch. Pradip p. 70.
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The increasing Mughal pressure from the north awakened the rulers of Bijapur and Golkonda to the dangers into which they were likely to be thrown in the future and induced them to compensate themselves for their territorial losses by carrying out fresh expansions in the south. With this object the two States entered into a mutual compact for the conquest of the Karnatak in co-operation, the western portions going to Bijapur and the eastern ones to Golkonda. These southern regions formerly belonged to the great Empire of Vijaynagar which had been grievously humbled by the Muslim Powers on the famous battle-field of Talikot or Rakshas Tagdi. After that decisive battle the victors plundered and burnt the great Hindu capital and within a couple of years thereafter it came to be practically deserted. The conquerors, however, made no headway beyond, nor did they actually bring under their control the vast peninsular lands from the west to the east coast. They returned to their capitals after plundering and devastating the Hindu capital. Hence those territories continued to be ruled by the various provincial branches of the old Vijaynagar government, mostly relatives of the royal and ministerial families, who established their independent rule at different places and carried out unceasing warfare at the expense of each other. It is not necessary for our purpose to detail the narrative of these political transactions.
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The power and culture of the vast Vijaynagar dominions thus came to be preserved after Talikot by these various provincial members, who established their principalities at Penukonda, Vellore, Chandragiri, Shira, Ikkeri, Jinji, and other places. Their wealth and prosperity as well as their internal animosities excited the greed of the Muslim Courts of Bijapur and Golkonda. Muhammad Adil Shah, unlike his predecessor Ibrahim, was a fanatic in religious matters and being desirous of pulling down the Hindu temples and plundering their wealth for the glory of Islam, he despatched a strong expedition for the conquest of the Karnatak under his commander-in-chief Randaula Khan with Shahji under him. Muhammad Shah was guided in this policy by an equally fanatical minister Mustafa Khan, at whose instigation the famous Murar Jagdev had been murdered shortly before.
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The survivors of the ruling family of Vijaynagar after the fall of their capital removed to Penukonda, where ruled in succession
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1 Tirumal, the First, 1565—1583 ; 2 Srirang Rai, the Second, 1585—1595 ; 3 Venkatapati, the First, 1595—1614 ; 4 Ram Rai, 1614—1635 ; 5 Venkatapati, the Second, 1635—1642 ; 6 Srirang Rai, the Third, 1642—1673.
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This last Venkatapati and his son Srirang Rai (the Third), happened to be the rulers when Shahji and Randaula Khan started on their expedition of conquest. Venkatapati and his son in vain tried to organize and unite the various provincial governors, now styled Nayaks, in order to make a bold stand against the Muslim forces. But none saw the wisdom of such a course. Some of them actually sought Muslim aid from Bijapur to adjust their internal disputes. At the time of Shahji's invasion Virabhadra Nayak ruled at Ikkeri, a decayed town now known as Sagar (Mysore State, Shimoga District) ; Keng Nayak ruled over Kongu near Coimbatore, Jagdev Rai at Kaveripattan, Kanthi Rav Naras Wodiyar at Shrirangapattan, Vijay Raghav at Tanjore, Tirumal Nayak at Madura, and Venkata Nayak at Jinji. These were the main chiefs who came in for a share in the misfortunes to which this Muslim expedition exposed the Karnatak. The time was quite opportune for a bold valiant Hindu leader appearing on the scene and organizing a united opposition ; but such a course was reserved for Mahārāshtra, not for the Karnatak, where the Muslims dealt separately with each chief and effected their purpose.
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Shahji under Randaula Khan's command took part in three successive expeditions into the western Karnatak between 1637 and 1640. They usually started from Bijapur after the rains and returned there before the next monsoon. Their avowed aim was to enhance the glory of Islam by putting down the Hindus, desecrating their temples, and bringing their hoarded wealth to Bijapur. In the first expedition they started in 1637 via Dharwar and Laksmeshvar and came straight upon Ikkeri, then a wealthy capital city ruled by Virabhadra Nayak, son of Bhadrappa Nayak. Before the huge armed forces of Bijapur the stone ramparts of Ikkeri could not long hold out. After less than two months of siege Virabhadra was humbled and compelled to seek terms for submission. Ikkeri was captured and razed to the ground on December 3rd, 1637. Virappa surrendered half his territory and paid a fine of 18 lacs of Hons and removed himself to Nagar, now called Bednur. The poor peaceful citizens of a once prosperous kingdom either lost their lives or their homes. In order to preserve their honour Hindu women killed themselves by jumping into wells with their children. The whole territory was similarly ravaged and subjugated. It was the first experience which the peaceful populace of the south had of the havoc fire-arms could inflict.
