New History of the Marathas v2.c25: Chapter XVI

New History of the Marathas v2.c25

Language: English

Chapter XVI

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1754 British move to put down Tulaji Angria.

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1755, March 10 Maratha-British agreement for putting down Tulaji.

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1755, March 29 Captain James attacks Suvarnadurg.

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1755, April 12 Suvarnadurg surrendered, land attacks on all sides upon the Angrian territory by Peshwa's men.

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1756, February 7 Admiral Watson's fleet leaves Bombay.

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1756, February 14 Vijayadurg surrendered after Angrian navy had been burnt down; Tulaji surrendered and sent to Poona; his mother and children submitted to Watson.

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1756, June 28 Phonda vainly attacked by the Portuguese, Count Alva killed.

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1756, July 20 Peshwa's protest against British possession of Vijayadurg.

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1756, August 1 British mission to Poona.

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1756, October 12 British-Peshwa agreement reached, Bankot ceded in lieu of Vijayadurg.

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1757, March Janoji Bhosle succeeds to the Nagpur state.

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1758, Nov-Feb. 1759 Peshwa tours the regions of the west coast.

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1759, February 21 Kansa alias Padamdurg captured.

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1759, October 23 Price's mission returns.

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1760 Clive in England for Indian problems.

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1760, October 23 Rajkot of Revdanda pulled down.

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1766 Tulaji's two sons Raghuji and Sambhaji, escape to Bombay.

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1 The Nagpur succession. 2 Tulaji Angria defiant. 3 Fall of Vijayadurg. 4 The Peshwa's protest. 5 Did the Peshwa destroy the Maratha navy? 6 Manaji and Raghuji Angria.

1. The Nagpur succession.—The Bhosles of Nagpur and the Angrias of Kolaba were the two incorrigible chiefs whom the Peshwa with all his patience and diplomacy found it hard to reduce to obedience in his effort at unifying the Maratha State. It is now time to describe the Peshwa's dealings with them. Raghuji Bhosle's relations with the Peshwa have been amply detailed in the foregoing narrative. Shrewd and alert as both were, they fully realized the advantage of preserving amity with each other and fully co-operating in measures of mutual benefit. Raghuji long suffered from a stomach complaint and was almost bed-ridden during the last two or three years of his life. Raghuji not only made his name in the conquest of Bengal, but he also exhibited great heroism in subjugating the Gonds and creating the Nagpur State as a distinct entity in which he stands quite on a par with Malharrao Holkar or any of the Sindias. He colonized Nagpur and other cities with Maharashtrian elements and made his State a strong and wealthy base by training a large band of devoted co-workers in war and diplomacy.

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After having effected the conquest of Orissa and arrived at a final understanding with Nawab Aliwardi Khan in 1751, Raghuji led a peaceful life and did not concern himself with the various important projects and expeditions which the Peshwa restlessly carried out in the Karnatak region. Baburao Konher Kolhatkar was his intimate adviser who co-operated with Janoji, Raghuji's ablest son, in transacting current business pertaining to his rule of Nagpur. Raghuji died on 14th February 1755, when six wives and seven hand-maids are said to have immolated themselves on his funeral pyre. He willed that Janoji should become the Senasaheb-Subah after him. Of his four sons Janoji and Sabaji were born of the younger wife, and Mudhoji and Bimbaji of the elder one. The first two were fairly brave and capable men.

