New History of the Marathas v2.c34: Chapter XXV

New History of the Marathas v2.c34

Language: English

Chapter XXV

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1 Raghunathrao's demand for partition. 2 Raghunathrao finally overcome. 3 Bhosle brought to obedience. 4 Damaji Gaikwad's death. 5 War with Haidar Ali renewed (1767-1772).

1. Raghunathrao's demand for partition.—Since the Peshwa's success at Rakshasbhuvan Raghunathrao had been realizing that he was eclipsed by his nephew's increasing prestige and moral greatness. He could only make a theatrical exhibition of his inherent weakness, which the fulsome flattery of his immediate comrades like Chinto Vithal served only to enhance. Raghunathrao's wife Anandibai was probably too young at the time to advise him for better or worse. The Peshwa did his utmost to keep him contented and got out of him whatever good work he was capable of. The Peshwa's mother Gopikabai, sick of the constant turmoil, followed the same course and went to live in the neighbourhood of Nasik, seeking peace in pious contemplation. A report from Raghunathrao's quarters says, "Chinto Vithal is Dada's sole adviser. Some of Holkar's party have joined here and keep him in humour. A motley has assembled, each one with a selfish motive, with little regard for the interests of the State. The Shrimant is extremely fickle-minded. Every wise counsel from sane persons is misrepresented to him. He expressed his desire to solemnly make the vow of fire-worship (*agnihotra*). Preparations were quickly made; all the earthwork and brickwork for the altars were completed; and just at the moment when the ceremony was to start, Dada suddenly declared, 'I can't stand this wearisome job' and threw all the brick constructions into the Godavari. Priests had been brought from long distances in palanquins with bearers supplied for all; and now when they had all assembled, they have been dismissed. Chinto Vithal is bent upon ruining the Maratha State.” This little incident well illustrates the whimsical nature of Raghunathrao.

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More than once during the recent years did Madhavrao personally and in writing, remonstrate with his uncle, strongly complaining that his sardars flagrantly disobeyed his commands and sought refuge with his uncle and obtained protection. This undermined the Peshwa’s authority and could not be tolerated in the wider interests of the State. These remonstrances fell on deaf ears, and the Peshwa found himself thwarted at every step on account of the dual authority operating in the administration. He placed all his cards openly on the table ; but Raghunathrao shifted his ground, and every minute succumbed to tale-bearers who distorted every word and action of the Peshwa.¹

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¹ For instance the affair of Naro Krishna may be studied in P. D. 19, 52 ; *Patreyadi* 211, 213 ; Raj. 13, 84.

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In his letters to his uncle’s adherents, the Peshwa particularly urged that all owed loyal service to the State; the uncle asked for partition, which would reduce its strength and invite its enemies to fall upon it. He would therefore not be a party to any such division. He would rather surrender his Peshwaship and place himself at his uncle’s service.

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The situation reached its climax at Poona in the autumn of 1765, when the two chiefs came together face to face and held acrimonious discussions for over a month. Madhavrao explained his policy to Raghunathrao’s confidant Chinto Vithal : “ Ours is a large State which deserves to be sustained by all, small or great. Dada Saheb however demands a partition. I cannot be a party to such a foolish measure. The age-long practice has been that full responsibility is centred in one person, exercising undivided control over all members. He is to provide for all according to his best judgment. Dada Saheb’s demand amounts to setting aside this time-honoured practice. He asks for the possession of Gujarat for himself and a number of forts to be placed under his exclusive management. This is certainly not the way to preserve the State intact. I am quite willing to withdraw entirely from public affairs and take up my residence in a far away corner. But I will not allow the State to be thus partitioned. Let Dada- Saheb alone exercise the supreme power. I shall be content to do what little I can if he requires it of me. This in my opinion is the only solution of our present troubles.”