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The second expedition, that of 1638, penetrated still further east and south. This time Randaula Khan had under him another stern commander Afzul Khan, in addition to Shahji. The former was deputed against Shira whose master Kasturirang Nayak after a short resistance made his submission upon receiving a solemn promise on sacred oaths that his life would be spared. When, however, the Nayak came for a personal conference, Afzul Khan put him to death in cold blood and took possession of the city and all its wealth, thus establishing a reputation for treachery and violation of solemn oaths, a sample which remained impressed upon Shivaji’s memory when he refused to believe the Khan’s plighted word and paid him back for his treachery at their celebrated interview below Pratapgad in 1659.
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While Afzul Khan was occupied with Shira, Shahji proceeded against Bangalore and captured that fort from its keeper Kemp Gauda. He found this place convenient for holding the southern territories, and was permanently posted there by Randaula Khan with the sanction of the Adil Shah. Hereafter Shahji made Bangalore his principal station, with a governor’s court and insignia almost approaching that of independent royalty. He soon reduced Kanthi Rav Naras Wodiyar of Shrirangapattan to obedience.
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A similar success crowned Randaula Khan’s third expedition (1639-40) when Basawapattan was captured after putting down its ruler Keng Nayak. Tumkur, Balapur, Vellore, and several other places were quickly reduced and Randaula Khan returned in great glory to Bijapur. The Sultan was so highly gratified with the Khan’s success that he himself went out of the capital a long way to welcome him at the river Krishna and held grand celebrations at Bijapur to commemorate the unprecedented triumph of three years’ continuous effort in which all the Hindu potentates of the south had been overcome, large cities conquered, and enormous wealth amounting to more than 4 crores of Hons or 16 crores of rupees brought into Bijapur. With this pile of money several grand edifices were erected in Bijapur, such as the Dad-Mahal, the Gol-Gombaz and others.²
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² Vide Sarkar's *House of Shivaji*, p. 27; Dr. Saletore's paper on the fall of Ikkeri, H. R. C. 1939; Govind Vaidya's *Kanthi Rav Naras Charitra*, half yearly Journal, Mysore Univ. 1930, etc.
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2. Shahji's possession of Bangalore.—In those days of difficult communication between the centre and the outlying provinces, it is no wonder that the local governors assumed almost royal splendour and independence of action. Shahji thus established his position at Bangalore with the airs of a great chief, for which he had already proved his worth. He spent most of his time henceforth at Bangalore and occasionally held his court at Kolar and Balapur also. For the military and administrative work which he had to execute in a foreign land, he transplanted many Brahman and Maratha families from Mahārāshtra and trained them as hereditary officials loyal to his cause. He introduced Marathi as the Court language into the Karnatak regions, and along with it the Mahārāshtra system of revenue and accounts. He held an open Court, wherein he entertained musicians, poets, writers and saints. Thus in a short time a miniature Mahārāshtra arose in the midst of the Kannad and Tamil lands, the effects of which have survived to this day through three centuries of change. Although the actual conquest of Tanjore was left to be accomplished by Shahji's worthy son Ekoji in 1675, the necessary preparations were all completed during the twenty five years of the former's regime. Shahji, however, always remained loyal to Bijapur. He remitted regular contributions of money to the Adil Shah and was so careful and guarded in his official dealings that he gave no cause for suspicion or complaint. The people of these southern lands looked upon Shahji's rule as almost a providential continuation of the old Vijayanagar tradition carried on in its essential spirit by a Hindu leader. His loyalty, however, came to be suspected for a while owing to extraneous causes as will be explained later.