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Janoji though born of the younger mother was older in age than Mudhoji, who was the offspring of the elder queen, which gave rise to a complicated dispute about the succession and considerably weakened the position of that principality. Disregarding the injunction of his father, Mudhoji claimed the position of Senasaheb Subah and wrote letters to Janoji with an address proper only to a younger brother. The dispute was referred to the Peshwa, who coveted a large amount for the succession fee. Janoji's adviser Devajipant Chorghode went to Poona and obtained the Peshwa's decision in his master's favour by promising to pay two and a half lacs as nazar. The Peshwa was at the moment proceeding to Savanur and invited both the brothers to join him. They complied and attended, with the result that the question of succession to the Nagpur estate came to be abnormally postponed. At last a conference was held on the Godavari in March 1757 and it divided the estate in two parts, Janoji was declared the Senasaheb Subah, and Mudhoji was asked to rule at Chanda with the title of Sena-dhurandhar. The Peshwa ratified this decision after exacting a present of 20 lacs from the four brothers.¹ For a time the Bhosle brothers worked together and helped the Peshwa in his attack upon the Nizam at Sindkhed. But the domestic dissensions of the four brothers never came to an end, and as a result the Nagpur State fast declined in power and prestige.

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¹ Khare 1. 11 ; Raj. 3. 188, 193, 464-468, 514, 556, 557 ; Patre Yadi 153-155 ; P. D. 20. 75 ; Ait. Pat. 96. See Nagpur Bakhar also. A vast literature has been published on the history of Nagpur to which the student is referred.

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2. Tulaji Angria defiant.—The Angrias and their navy were the guardians of the western sea-board of the Maratha State. During Shahu's lifetime the Peshwa could not exercise full powers in restraining the disobedient sardars. For the safety of the Maratha raj, as well as for restraining the aggression of the western powers, the west coast had to be carefully guarded from danger, and in this respect Tulaji Angria’s hostility to the Peshwa soon became intolerable. In addition to the internal disputes of Indian powers, the French and the English trading companies now directly interfered in Indian politics. Bengal and Madras they largely seized and it became the Peshwa’s duty to guard the west coast from a similar fate. It was necessary for him to have the Maratha navy entirely under his control.

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The southern portion of the west coast was at this time controlled by Tulaji Angria who had his residence at Vijayadurg, and the northern portion by Ramaji Mahadev, the Peshwa’s governor of Kalyan, both strong and singular personalities, who during the last several years contracted bitter hatred towards each other. The Peshwa in the midst of his other serious pre-occupations, did not personally deal with the Angrias but left every affair in that region in the hands of this Ramajipant, thereby only adding fuel to the fire. The Portuguese of Goa who had lost Bassein in 1739, were trying their level best to get back their possession and readily joined every opponent of the Peshwas. The Savant of Wadi was a protege of the Peshwa and was brought to extremities both by Tulaji and the Portuguese. During 1751 Tarabai then bitterly opposing the Peshwa, instigated both the Portuguese and Tulaji Angria and promised the former the return of their territory of Bassein, if they would put down the Peshwa. It became the Peshwa’s policy therefore in this difficult situation, to prevent an alliance of the Portuguese of Goa and the English of Bombay. The Peshwa for some time was trying his utmost to gain the friendship of the English who bitterly hated Tulaji and gradually accepted the Peshwa’s overtures. The British, intent solely on self-interest with no more love for the Peshwa than for Tulaji, proposed to join the Peshwa in putting down Tulaji. War was going on between the French and the English on the east coast. The Peshwa agreed that he would not help the French on the east coast if the English did not help Tulaji on the west. The Peshwa’s only object in this proposal was to bring Tulaji under his control and prevent him from combining with the enemies of the Maratha State. It was no part of the Peshwa’s programme to destroy the Maratha navy owned by the Angria. Tulaji’s own irascible temper aggravated the situation. He was possessed by an inordinate hatred for the Peshwa and particularly for Ramaji Mahadev the Peshwa’s agent on the spot. He did not fall in with the Peshwa in executing the responsibilities of the Maratha State as a whole. He never showed the least inclination to come to terms with the Peshwa. Otherwise the latter would have gladly utilised his services and promoted the interests of such a valiant naval commander as Tulaji.

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To preserve amicable relations with the Peshwa and prevent him from joining the French was the main plank of the British policy at Bombay after the fall of Bassein into Maratha hands. When severe tension grew between Ramaji Mahadev and Tulaji, the former by way of a counterpoise secured the good graces of the Bombay Council, in order to exercise control over both the Angrias and the Siddis of Janjira. During 1754 when the Peshwa was busy with the affairs of the Karnatak, Ramajipant had several talks with the Bombay Governor Bourchier and agreed to engage the services of the Bombay navy for putting down Tulaji Angria.²

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² Forrest’s *Maratha series*, War with the Angrias.

