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History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v4.c61: Chapter XLI

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v4.c61

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English

Contents

Chapter XLI

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JAI SINGH'S INVASION OF BIJAPUR, 1665-1666.

§ 1. Causes of war with Bijapur.

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When appointing Jai Singh to the Deccan, Aurangzib had instructed him to punish both Shivaji and the Bijapur king. But the Rajput general had pleaded, "It would not be wise to attack both these fools at the same time;" and so, he had at first directed all his forces against Shivaji alone (H.A. 68 a). By the treaty of Purandar (June, 1665), the Maratha chief was shorn of two-thirds of his dominions and reduced to the rank of an obedient vassal. It was now the turn of Adil Shah to feel the weight of the Mughal arm.

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His faults were many. By the treaty of August 1657, he had bound himself to pay to the Emperor one krore of Rupees as indemnity and to cede Parenda fort with its dependent territory and the Nizam-Shahi Konkan; but he had taken advantage of the illness of Shah Jahan and the consequent war of succession to evade the fulfilment of his promise. True, at Aurangzib's grand coronation he had presented 8½ lakhs as part of his tribute and in January 1665 he had handed over seven lakhs of Rupees in cash and six caskets of jewels to the Mughal envoy at his Court. But these amounted to only a small fraction of the total indemnity and he still delayed the delivery of the promised fort and territory. In November 1660, the Mughals had, no doubt, gained possession of Parenda, but it was effected in despite of Adil Shah and only by bribing his local governor.

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The Bijapur king, when opening his great attack on Shivaji in 1660, had solicited co-operation from the Mughal Government, promising to pay a further subsidy. The Emperor had agreed, and Shaista Khan's attack on Shivaji's forts at the time had made a useful diversion in favour of the Bijapuris, and Adil Shah had in consequence succeeded in recovering Panhala, Pawangarh and many other forts from the Marathas. But Ali Adil Shah II. failed to pay the promised subsidy and even went so far as to claim that it was *he* who had assisted Shaista Khan (by sending an army into Adil-Shahi Konkan against Shivaji) and got from the Khan a promise that ten *lakhs* of his old war indemnity would be excused as the price of this assistance!

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During Jai Singh's recent campaign against Shivaji, the Bijapur Sultan had no doubt sent an army under Khawas Khan to co-operate with the Mughals. But Jai Singh's mind was never free from the fear of a treacherous move by these pretended allies, and he accused the Bijapuri general of fighting against the Marathas in a slack and half-hearted manner. "Adil Khan in his folly played false with me. He outwardly sent an army into Shiva's territory; but as he considered the utter destruction of Shiva to be harmful to his own interests and wished Shiva to stand as a wall between the imperial troops and the Bijapuris,—he made a secret alliance with the Maratha chief and helped him with lands, money, and other requisites. He also induced the king of Golkonda to enter into this policy and send money to that infidel, while he was all the time sending letters breathing loyalty to the Emperor." (A.N. 910-913, 397; H.A. 66a, 79a, 70a; B.S. 399-401).

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The truth of the matter is that never since the reign of Akbar did the Mughal Government once abandon the ambition of annexing the Deccan, and the Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda could never forget this cardinal fact of 17th century Indian politics. They, therefore, naturally looked round for allies, and after 1663 found in Shivaji their only efficient bulwark against the Mughals. It was impossible for them to enter heartily into any plan for "rooting Shiva out."

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The aim of the Mughals is clear from Jai Singh's secret despatch to Aurangzib: "The conquest of Bijapur is the preface to the conquest of all Deccan and Karnatak." The war with Shivaji being over, the vast Mughal army assembled under Jai Singh's command was standing idly, and profitable employment had to be found for it. An invasion of Bijapur offered the best means of doing this. (H.A. 90a, 74a; A.N. 913.)

§ 2. Jai Singh's diplomacy and intrigues before war: desertions from Bijapur.

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Jai Singh's clever diplomacy prepared the ground in advance of the coming struggle. His first task was to detach Shivaji from Bijapur and, indeed, to throw a bone of perpetual contention between the two. With this view, in the treaty of Purandar he offered to Shivaji the Bijapuri coast-strip and uplands of the Western Ghats for a price of 40 lakhs of hun (or 2 *krores* of Rupees). Shivaji was to wrest these tracts from the control of Bijapur, and the Emperor agreed to confirm him in possession of them for ever. A threefold gain was expected by Jai Singh from this shrewd stroke of policy: first the acquisition of two *krores* of Rupees, secondly the alienation of Shiva from Bijapur, and thirdly, relieving the imperial army of the arduous task of campaigning in these two broken and jungly regions by throwing that work on Shivaji's shoulders. In return, the Maratha chief promised to assist the Mughals in the coming war by furnishing 2,000 cavalry of his son Shambhuji's contingent and 7,000 expert infantry under his personal command.*