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In the meantime two of Shahji's sons were growing up with him and breathing the prevalent atmosphere. The elder Sambhaji now about twenty years of age was directly working under his father. His second wife's son Ekoji was now about ten and fast coming into his own. The third son Shivaji lived with his mother in Maharashtra and was slowly building up his character in the independent surroundings of the western hills, untrammelled by any regulations of service or of any superior commands, although nominally he too was answerable both to his father and to the Sultan of Bijapur. He received the best training then available under the care of a loving mother and a wise guardian, and grew up manly and self-reliant. In 1640 his mother got him married to a girl from the Nimbalkar family of Phaltan, named Saibai. In the art of government, however, his direct contact with the neighbouring people of the turbulent Mawals on the one hand and his intimate pupilage under the consummate Dādāji Kondadev on the other, gave him some very unique experience of a revolutionary character. He thus started his own organization, military, civil and revenue, which could not long be concealed from the public gaze. His precocious and wild enterprizes reached Shahji's ears through the latter's agents at Bijapur. Shahji thought it necessary to restrain him and keep him on the traditional path of service and strict obedience to their Muslim sovereign. So Shahji, acting either on his own initiative or under gentle hints from Bijapur, called Shivaji to his presence along with Jija Bai, Dadaji and their personal staff. That he had to see his newly wedded daughter-in-law was given out as the plausible excuse. Though the actual date of the visit is nowhere recorded, it may be presumed that for about two years between 1640 and 1643, the party was away from Poona, mostly at Bangalore and a short while at Bijapur on the way back. What happened during this long visit, how their mutual relations were adjusted, what particular points of policy were evolved, we can surmise only by reading between the lines of stray and scrappy notices occurring in the *bakhars* and in the writings of poets like Jayaram and Parmanand, which have to be coordinated with the Persian accounts of the Muslim writers as well. As conjecture and imagination can alone become one's guide in solving these hazy but important questions, there is bound to be ample room for difference of opinion.³
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3. A statement in a Peshwa's *bakhar* deserves to be noted and runs Jija Bai during this visit to Bangalore possibly could not find ease and comfort in the surroundings of her husband's residence and contrived to spend most of her time in pilgrimages to the numerous famous Hindu shrines in the south. The Adil Shah was curious to know how matters were developing and invited Shahji with his whole family to Bijapur some time about 1643. In the summer of this year Shahji's friend and patron Randaula Khan died with the result that Shahji was left without a supporter at the Court.
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So, some time during 1643, Shahji with his whole family went to Bijapur, and during his absence from Bangalore a strong revulsion against Muslim rule started in the Karnatak. In 1642, Venkatapati the 2nd, died and his son Srirang Rai, the last unfortunate relic of the decadent Vijaynagar glory, came to the throne, organized his resources at Vellore and tried to recall the slipping power into his hands. Shivappa Nayak of Bednur and the other local Nayaks rose simultaneously to undo the effects of the Muslim conquest. Muhammad Shah was thus faced with a difficult situation and to save the fruits of past labour organized a fresh expedition to go to the Karnatak and to put down the rebel elements. He entrusted the command of this fresh expedition to the fanatic Mustafa Khan who had long suspected Shahji to be disloyal at heart, and who was bent upon teaching him a lesson. In order to support the expedition with all his might the Shah himself followed and took up his residence at Bankapur. In this way fresh troubles came about in the Karnatak and soon involved Shahji in them. The Pharman of 1st August 1644 says that Shahji had been disgraced.⁴
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⁴ Shiv Ch. Sahitya, IV, p. 21.
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Shivappa Nayak offered a bold opposition to the Muslims at Ikkeri and Sagar, but in a bloody action which ensued he was completely overcome. Mustafa returned victorious to Bijapur after reducing western Karnatak to obedience. But the young Srirang Rai was fast making headway and unless he
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thus :—"Shahji actively executed the wicked policy undertaken by the Muslims to uproot the Hindu religion and make the whole country full of Muslims. This move of Shahji was highly resented by the Gods and a new defender was created." Raj. Vol. 4.
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was crushed the Muslim possession of the Karnatak was not free from danger. In order to put him down, therefore, another expedition was fitted out jointly by the Shahs of Bijapur and Golkonda under Mustafa Khan, who proceeded straight against Srirang Rai, captured his seat of Vellore, and returned in glory in 1646. Shahji, it seems, was not present in this expedition but remained at Bangalore watching the course of events.