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The Peshwa’s letters of 8 and 11 February and 8 March 1755 were placed before his Council by Governor Bourchier on 10th March 1755, and the following terms were finally agreed upon between the British and Ramajipant on 19th March :—

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1. That both the Maratha and the British navy should be under the complete control of the latter ;

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2. Whatever ships would be captured from the Angrias should be divided half and half between the two ;

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3. That after Tulaji was overcome, the Marathas should cede to the British Bankot and its fort Himmatgad (afterwards named Fort Victoria) together with five villages in that neighbourhood ;

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4. That the British should prevent any succour going to Tulaji through the sea ;

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5. Whatever treasure, ammunition, guns or supplies would be captured or found in the forts and places belonging to the Marathas, should be equally shared ;

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6. If the British and the Marathas should jointly attack Manaji Angria, the island of Khanderi should be ceded to the British.

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These terms were sanctioned by the Peshwa and the war began.

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3. Fall of Vijayadurg.—As the season of 1755 was advanced when the treaty was concluded, it was decided first to attack Suvarnadurg, the fort of Harnai, reserving the capture of Vijayadurg for the next fair season. Captain William James was appointed by the Bombay Council to lead the naval expedition and was accompanied by Ramajipant. They left the Bombay harbour on 22nd March and were joined by the Maratha naval ships outside the fort of Chaul. On 29th the joint navy fired on the Angria’s ships in the harbour of Suvarnadurg. The latter ran away and escaped. On 2nd April gun-fire was opened upon the fort. On 3rd an explosion took place in the fort in which the store of Angria’s ammunition was burnt up. The next day 4th April, some of Angria’s men came to Ramajipant with a white flag and the attackers landed in the fort, which surrendered on the 12th. Javji Gauli and Khandoji Mankar supported the operations from the land on behalf of the Peshwa. Shamsher Bahadur and Dinkar Mahadev were two other commanders whom the Peshwa nominated for conducting land operations against Tulaji. They descended through the Amba pass upon Angria’s fort of Ratnagiri late in May and invested it on the landward side; but they could not take the fort without naval co-operation, which the advent of the monsoon prevented. That place was captured next year on 18th February 1756. A little before this Anjanvel and Govalkot were also taken from Tulaji’s possession on 14th January of the same year by the Peshwa’s men.

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But the main objective of the campaign was to reduce Tulaji’s seat of fort Vijayadurg or Gheria, as it used to be called after a village in the vicinity named Girye. How Tulaji remained so utterly indifferent or careless till the last moment is a mystery. He was perhaps over confident of defending the place against any odds and made no move. For two years the attack was being discussed and throughout 1755 most of his outlying posts were falling into the Peshwa's hands one after another and yet Tulaji did not stir. He managed to secure from Goa some slight Portuguese help of about 500 men. Rudraji Dhulap an Angrian lieutenant was worsted losing a large number of his own men and some of the Portuguese who had accompanied him.

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In the month of October 1755 some troops under Capt. Clive and a naval force under Admiral Watson arrived from England at Madras. At that very moment, Madras received a demand for military help from Bombay to act against Tulaji Angria. The Madras authorities readily complied with the request of Bombay and despatched the forces both of Clive and Watson to Bombay. Governor Bourchier ordered these to proceed against Vijayadurg with definite instructions (1) that Tulaji should be brought to Bombay after the fall of his fort of Vijayadurg ; (2) that the Bombay force should co-operate with the Peshwa's in capturing the other forts and places of Angria ; (3) that until Bankot and its territory were actually delivered into British hands, Vijayadurg should not be restored to the Peshwa's possession ; (4) that an effort should be made to secure such other places and harbours as would be considered beneficial to British interests ; (5) that Tulaji was a very wicked man and his word should not be trusted. " He has for long destroyed many of our vessels and put us to the annual loss of 3 or 4 lacs for the last so many years. He should on no account be given up to the Peshwa ; for he may again become free and molest us as before."