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A number of letters of this type speak clearly how the two parties were disposed to each other. After a good deal of deliberation Raghunathrao agreed to undertake an independent task on his own exclusive responsibility unhampered by the Peshwa, and the demand for partition was for the time shelved. In February 1766 Raghunathrao proceeded to the north and the Peshwa returned to Poona after a friendly meeting with Nizam Ali. How Raghunathrao mismanaged this northern enterprise has been already described.

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2. Raghunathrao finally overcome.—After his dismal failure in his contest with the Rana of Gohad, Raghunathrao returned discomfited to Nasik in June 1767, violently chafing at heart and throwing the blame of his failure upon his nephew. Once more the old fissure reappeared in a dreadful form, straining their mutual relations and making them so suspicious of each other, that they would not openly meet together. Bent upon putting the dispute to the arbitration of the sword, Raghunathrao began to raise troops and make war-like preparations at Nasik.

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During the past two years the Peshwa’s high character and capacity had been amply exhibited, in severe contrast to the low reputation of his uncle. Everybody well understood the merits of the domestic dispute. Raghunathrao’s nefarious activities filled the Peshwa’s Court with alarm. The various sardars and leaders were approached by both for armed help. Keepers of forts began to be seduced. While a large number of public servants were neutral at heart, their loyalties came now to be divided. There was an all round commotion in the country as preparations grew apace for an armed conflict. Madhavrao removed Sakharam Bapu from office, on account of his dubious loyalty and appointed Moroba Phadnis as his immediate secretary. The Peshwa showed great forbearance and commenced negotiations with his uncle through Govind Shivram, whom he deputed to meet the uncle and adjust their differences on some reasonable basis. But Govind Shivram failed in his mission, and the Peshwa specially selected Sakharam Bapu and sent him to Raghunathrao to negotiate a peaceful solution and avoid extremities. Sakharam Bapu enjoyed Raghunathrao’s confidence and arranged a personal meeting of the two chiefs. As a last resort the Peshwa left the capital to meet his uncle and decide the dispute in person. Large forces accompanied them both and the atmosphere became surcharged with suspicion; for a long while a personal meeting between them became impossible. When the Peshwa was at Rahuri nearly half way between Nasik and Poona, Chinto Vithal arrived from Dada to negotiate an understanding; after a good deal of discussion and reference backwards and forwards, the uncle and the nephew met near Chandore on 12th September and proceeded together to Anandvalli by easy marches.

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The Peshwa was now bent upon seeking a final issue of the conflict and directly demanded complete surrender from Raghunathrao or an appeal to the decision of arms. He purposely assumed a stern and uncompromising attitude and abandoned the fruitless formalities of the previous years. This sudden change in the Peshwa’s attitude could not be mistaken, and Raghunathrao climbed down in his pretensions. Thereupon numerous drafts and proposals were committed to paper, the one procrastinating, the other pressing for decision. When thus forced to decide, Raghunathrao spoke out, “You are the Peshwa and the master. I have no concern with your administration.” He agreed to retire on condition that his debts of 25 lacs incurred in the northern expedition were paid off and a suitable maintenance was provided, enabling him to lead a life of resignation at some holy place. Though it was a heavy responsibility, the Peshwa, anxious to close the affair finally in a peaceful manner, agreed to the demand, asking in turn the delivery of the forts of Ahmadnagar, Ashirgad, Shivner and Satara then held by Raghunathrao. He likewise agreed to assign a jagir of ten lacs for the latter’s maintenance. This arrangement was ratified on the Dassara day (3 October, 1767), and dresses were exchanged in apparent reconciliation. After spending a few days at Anandvalli, the Peshwa and his uncle parted company.

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This agreement proved only a temporary truce. By it Raghunathrao lost the high position and influence he had so long wielded in the State, a humiliation which stung him severely. He immediately started his former intrigues with Nizam Ali, Haidar Ali, Damaji Gaikwad, Janoji Bhosle and others, upon whose attachment he had long counted. At this time the British mission under Mostyn arrived in Poona : Mostyn’s assistant Brome visited Raghunathrao at Nasik, had several interviews with him (from 19 December 1767), and promised him British help if he would take up arms against the Peshwa. When Madhavrao learned of these activities of his uncle, he felt extremely annoyed and regretted very much that he had not once for all dealt severely with the latter last September and finished him at a stroke. He again called up his forces and marched in the direction of Nasik. Damaji Gaikwad and Holkar’s Dewan Gangoba Tatya openly espoused Raghunathrao’s cause ; while Tukoji Holkar chose to remain neutral, but Mahadji Sindia came and joined the Peshwa.