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Jai Singh also intrigued with many other zamindars of Bijapur and sent to them letters for seducing them from loyalty to their legitimate sovereign and offering them service under the Mughal Emperor. When Adil Shah protested against this conduct, Jai Singh replied that it had always been the practice of Mughal viceroys to grant letters of conciliation to all who solicited their favour. The zamindars of the Karnatak and the Abyssinian mercenaries who had established themselves in the Karnul district (south of the Raichur Doab) in almost open independence of the king of Bijapur,—were invited with tempting offers of reward to join Jai Singh. He also wrote to the Abyssinians of Janjira to unite with him, promising them enrolment in the Mughal peerage and other benefits, though he secretly plotted with his master to contrive their destruction and the annexation of their territory to the empire. (H.A. 77b, 79a.)

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∗ H.A. 70 a, 81 a. This shrewd deal in (as yet unconquered) land is thus described by the Bijapur historian: "Shiva, despairing of help from Bijapur (against the Mughals), made peace with Jai Singh. The two infidels agreed together to invade Adil-Shahi territory. This nimak-haram hereditary servant, the worst of base-born traitors, undertook the work...Adil Shah was perplexed at the union of his neighbouring enemy with his external foe, because a thief who knows the secrets of the house can do a harm, the hundredth part of which no thief from outside can commit." (B.S. 404.)

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The old policy of seducing the ministers and generals of Bijapur was followed vigorously and with a lavish disregard of expenditure. As he wrote to prepare his master for the financial drain of the war, "As soon as our army enters the kingdom, many Deccanis will have to be enlisted in our service and every one of them will have to be supplied with money according to his rank, to enable him to arm and equip [his followers]. Expenditure of money will be necessary till the conquest of Bijapur, when our costs will be recovered, as I hope." (H.A. 74 b.)

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§ 3. Bijapur King deceived by Jai Singh: Mulla Ahmad joins the Mughals.

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Mulla Yahia, an Arab of the Navaiyat clan settled in Konkan, and now an officer in the Emperor's service, was the intermediary in corrupting Bijapuri officers like Randaula (surnamed Rustam-i-Zaman), Abbas, &c. But the most eminent of these deserters was his elder brother Mulla Ahmad, who had held the second place at the Bijapur Court, being next to the prime minister, Abdul Muhammad. The whole of Konkan had been given to him as jagir. Jai Singh set a very high value on Mulla Ahmad's adhesion to the Mughal cause, because, as he wrote to Aurangzib, "During our recent war with Shiva, the Mulla had signally helped us by influencing Adil Shah to break off his friendship with Shiva, expel Shiva's agent from his Court, and send an army into Konkan to fight the Marathas. All other Bijapuri ministers had refused to urge this pro-Mughal policy on their master." The Mulla had secretly offered to quit Adil Shah's service and guide the Mughal operations against Bijapur, if the Emperor gave him a high post. Indeed, his ambition was to imitate the successful career of another foreign traitor in the Deccan, Mir Jumla of Golkonda, and for this he had been coquetting with the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan since 1661. (H.A. 82 a, 65 a.)

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Aurangzib agreed to create him a commander of Six Thousand and summoned him to the Presence. The problem now was, how could Mulla Ahmad leave Bijapur with his family without exciting the suspicion and incurring the vengeance of his master. Jai Singh, therefore, cunningly wrote to Adil Shah that as he had been ordered by the Emperor to investigate and settle the questions at issue between the Mughal and Bijapur Governments, the Sultan should send Mulla Ahmad, the chief of his nobles, to him to explain matters personally; and the refusal to send him would be regarded as a proof of Adil Shah's contumacy and provoke an invasion of his country. (H.A. 65 b—66 a.)

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Ali Adil Shah II., sincerely desirous of peace, sent Mulla Ahmad to Jai Singh to negotiate and remove all sources of difference between the two Powers. The Mulla thus got with his family beyond the reach of his master, interviewed Jai Singh near Purandar on 29th September, 1665, and was received with high honours. He was at once created a 6-hazari in the Mughal peerage, given two and a half lakhs of Rupees for his expenses, and two months later sent to Delhi. But he fell ill on the way and died at Ahmadnagar in the third week of December 1665. (A.N. 925; H.A. 72a, 76b, 80a.)