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On 7th February 1756 fourteen British ships of war with a force of 800 English troops and a thousand Indians, left Bombay under Clive and Watson, all by the sea-route. It was expected that the war would continue long and stiff, but on the 7th day after leaving Bombay, Vijayadurg fell into British hands. Watson reported on 14th February, " We arrived before Vijayadurg on 11th and learnt that Tulaji was negotiating for terms with the Peshwa. " In order to prevent him from gaining time for negotiations, I at once called upon him to deliver the fort to us. On the 12th we started firing upon the fort. At four in the afternoon, a chance shot falling upon one of Angria's ships set fire to all his ships large and small about 70 in all, and they all were quickly burnt to ashes. On the 13th a few of our men landed; and prevented any of the Peshwa’s men getting into the fort. Capt. Forde with 60 men entered the fort in the afternoon and planted the British flag on the top-mast. This morning all our men had an easy access into the fort. Ramajipant is coming to meet me today when I will demand the delivery of Tulaji Angria. We suffered no material losses.”

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As the British ships were sailing to Vijayadurg, about forty or fifty ships of the Peshwa joined them on the way. The land forces of the Poona Government were camping in tents on the east of the main fort. Tulaji was not prepared for the sudden rush that took place. He was expecting the arrival of the British naval ships since November and as none had made their appearance for over three months, he remained off his guard. As soon as he saw the ships, Tulaji ran into the Maratha camp to see Ramajipant, who did not pay much attention to what he had to say. Tulaji well knew how he was hated by the British. He then commenced firing upon the British ships from the fort, but almost at the start all his ships were suddenly set on fire and, to his utter dismay, immediately burnt down. The first thing Clive did was to enter the fort and take possession of all valuables. The Peshwa’s men also rushed towards the fort, but Captain Forde stood at the gate with a drawn sword in hand, threatening to cut down whosoever should venture to step forth. Thus mortified, the Marathas returned to their camp. The British found in the fort 250 guns, ten lacs of rupees in cash, six brass mortars and about four thousand £ worth of goods and valuables.

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Immediately on the arrival of the British ships in the harbour Ramajipant visited Admiral Watson on his flag-ship and mentioned that Tulaji was seeking peace terms. Watson answered, “I have no orders for making peace: but if you desire, let Tulaji come to me on my ship. If he does not come at once, I will fire on the fort.” But Tulaji could not make up his mind. Then the British fired, burnt the ships of Angria and took possession of the fort. Tulaji surrendered to Khandoji Mankar and was securely guarded by the Peshwa’s men. The next day Ramajipant again visited Watson on his ship, when the latter demanded the delivery of Tulaji. Ramaji replied that he would not hand over Tulaji unless he had written orders from his master. Ramajipant made a demand for the possession of the fort. Watson replied he had no orders but would hoist the Peshwa's flag along with his own. He would not allow the entry of Maratha troops into the fort if Tulaji was not delivered to him. The British dug up the fort for hoarded wealth, and obtained considerable amounts which they distributed to their men. As the Peshwa was absent at Savanur, no final solution could be found to dissolve the differences about the possession of the fort and disposal of Tulaji.

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Edward Ives a surgeon on Watson's ship has left a journal of his travels and given some pertinent details about the affair of Vijayadurg. He mentions that when the British entered the fort, not more than 20 on their side were found dead or wounded. Tulaji had three days before left the fort having stationed his wife's brother in charge. The British found in the fort Tulaji's two wives and two sons. Watson went into the fort and took a kindly interest in them. They all with tears in their eyes bowed to the ground before him as Watson entered, and the Admiral assured them of safety and care on his part. Tulaji's aged mother was much moved by this assurance and replied "Now we are without protection,—no father, and no children. One six year old son of Tulaji held Watson's hand and said, "You are now my father." These words touched Watson's heart too. The British discovered in the fort in addition to the above family of Tulaji, ten English and three Dutch men imprisoned by Tulaji. They were all set at liberty."