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Raghunathrao had no male issue and he in order to lend colour to his cause, formally adopted on 19th April a boy from a different family and named him Amritrao. This meant that Raghunathrao had reverted to his former demand of a half share in the Peshwa’s dominion. This was an emphatic challenge to the Peshwa. Raghunathrao’s plan was to put off the campaign to a more suitable time after the rains : but the Peshwa refused to let him choose his own convenience. In May he rapidly moved in Raghunathrao’s direction giving him no chance to escape. The latter was found camping below fort Dhodap. When he heard of the approach of the Peshwa’s army, he lost his nerve and hastily took shelter in that hill fort, thus shattering the popular belief of his intrepidity as a soldier. Gopalrao Patwardhan and other lieutenants of the Peshwa dashed against Raghunathrao’s army and made a clean sweep of it on 10th June. From among Raghunathrao’s adherents Chinto Vithal was captured wounded and his brother Moropant was killed. Sadashiv Ramchandra saved his life by flight. Much booty in horses, elephants and material was secured. The Peshwa now demanded his uncle’s unconditional surrender. The latter had no alternative. He came down and surrendered his person and the fort. He was immediately made prisoner, taken to Poona and kept closely confined in the palace. It will thus be seen that this unseemly contest lasted intermittently for full seven years from June 1761 to June 1768; and the trouble and anxiety of it contributed to the break down in the Peshwa's health more than any other cause.

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Instead of following the Muslim practice of doing short work with opponents, the Peshwa behaved with unexampled generosity to his uncle. He was given all personal comforts and facilities during his confinement. Raghunathrao, however, did not take his defeat manfully. Trivial complaints constantly poured out from him, to enforce which he resorted to fasting, and other methods of self-torture. Reports came that he performed sunworship and incantations in order to encompass the ruin of the Peshwa. He maintained a large useless establishment of Pandits, musicians, Haridasas, in addition to a large body of servants and retainers along with a number of concubines. All this was intended to spite the Peshwa by compelling him to bear the enormous expense. Raghunathrao's ambition in life was to shine forth as the legitimate Peshwa, which he could not fulfil during Madhavrao's regime. When after three years of confinement the latter felt his end was near in March 1772, he sent for his uncle, begged him most earnestly to forget the past and take care of his young brother Narayanrao after he was gone. But this tragic and solemn appeal failed to create in Raghunathrao any lasting sentiment either of duty or of affection. He did not scruple to create fresh trouble for the Peshwa and disturb his peace in death. On 6th October 1772, that is, six weeks before the Peshwa's death, Raghunathrao effected his escape from the Poona palace, and began to collect troops in order to seize the Peshwaship. He was immediately pursued, captured once more at Tulapur, and sent back to confinement.

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The Maratha State had fallen on evil times. The Chhatrapati's house collapsed after Shahu's death. The Peshwa's house was about to suffer a similar fate after the third Peshwa's death. Fortunately his son Madhavrao came to its rescue, although he had to waste years of precious life in overcoming the mischief in his own family. This domestic feud did not fail to affect the other members of the State, viz., Sindia, Holkar, Gaikwad and Bhosle, who were now its four main props, and whom the same evil contagion affected in a greater or less degree. The first two have been incidentally dealt with in the foregoing nar rative. The last two deserve a special mention. We shall first deal with the Bhosle of Nagpur.