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3. Shahji under disfavour.—Srirang Rai organized his resources and soon recaptured Vellore. The news reached Bijapur and made the Shah furious. Shahji's enemies did not omit to add fuel to the fire. The negotiations that were being carried on between Srirang Rai and Shahji were an open secret. Insinuations reached the Shah's ears accusing Shahji of disloyalty by supporting Srirang Rai. This was just the moment when Shivaji in the west had captured Sinhgad and practically asserted his independence in the district of Poona. This could not be, so the Shah concluded, without his father's complicity. But to bring a powerful chief like Shahji to obedience or even to express distrust towards him was not an easy task. The Shah, therefore, organized an expedition in 1646 against Srirang Rai, gave the command to Mustafa Khan with secret instructions to arrest Shahji if he was found remiss in his duty or intriguing with the enemy. Mustafa was accompanied by Afzul Khan, Rustum-i-Zaman, son of Randaula Khan, and other nobles. The expedition left Bijapur on 5th June 1646 and travelling *via* Gadag and Lakshmeshvar reached Basawapattan in October, when Shahji and Asad Khan joined the main army with their contingents along with some of the local Palegars. Like a deluge the swollen forces rolled upon Vellore, when Srirang Rai and the Nayaks of the south sent offers of submission pleading for life and safety. Mustafa Khan kept a close watch on Srirang Rai's movements. The latter implored Shahji to mediate. Shahji broached the subject of peace to the Khan and proposed terms. But Mustafa Khan was not in a mood to show regard to Shahji's mediation, and pretending an appearance of outward friendship, allowed Shahji a long rope. Matters, however, rapidly came to a head. Srirang Rai decided on an open fight. A sanguinary action ensued in which he was worsted and he fled away to save his life. Vellore fell again into Mustafa Khan's hands. Shahji too was for the time being saved from an open rupture with the Commander-in-Chief. Mustafa Khan returned to Bijapur once more in triumph. Srirang Rai dragged on a humbled existence for a good long time thereafter.
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A general report was made to the Adil Shah that Shahji was not loyal at heart but secretly supported the Hindu faction to the best of his ability. The Shah was convinced that the various Hindu Palegars looked up to Shahji for a lead and that if he was not checked in time, it would be impossible for the Muslims to hold their sway in those southern regions.⁵
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⁵ See Shiva Bharat 9.28-44.
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A similar position was already developing in Mahārāshtra also, so that both Sinhgad and Bangalore became danger signals for the ruler of Bijapur.
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After long and anxious deliberation, another expedition left Bijapur early in 1648 commanded by Mustafa Khan, and this time it came straight from Vellore upon Jinji, then the storm-centre of Hindu revolt. Mustafa Khan was joined by the famous Mir Jumla on behalf of the Kutb Shah. How this nobleman's ambition created fresh complications is a point a careful student of contemporary history must take note of. Shahji tried to work his way through the factious maze towards increasing his own importance and in an unguarded moment offered to quit the Bijapur service and accept one under the Kutb-Shah. Mustafa Khan this time was bent upon sternly weeding out the treasonable elements that he knew to be infesting his own camp, and thereby made himself odious even to some of those who were working under him, such as Asad Khan, Shahji and Rustum-i-Zaman. Mustafa Khan concluded that Shahji was the sole origin of the trouble and with great wariness tried to create proof of his guilt. The Bijapur armies were then occupied in the siege of Jinji, for which the duties were severally assigned. In this connection Mustafa Khan had a fracas with Shahji upon some point of honour. Shahji thereupon threatened to withdraw altogether with his troops, unless he was at once paid in cash for the expenses. Mustafa Khan resented this insubordination, but pretending cordiality, formed a secret plot to have him arrested. Baji Ghorpade of Mudhol, a vassal of Bijapur and notoriously antagonistic to Shahji, was instigated by Mustafa Khan to make a sudden dash upon Shahji's residence in the dark hours of early morning when Shahji, after nightlong revelries, was sound asleep. The raid succeeded and Shahji was arrested in his bed at Jinji on 25th July 1648 along with his trusted helpmate Kanhoji Jedhe. Mustafa reported the affair to the Shah at Bijapur and asked for further orders.