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The English obviously behaved contrary to the terms agreed upon by keeping possession of the fort, and appropriating all valuables and demanding the person of Tulaji. As soon as the British navy arrived at Vijayadurg, Tulaji in terror started negotiations with Ramajipant. The English construed this as a breach of agreement on the part of the Marathas in conducting negotiations for peace without the knowledge of the other allied party,.and alone attacked the fort and prevented the Marathas from entering it. But the main fact is clear that it was the Peshwa who for putting down Tulaji sought the naval co-operation of the British. The British had not started the war against Tulaji on their own account. If the Marathas had not already hemmed in Tulaji by land over a length of more than two hundred miles, Tulaji could not have been so easily subdued. The British discovered that the harbour of Vijayadurg was a valuable base for their navy and proposed to keep it themselves exchanging it for Bankot and its fort Himmatgad. Ramajipant went to the extreme length of protest short of open hostilities, and bided his time until the Peshwa's return to Poona from Savanur. In fact the British tried to grab Vijayadurg and establish their sway over the west coast just as they had done on the east coast in Madras and Bengal. Indeed as Bombay was not then well developed, the British considered Vijayadurg as a most suitable port for the expansion of their power.

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4. The Peshwa's protest.—The Peshwa arrived at Poona on 20th July 1756 and the next day he addressed a strong letter to the Governor in which he condemned the British action of keeping possession of the fort of Vijayadurg for which alone he had called in the British help. He demanded its immediate surrender if their amicable relations were to be preserved in the future. "If you do not act up, the future will lie in God's hands", added the Peshwa. A clear threat which could not be easily ignored.

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To this the Governor made a mild reply on 1st August and promised to hand over the place as soon as the monson was over, when his ships could bring back the garrison, offering at the same time to send his two agents to Poona, Thomas Wyfield and John Spencer for a personal adjustment of the outstanding points arising out of the affair. The East India Co. at that moment had already a war on hand both in Bengal and Madras and were not prepared for an additional trouble on the west coast. Hence they readily yielded to the Peshwa's demand and staged a climb down.

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The Portuguese tried to make capital out of the Peshwa's difficulties by attacking the Maratha post on Phonda, south of Goa on 28th June 1756. It was bravely defended by the Maratha garrison, and the Portuguese Governor Count de Alva was killed, losing ten guns and arms to the Marathas.

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The British envoy from Bombay arrived at Poona and a fresh treaty was then drawn up on 12th October mainly stipulating that Bankot and ten villages should be ceded to the English in lieu of Vijayadurg. Govind Shivram Khasgivale at once proceeded to Vijayadurg and took possession of the fort on behalf of the Peshwa. Tulaji remained a closely watched prisoner in the hands of the Peshwa, along with his mother, wives and two sons Raghuji and Sambhaji confined in various forts from time to time. These sons escaped from their confinement in 1766 to Bombay, but the British did not give them shelter in their settlement. Raghuji then went to Haidar Ali and remained there long. Tulaji died as a prisoner in fort Wandan in 1786.³

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³ This Angrian episode synchronized with important happenings on the east coast, the Anglo-French war, the affair of Suraj-ud-Daula and Bussy's bold stand against the Nizam at Char Minar.