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3. Bhosle brought to obedience.—This family from the beginning showed an unwillingness to submit to the Peshwa’s authority and never realized that under the political circumstances of the times, they could not maintain their own individual existence without the support of the central Government. They were ever ready to take advantage of the Peshwa’s difficulties and could not be depended upon in a case of emergency, a tendency which the spirited Peshwa was not going to tolerate. In the year 1766 Janoji Bhosle was humbled after a short campaign and was let off lightly on account of Raghunathrao’s intercession on his behalf. Janoji, however, succumbed to the wicked advice of his minister Dewajipant and started his old game of intriguing against the Peshwa and violated the agreement contracted in 1766. Some two years passed and the Peshwa after disposing of his uncle at the battle of Dhodap in June 1768, decided to teach a severe lesson to Janoji who had coquetted with the Peshwa’s enemies. Madhavrao sent for the Nagpur minister Dewajipant for a personal visit at Poona. The latter refused to obey the summons and avoided a meeting with the Peshwa, but at the same time conducted informal intrigues with Raghunathrao and the British detrimental to the Peshwa’s authority. On 21st September Madhavrao wrote to Janoji, “Your agent Chimnaji Rukmangad has come and offered an explanation on your behalf, but I want Dewajipant here at once for settling our dispute.” He again wrote a month later calling upon both Janoji and his minister peremptorily to come and meet him. When this stern warning fell upon deaf ears, the Peshwa at once opened hostilities against Bhosle and marched upon his territory through Berar and threatened to capture Nagpur itself. Dewajipant realized the peril he was running into and came to meet the Peshwa in Berar. He was at once put under arrest, a step which irritated Janoji all the more.

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The Peshwa had organized a strong expedition under Ramchandra Ganesh to be despatched to the north. He now diverted these forces and ordered that general to fall upon Nagpur, and ravage the Bhosle’s territory. Gopalrao Patwardhan who had been asked to move into the Karnatak was immediately recalled and an all round offensive opened against the Bhosle brothers. In response to the Peshwa's request for military help, Nizam Ali despatched his forces under his minister Ruknud-daula with Ramchandra Jadhav supporting him. Thus reinforced the Peshwa began aggressive movements in the Bhosle raja's territory and captured the fort of Amner without much effort. He did not thus take long to seize the Bhosle possessions of Berar right up to the river Wardha. Early in January 1769 the Peshwa marched upon Nagpur and Ramchandra Ganesh reduced Bhandara. A severe action was fought on 10th January at Panchgavan near Akola, in which Narahar Ballal Risbud an able commander of the Bhosles was killed.²

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² P. D. 20. 200-210 and 224.

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All this while Diwakar Pandit from his confinement in the Maratha camp managed to conduct intrigues with his master, communicating to him vital information and directing plans and measures for overcoming the Peshwa. Acting on this advice Janoji who had formed his base at Chanda and being unable to meet the Peshwa's strength with his small force, had adopted guerilla tactics, gave out that he would march upon Poona, liberate Raghunathrao and instal him in the Peshwa's seat. He crossed the Godavari and began mercilessly ravaging the territories of his opponents. Madhavrao was compelled to give up his objective of reducing Chanda and hurriedly despatched Ramchandra Ganesh and Gopalrao Patwardhan in pursuit of Janoji to prevent him from reaching Poona. For three or four days during February Poona was in great alarm and confusion on account of the false reports spread by Janoji. The Peshwa took prompt measures for counteracting these reports and relieving the people of unnecessary fears.