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Muhammad Adil Shah was at this time bed-ridden, having been weakened by an attack of paralysis, and well realizing the consequences of alienating a powerful Maratha captain of Shahji's status, ordered Mustafa Khan to send Shahji at once to the Court and despatched his own sober and trusted minister Muhammad Khan to take charge of the situation before Jinji in preference to the irascible Mustafa. The Shah also deputed Afzul Khan to take charge of Shahji and bring him to Court. But before the Vazir arrived on the scene, Mustafa Khan had died on 9th November 1648. Muhammad Khan continued the siege and captured Jinji on 28th December following, from its defender Rupa Nayak. Jinji's immense wealth hoarded through seven centuries of continuous rule by Rupa Nayak's ancestors, was loaded on 89 strong elephants and the caravan wended its way slowly to Bijapur under Afzul Khan's vigilant eye, along with the captive Shahji. The party arrived at their destination during the following summer months. Next year the Bijapur forces raided and plundered Tanjore, Madura and other important places; and the Vazir Muhammad Khan returned to the capital after having completed the conquest of the whole of the Karnatak except Bangalore. Srirang Rai, however, was not finally crushed. The general impression at the Shah's Court was that this conquest would not have taken so long had Shahji not interfered by shielding the Hindu princes.
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Two danger spots, however, remained for the Adil Shah to overcome, before he could feel his conquests safe. Bangalore in the south and Sinhgad in Mahārāshtra were strongly held by the two sons of Shahji and Jija Bai. How to reduce these two places became the paramount question of the moment for the Adil Shah. This question involved the fate of Shahji now a captive, who had just reached Bijapur. How was he to be dealt with?
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As soon as Shahji's person was secured, one army was despatched from Jinji to take possession of Bangalore, and another from Bijapur to retake Sinhgad and the sister fort of Purandar, both strongly held by Shivaji. At both these places long and sanguinary actions took place in which the two sons of Shahji gave such an account of their valour and capacity,⁶ that the Sultan was no longer in doubt as to what he was to look for, if rigorous measures were to be adopted against Shahji. The father, a self-made and capable chief had proved his mettle against the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan; and now he was further strengthened by his two sons of equal or greater worth. It was no easy task to reduce such a powerful chieftain.
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⁶ An eloquent and detailed description of the two actions may be read in the pages of Parmanand's *Shiva-Bharat*, Chapters 13 and 14.
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4. Shahji's two sons in action.—When Shivaji at Poona learnt that his father was in trouble at Bijapur, he at once applied to Shahzada Murad Bakhsh, then the Emperor's representative in the Deccan. As exchange of envoys and discussions on the question of Shahji's release followed. Murad Bakhsh wrote to say that he was returning to Delhi and would send the Emperor's orders as soon as he reached that place. At Bijapur the question of Shahji's release was for two months under agitation. He was entrusted to the care of Khan Ahmad, the Sar-Lashkar, a man inclined to effect an amicable settlement and not to adopt extreme measures. On behalf of the Shah Khan Ahmad proposed to Shahji that he should surrender Sinhgad and Bangalore and continue to serve the State as before. Shahji agreed to the compromise adding that neither he nor his sons were hostile towards the Shah: they needed fields for honourable work in life and sufficient support from the Bijapur Court. If they secured these, they would always render loyal service. This basis for a final reconciliation was agreed upon. Shahji gave his own autograph letters to his two sons calling upon them to give up Sinhgad and Bangalore respectively to the Adil-Shahi officers, and thus save his life. These orders were forwarded to the two sons, and Shahji was honourably set at liberty on 16 May 1649 after a detention of nearly ten months. Along with Shahji, his comrade in arms Kanhoji Jedhe was also released. Shahji was reinstated in his former position and honours, and was employed at Bijapur for a few years. Thereafter he was again asked to proceed to the Karnatak to complete the conquest of Tanjore and other districts. As soon as he was set at liberty, he asked Kanhoji Jedhe to go and help Shivaji in his efforts to settle the Poona regions. The parting message of Shahji to Kanhoji runs thus:—
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“You have on my account suffered hardships of imprisonment and dishonour. I have now agreed to undertake the completion of the Karnatak business, provided I am given the Bangalore province and its revenues of 5 lacs Hons. You own hereditary lands in the Mawals and wield influence in those parts. You should hereafter go to your home, serve Shivaji and reduce to obedience those Deshmukhs who are still holding out. If either the Mughals or the Adilshahi authorities send armed forces to chastise Shivaji, you should fight them out and remain faithful to Shivaji’s interests.”⁷
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⁷ This explains Shivaji’s stand against Morays. Jedhe Shakavali. This precious chronology came from the family of Kanhoji Jedhe of Kari.