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5. Did the Peshwa destroy the Maratha navy?—Historians like Rajwade and others have scathingly criticised the Peshwa for having destroyed the Maratha navy by accepting British help for that purpose. Here it must be observed that on some important points the critics have proceeded on wrong assumptions. The Peshwa was intent on putting down the recalcitrant and defiant Tulaji Angria who obeyed no law and recognised no authority. The Peshwa had no grudge against the Angrian navy at all. The navy was burnt down by the Peshwa's allies the British. Once a war is on, it was difficult to regulate the destruction. After Tulaji was removed, the Peshwa did appoint another naval officer Dhulap in his place. Nor could the Peshwa conceive that he was doing damage to the Maratha State by removing Angria. He had already humbled Damaji Gaikwad and silenced Dabhade and Tarabai. The Peshwa did not remove Tulaji's brother Manaji who preserved his position at Kolaba. To defend the west coast properly by taking possession of the important points and harbours of Suvarnadurg, Anjanvel, Ratnagiri and Vijayadurg, was the principal aim of the Peshwa for which he called in British aid. But even in this point, it may be asked why did he neglect the obvious political dictum, on no account to call in an enemy to help one's cause. Here is the crux of the problem. The agreement for British help was contracted early in 1755, when the British were not considered as unfriendly to the Marathas. The Seven Years War had not yet started. Bussy a French officer was already a friend to the Peshwa. These Western settlers, the French, the Dutch and the British, were working in India for over a century as peaceful traders, and their territorial ambitions were not disclosed till the grant of the Diwani to Clive by the Emperor in 1765.⁴ In ascribing to the Peshwa an unpardonable fatal indiscretion, it seems we anticipate history, and powerful as the Peshwa certainly was during the late fifties, he had no reason to suspect that he could not control the action of the British power in Bombay.

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⁴ We well know that it was after the affair of Plassey that Clive began to formulate his dream of Indian conquest and he proceeded to England in February 1760 to personally discuss the matter with the British Prime Minister Earl Chatham; but Chatham did not support him, did not even care to meet him. Dupleix had certainly worked in that direction for a little while, but had failed and been recalled in disgrace.

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One must also note the Peshwa’s subsequent dealings with the British. He had set his heart upon subjugating the Siddi of Janjira and the Nawab of Surat, who received British support to the detriment of the Maratha State. So after Tulaji had been removed, the Peshwa turned his attention to Janjira and Surat and requested British help for that purpose in 1758. There were other points of friction between the two nations for the settlement of which British envoys were sent to Poona in August 1759, headed by Price.⁵ Price arrived in Poona on 7th September and left it for Bombay on 23rd October 1759. Visits and discussions took place through Govind Shivram, but no decisive result came about, as on the point of the conquest of either Surat or Janjira, the British would not offer any support to the Peshwa. In fact they took possession of Surat themselves about this time. Price’s journal forms an interesting study.

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⁵ Full account in Forest’s Maratha series.

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6. Manaji and Raghuji Angria.—With the death of Manaji Angria on 23rd September 1758, the element of disunion in the Angrian family was removed. Manaji’s death materially damaged the Peshwa’s cherished ambition of subjugating the Siddi of Janjira, as he had zealously co-operated with the Peshwa in that task a few months before. Manaji left 14 sons, ten legitimate and four illegitimate. Raghuji the eldest and the most capable of them all, was invested with both the hereditary titles of Sarkhel and Wazarat-Mab. This Raghuji kept up a steadfast friendship for the Peshwa’s house. After Manaji’s death the Peshwa spent four long months November 1758 to February 1759 in touring and personally inspecting the position of the west coast with a view to organizing an expedition against the Siddi. Raghuji’s youthful valour succeeded in capturing the Siddi’s strong out-post of Underi on 28th January 1759 and the fort of Kansa or Padmadurg near Murud about three miles from Janjira itself on 21st February following. Underi was named Jayadurg. Janjira itself would have fallen into Maratha hands in a short time had not Sadashivrao Bhau been suddenly called to the north. Soon after on 13th October 1760 the Peshwa pulled down fort Rajkot of Chaul and the grand Masjid in it. Chaul a Portuguese possession, had long been in the Maratha hands, but the strong ramparts and the Muslim mosque formed a perpetual nuisance to the Hindu inhabitants of the place and were completely razed to the ground.⁶

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⁶ Patre Yadi 182 ; P. D. 24. 261, 262, 265.

New History of the Marathas v2.c25: Chapter XVI

Chapter XVI

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