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Janoji was hardly able to make good his words. After crossing the Godavari, he began plundering the Nizam's possessions in the vicinity of Bhalki and Medak. But he was closely pursued by Ramchandra Ganesh and Gopalrao, and was so harassed that his troops had actually to starve during a vexatious running fight which continued over long distances throughout the month of March. Janoji came gradually to be surrounded in the region of the middle Godavari and was compelled to save himself by seeking shelter in the forests of Chinur situated in the Andhra country. Writes Haripant Phadke on 13th March, “The Peshwa arrived yesterday at Kanakapur on the north bank of the Godavari. Janoji is hiding in the jungles of Chinur about 60 miles eastwards. Gopalrao is at Brahmeshwar.” At this stage Janoji’s brother Mudhoji joined the Peshwa, realizing that the former was now in a helpless situation. The exhaustion of both the parties induced them to seek a termination of their hostilities by coming to a mutual accommodation. Gopalrao acted as the mediator. The Peshwa addressed a conciliatory appeal to Janoji expounding the brilliant prospect of a joint national endeavour, and inviting him to a personal interview. The Peshwa’s magnanimous offer did not fail to evoke a graceful response from Bhosle, as they both came to realize the wisdom of serving the Maratha State, forgetting the past and sincerely co-operating for the national interest. The Peshwa gave his sacred word in the name of his revered father and his family deity, that he would wholeheartedly and sincerely exert himself in promoting the highest good of the State. The Peshwa sent his emissaries to fetch Janoji, and when he arrived he was welcomed at some distance on 18th April by Moroba Phadnis and Haripant Phadke on behalf of the Peshwa. On 24th April the Peshwa and Bhosle met in a grand ceremony of enthusiastic reception near Mehkar and held cordial discussions, in which Nizam Ali’s representative Rukn-ud-daula fully participated.⁴

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⁴ P. D. S. 20. 257, 258, 263, 264, 268-270, 274, 278. Ait. Patra-vyavahar 116-119.

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A treaty of mutual friendship was then drawn up and was ratified at Kanakapur or Brahmeshwar, places opposite to each other at the confluence of the two rivers the Godavari and the Manjra, where the two camps moved during the interval for convenience of food and water. The document contains 19 articles written in the form of demands and replies and amounting in substance to an agreement by Janoji, that he and his house would ever implicitly obey the Peshwa as the head of the Maratha State; that he would not increase the prescribed number of his army; that he would serve the Peshwa with five thousand troops whenever and wherever called upon to do so; that he would pay a tribute of 5 lacs yearly; and that he would conduct no intrigue against the State with any foreign power.⁵

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⁵ Ait. Patr. 117-119.

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It was discovered during these long drawn transactions that the root cause of the Peshwa-Bhosle trouble was the mischief created by Dewajipant, who was declared to be an undesirable character unworthy of trust. The Peshwa convinced Janoji how dangerous it was to keep him in his service. Janoji at the instance of the Peshwa kept the Pandit closely confined. All this happy result however came to be nullified when the Peshwa and Janoji were both dead. Diwakar Pandit was set free and resumed his old intrigues to the detriment of the Maratha State. History records how he played into the hands of Warren Hastings.

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This war of short duration between the Peshwa and the Bhosles of Nagpur and its happy termination mark the signal triumph of this Peshwa’s policy at once stern and conciliatory, which brought into closer union several disaffected members of the Maratha State. An attempt was for the first time made to define clearly the relations between the Central power and its feudatory members. The treaty of Kanakapur marks a distinct departure from the previous policy of appeasement and corruption. The Peshwa reached this consummation by slow stages, in which he first made his neighbour Nizam Ali a friend and disarmed his uncle’s power of mischief.