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Shahji returned to the Karnatak again and spent several years in the Raichur Doab making Kanakgiri his headquarters, and promoting the endeavours of his two sons for bettering their fortunes. Ekoji remained at Bangalore and Sambhaji joined his father at Kanakgiri. Bijapur and Golkonda came to open war in 1651 over the division of the recent conquests of Jinji and this indirectly helped Shahji and his sons. Shahji on behalf of Bijapur fought against Mir Jumla of Golkonda. The latter was worsted and had to pay 9 lacs of Hons to Shahji as the cost of war. From 1653 onward Shahji alone became the principal support of the Adil-Shahi State in the southern regions.
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Kanakgiri in the region of the dilapidated Vijayanagar was then a place of historical importance full of old traditions of the fallen Hindu Empire. Here resided Sambhaji with his father and shared his labours. Here they realized the contrast of the former glory and the present misfortunes of the Hindus under Muslim rule. Sambhaji too like his younger brother Shivaji possessed an ample spirit of resistance. He had for his support several members of the learned and valiant Hanumante family, headed by Naropant the father of two capable sons Janardan and Raghunath. These are known to have played an important part in Shivaji’s history. Appa Khan the Palegar of Kanakgiri raised the standard of revolt, with which Shahji and Sambhaji found themselves unable to cope. So in 1654 the Adil Shah sent Afzul Khan to their support. During the encounter that ensued, Sambhaji was killed, as was supposed, through the deliberate neglect of Afzul Khan to reinforce Sambhaji at a critical moment. The mother Jija Bai at any rate felt severe grudge against this arrogant Bijapuri general and later urged Shivaji to pay him back fully in his own coin in the struggle of 1659.
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Shahji, while fully sympathising with the plans and movements of his son Shivaji in carving out an independent principality for himself, was shrewd enough not to involve himself in his son’s affairs and remained a loyal servant of Bijapur to the last. This attitude was facilitated by the death of Muhammad Adil Shah on 4 November 1656 and the murder of his faithful minister Khan Muhammad a year later. The intrigues that ensued for power at Bijapur after the Shah’s death and the aggression started against that State by Shahzada Aurangzeb, visibly weakened the Adil-Shahi power and considerably facilitated Shivaji’s moves. At this time Shahji seems to have felt extreme irritation against the Bijapuri authorities and conveyed to them a threat of resignation and retirement from their service.⁸
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⁸ *Shivaji Souvenir*, p. 115; *House of Shivaji*, p. 87.
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Matters, however, seem to have been amicably composed and Shahji continued to the last a loyal servant of Bijapur, notwithstanding frequent reports of the father and the son colluding against the State. On 26 May 1658 “Maharaj Farzand Shahji Bhosle was informed by Ali Adil Shah that the offences of his son Shivaji would not be laid upon him”.
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that he should keep his mind composed regarding all matters and that the grace and the favours which he had enjoyed till then would be continued in the same measure and even more. No change or deprivation in his ranks and fiefs would be made.”
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After 1658 Shahji and his son Ekoji tried hard to conquer Tanjore from its ruling chief, but a powerful combination was formed by the local Nayaks which kept Shahji out. After the murder of Afzul Khan in 1659, Shivaji’s power rapidly increased, and the Court of Bijapur in their danger employed Shahji in bringing about a reconciliation with Shivaji. In this connection Shahji once more returned to Mahārāshtra, spent some time in his son Shivaji’s company, personally inspected his territories and suggested measures for their consolidation. Jija Bai too had then the happiness to be restored to the affections of her husband.
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Thus Shahji about the year 1662 was purposely employed by Ali Adil Shah to mediate a peace with Shivaji. The father urged Shivaji not to molest Bijapur any more, as after all the Adil Shah had been all along their bread-giver, upon whose salt they had thrived. Shivaji agreed to commit no wanton aggression thereafter against Bijapur but to form a confederacy of the Deccan Powers against their common enemy the Mughal Emperor. Shivaji agreed to the suggestion and promised not to make any deliberate move against Bijapur, provided no wanton provocation was given to him.⁹ Later for strategic reasons Shivaji had to capture the important fort of Panhala from Adilshahi possession in March 1673.
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⁹ Letters quoted in *Shivadigvijay*, p. 330.
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This visit of Shahji to his old jagir, the seat of his early career, is memorable in several ways. The father and the son had been separated for more than twelve years in which Shivaji had earned a great name for himself. Like a devout son and religious enthusiast he showed his father the utmost veneration in the old prescribed style, meeting him in advance in a temple outside and walking bare-footed alongside his father’s palanquin. They freely talked and deliberated upon the present situation and future prospects. Shahji certainly had unique personal experience of Deccan warfare for forty years and was responsible for a vast amount of useful instruction which Shivaji received from him in the arts of war, diplomacy and government.
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As regards the Mughals, Shahji could not advise Shivaji in a dogmatic manner, but as Poona and Kalyan were then (1663) in Mughal hands, the urgent question that faced both the father and the son was where to make a permanent seat of his kingdom, where safety could be fully assured and of which Shivaji could not be easily dispossessed, as had happened in the case of Poona. They together executed a long tour of inspection practically between forts Trimbak and Rangna or roughly between Nasik and Belgaum and after a careful examination of the various possible sites, they together selected the extensive plateau of Rairi near Mahad, for the capital of the future Maratha Kingdom. The hill thus approved, fortifications and the necessary buildings were soon completed during the next few years, and Raigad figured as the Maratha capital. The choice has been more than justified by subsequent history.
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5. Shahji's death.—After a full and frank association for several months together, the father and the son parted early in 1663, after which Shivaji executed his blow against Shaesta Khan at Poona followed by the daring raid upon Surat, which supplied funds for the embellishment of Raigad. As Shivaji and Jija Bai took up their first residence on the Rairi plateau after the former's return from Surat, their joy was suddenly marred by Shahji's death near Basavapattan from an accident in riding. During April 1663 Ali Adil Shah marched against Bankapur and urgently called to his presence his two commanders Bahlolkhan and Shahji. They arrived and were both kept under arrest. Shahji was, however, released within two days and sent against the Nayak of Bednur who had rebelled.¹⁰ After accomplishing his commission within a few months, he started for Bangalore. While halting at Basavapattan on the way he heard of some game in the vicinity and rode out for a hunt of which he was very fond. While following an antelope his horse’s foot got entangled in a hole, bringing down both the horse and the rider, the latter dying instantly. This happened on Saturday 23 January 1664 and the news reached Shivaji at Raigad. The pious Jija Bai was stunned by the blow and wanted to become a sati. We have only to imagine Shivaji’s feelings at such a prospect. He made piteous appeals to her and the mother yielded, keeping him company for ten more years on earth.
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¹⁰ English Records on Shivaji No. 67 of 20 July, 1663
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Besides Sambhaji and Shivaji, the sons of Jija Bai, and Ekoji, the son of Tukabai, Shahji had four illegitimate sons, Bhivji, Pratapji, Santaji and Raibhanji. Sambhaji who was killed at Kanakgiri left two sons, Surat-Singh and Umaji, descendants of both of whom survived long afterwards.
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Shahji is rightly considered as the creator of Maratha culture and influence in the south. He transplanted many Mahārāshtrian families, of the Brahman, Maratha, and artizan classes whose descendants are still found in those parts. It was Shahji who fully demonstrated the possibility of weak peoples standing boldly against strong oppressors if they but unite and organize themselves. Clive and Dupleix are said to have discovered the secret of Indian conquest by a few organized regiments on the western model; but a similar weapon of guerilla warfare was first developed a hundred years before them by Shahji himself. He became a king-maker in fact, and can in a full measure be called the real inspirer of Shivaji in creating the Maratha Swarajya. Shahji certainly imbibed the tradition and culture of Vijayanagar and transmitted them through his many-sided activities to the worthy representatives of his nation. After the extinction of Vijayanagar, Shahji was the first Hindu leader who could with rapid movements and local knowledge prove a match for the forces of Delhi or Bijapur.
Linked texts (3)
- Bakhars
- Gol Gumbaz
- Śivabhārata — Paramānanda, Sanskrit