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4. Damaji Gaikwad’s death.—The Gaikwads of Baroda, the Bhosles of Nagpur, the Sindias and the Holkars were now left as the four principal subordinate vassals, upon whom the Peshwa depended for the defence of the Maratha State, so that the history of these four houses also forms an important part of this Peshwa’s distinguished administration. Of all these Damaji Gaikwad was the most shrewd and circumspect, avoiding both the extremes—either strong attachment to the Peshwa or open defiance. The test of his loyalty came when a fierce war raged between the Peshwa and his uncle during 1768. Damaji mainly devoted his energies to consolidating his power in Gujarat, extending his boundaries up to Palanpur in the north, and Dwarka in the west, and carefully avoiding participation in the domestic dispute of the Peshwa’s house. He had long worked under R’rao and been associated with him in many campaigns, so that it was difficult for Damaji to disobey Raghunathrao when called upon to help him. But during 1767 and 1768 Damaji was in declining health and shrewdly avoided taking sides in the civil war. He had toiled for forty years and greatly helped in extending and resuscitating the fortunes of the Maratha State in Gujarat and Kathiawad. Damaji died at Baroda on 18th August 1768, leaving four sons Sayaji, Govindrao, Fatesinh and Manaji who all took part in the subsequent history of the Marathas. The usual succession disputes started between these brothers, and thereby weakened their position. On 21st December 1768, Madhavrao addressed this stern rebuke to Fatesinh. “It is reported you are quarrelling with your brothers and on that account damaging the interests of your possessions and estate. We cannot tolerate any disturbances of this kind and have sent Appaji Ganesh with orders to take charge of the state, and conduct the administration independently of you. Please hand over the management to him and repair immediately to Poona for whatever representation you may have to make. Govindrao is already here and in the presence of you all we shall decide your dispute ; and our decision will be binding upon you all. No excuse will be accepted. It is our duty to decide who is fit and who is unfit among you all. We won’t allow any mischief to be created. If you have any regard for your interest, you must implicitly obey this summons and act without hesitation. If you disobey you will have to suffer heavily. Please take heed and act.”

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This eloquent letter illustrates the Peshwa’s passion for doing impartial justice to the members of the State and his desire to enforce his commands. During the war with Raghunathrao Damaji had sent his son Govindrao with a contingent to help him. For this delinquency the Peshwa imposed a fine of 23 lacs on Govindrao and appointed him Damaji’s successor on payment of a nazarana of 27 lacs in addition. Thus Madhavrao was the only Peshwa who understood the weakness of the Maratha constitution and who exerted himself to the utmost to remedy the evil.

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5. War with Haidar ‘Ali renewed (1767-1772).—The Peshwa had returned to Poona during the monsoon of 1765 after re-establishing Maratha sway over the region between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra. During the mid-sixties of the eighteenth century the Marathas, the British, the Nizam and Haidar Ali were the four powers contending amongst themselves for sway over peninsular India, some trying to form alliances with another in order to get the better of the others. Madhavrao was anxious first to finish Haidar Ali before attending to the English aggression in the north. During 1766 he made friends with Nizam Ali so as to prevent him from joining either his uncle or Haidar Ali. Towards the end of 1766 he first despatched Gopalrao Patwardhan to the Karnatak and himself followed him soon after by the eastern route, capturing Surapur, Raichur and Mudgal. Thereupon he exacted tributes from the chiefs of Kanakgiri, Advani, Bellari, Karnool, Chitradurg, Devdurg and Raidurg, and prepared to march against Shrirangapattan, the principal seat of Haidar Ali. The Peshwa was in high spirits at this time with a number of able diplomats and generals helping him. While camping at Devdurg in January 1767 he held an unexpected inspection of the number of troops and their equipment belonging to the chiefs serving in the campaign. After the inquiry he severely punished the delinquents with the result that thereafter complete discipline prevailed in his camp without any room for irregularity or fraud. In February the Peshwa captured the strong fort of Shira from Haidar Ali's possession. Nizam Ali and his son came and joined the Peshwa here against Haidar Ali. The Nawab of Shira and Mir Reza, one of Haidar Ali's principal chiefs, came over to the Maratha service.

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On 4th March the fort of Madgiri was captured in one day, a performance which very much impressed the enemy. The Rani of Bednur and her son who were Haidar's prisoners in this fort, were liberated and sent to Poona for protection.

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Now only two places, Shrirangapattan and Bednur remained in Haidar Ali's possession to which the Peshwa next directed his attention. This move so paralysed Haidar, that he sent his agents humbly seeking terms and agreeing to surrender all the territory in the Karnatak that the previous Peshwa Nanasaheb had possessed. About this time Raghunathrao, highly discomfited in his northern expedition, again started trouble at Poona which obliged the Peshwa to return, accepting the terms offered by Haidar Ali, instead of finishing him completely. While the Peshwa was in the Karnatak the British Government of Madras made overtures to him for his co-operation against Haidar Ali and sent their agent Lt. Tod to arrange a friendly treaty. But knowing how dangerous it was to take foreign help for putting down one's enemy, the Peshwa wisely rejected the British offer. Tod thus reported to his superiors, "I blush when I think the degree of contempt I was treated with considering my station and those I represented. Nevertheless I kept my temper and showed as little sign of disgust as possible." Madhavrao concluded a separate peace with Haidar Ali and went to Poona, having established a high position for Maratha arms and prestige in the minds of his rivals.⁶

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⁶ *Haidar Ali* by N. K. Sinha, p. 107.

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During the next two years the Peshwa, as has been explained before, was involved in wars first against his uncle and then against Janoji Bhosle, so that he had no leisure to direct his attention to Haidar Ali till the closing months of 1769. This interval (1767-69) enabled Haidar Ali to recover much of the lost ground and resume authority over some of the chiefs who had previously become Maratha tributaries. He had humbled Murarrao Ghorpade and the Nawab of Savanur. The Peshwa was therefore required to begin over again all the work that had been previously accomplished. He stationed Gopalrao Patwardhan for the protection of Savanur and himself marched straight against Shrirangapattan. Haidar Ali remained under cover of the forests of Bednur, resorting to the same old tactics as in the previous years. Nizam Ali and Murarrao Ghorpade both joined the Peshwa in February 1770, as also most of the other Palegars. The fort of Bahirogad covering Bangalore, and those of Devraidurg and Kolar were captured.

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On 30th April while fort Nijgal was being stormed, the Peshwa’s brother Narayanrao received a wound in his hand, fortunately not very serious. After all the Peshwa’s strenuous effort, he could not accomplish much as the season was advanced, and the premonitions of his fatal malady compelled him once more to retrace his steps to Poona, leaving further operations to Trimbakrao Pethe.

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Towards the end of 1770 the Peshwa again started for the Karnatak, but was compelled by his severe ailment to turn back from Miraj. For two years from the summer of 1770 his commander Pethe accomplished much of the remaining work in the Karnatak, with the co-operation of the Patwardhans. During the rains of 1770 Haidar Ali suffered several reverses at the hands of Pethe. Heavy artillery was supplied by the Peshwa from Poona, along with fresh contingents of troops. Towards the end of 1770 Gopalrao Patwardhan who had been ailing for some time under the severe strain of years, became seriously ill and handing over the charge of the operations to his brother Vamanrao, returned home. He died at Miraj on 17th January 1771, deeply mourned by the whole nation.

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Trimbakrao relentlessly pressed the campaign against Haidar and inflicted upon him a crushing defeat in a battle near Shrirangapattan on 5th March 1771, which is known as the battle of Chinkurli or the Moti Talav. Several thousand of the enemy’s troops were slain and a large booty of animals and materials secured. Haidar Ali escaped with his life in disguise during the darkness of the night. Pethe at once followed him to Shrirangapattan, but the place was impregnable and no impression could be made against it for a long time. The rainy season of 1771 arrived and the Marathas, encamped at Moti Talav, continued operations in various directions, inflicting severe reverses upon the enemy at many different places. But Haidar Ali too went on tenaciously opposing the Marathas and holding his ground with courage and fortitude. It was a difficult job for Trimbakrao. For three years continuously the Maratha troops had been out on field service, wearied by constant campaigning and now extremely impatient to go home. In the mean time alarming news arrived of the increasing illness of the Peshwa at Poona, which depressed every body.

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Haidar Ali too was no less wearied and his only hope now lay in the report of the Peshwa's severe illness threatening his life. For some months he was negotiating with Pethe for terms : and when the latter received peremptory summons to return to Poona, he made the best bargain he could, concluded a treaty with Haidar, and returned in June 1772. Haidar Ali agreed to pay a fine of 31 lacs in cash and surrender a large part of the territory south of the Tungabhadra. That he could not finally destroy Haidar Ali's overgrown power, was the only regret that preyed on the dying Peshwa's mind at the end of his short but eventful career.