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Before opening the campaign, Jai Singh employed diplomatic trickery, of which he was a passed master, to throw Adil Shah into a sense of false security. To the Bijapuri envoy in his camp he pretended that he had received no order to invade Bijapur but only to settle the long-standing question of tribute unpaid. Besides making this false declaration, he "sent Rama (a man of Mulla Ahmad) and Govind Pandit (Muazzam Khani) to lull Adil Shah to sleep by means of smooth words and false stories of peace. If Adil Shah sends envoys to me, I shall demand an exorbitant tribute in one payment, the cession of fort Sholapur and other Nizam-Shahi mahals, Chincholi and other villages in the Bidar district, together with other hard terms which he cannot possibly accept." (H.A. 65 b—66 a.) Indeed, Jai Singh's secret correspondence fully bears out the Bijapur historian's statement.

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that "Adil Shah sent envoys to Jai Singh soliciting peace, but the Rajah, proud of his 70,000 troopers and numerous infantry, did not listen to his request, and invaded Bijapur." (B.S. 405.)

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In the meantime Jai Singh made himself secure on the Golkonda side. As he wrote to his master, "It is highly expedient to show imperial favours to Qutb Shah now, and to induce him to give up the idea of joining the Bijapuris. Therefore, I have made friendly and conciliatory overtures to him...... If the veil is withdrawn [from our real intention about him] and he despairs of peace with us, then he will be driven to ally himself with Adil Shah." (H.A. 72a.)

§ 4. Jai Singh's military resources and preparations.

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His diplomatic web having been thus subtly woven, Jai Singh collected the sinews of war. The imperial forces* under his banners numbered about 40,000 troopers, to which must be added local auxiliaries. Shivaji sent him 2,000 troopers whom his son as a 5-hazari was bound by the regulations to supply, and 7,000 expert infantry of his own. The Maratha contingent was commanded by Netaji Palkar, reputed in the Deccan as "a second Shivaji." Jai Singh thought that Shivaji could be more usefully employed in capturing forts and making diversions in other parts of the Bijapur territory than in accompanying the imperial army. He had the highest opinion of Shivaji's skill as a general and wrote to the Emperor; "In this expedition he can render very valuable services......His attendance in the present campaign is very necessary." Khafi Khan (ii. 192) also bears witness to Shivaji's usefulness, saying "Shiva and Netaji were noted masters and experienced hands in the art of capturing forts."

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∗ A.N. 988 gives Jai Singh considerably above 31,500 cavalry; Manucci (ii. 141) 50,000 horsemen; Dil. (p. 55) 61,000; B.S. (p. 405) 70,000 cavalry and many *ahsham*; Khafi Khan (ii. 191) 25,000 troopers. The Maratha contingent, H.A. 81a. Jai Singh's praise of the Maratha auxiliaries, H.A. 84b, 76b, 81a; also A.N. 1002.

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Before setting out on the campaign, the Rajah asked for 40 to 50 large pieces of cannon to be sent to him from the Deccan fortresses,—at least 30 pieces in addition to the seven already with him, as Bijapur was defended by the famous Malik-i-maidan and other artillery of long range and large calibre. The Chief of Imperial Artillery was requested to send him powder, shot and rockets in quantity sufficient for such an important undertaking. Imperial orders on the local officers were also solicited for the supply of provisions regularly during the whole campaign. (H.A. 64 b, 74 a.)

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He was impatient to begin the war. "Our army is sitting idle and the enemy are using this respite to strengthen themselves. The delay of a day now is equivalent to the loss of a year." (H.A., 74 a.) He knew that his success depended on attacking Bijapur by surprise before Adil Shah had time to make preparations for defence. He learnt from his correspondents at Bijapur that "the enemy's troops are disunited and quarrelling among themselves; the fort of Bijapur has no protective works, no materials or provisions for standing a siege; and as soon as the imperial army arrives in that tract most of the Adil-Shahi chiefs and officers will enter the imperial service, and this fact will bring Adil Shah down on his knees." (H.A., 85 a.)

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Such an opportunity must not be allowed to slip away. But Jai Singh could not move one inch without money. He had spent more than 22 lakhs during the three months' war with Shivaji and now (in October, 1665) his mansabdars' and artillerymen's salary was six months in arrears, and they were starving. Moreover, large sums would be needed in buying deserters from Bijapur as soon as the campaign opened. So, he pressed the Emperor to send him money quickly. (H.A., 74 b.)

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§ 5. Jai Singh starts against Bijapur.

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He had at first decided to start on 20th October. But "the treasure ordered from the provincial treasury of Malwa had not yet arrived, and there was no sign of its having even started." (H.A. 74.) At last on 12th November, twenty lakhs of Rupees reached him. Another ten lakhs was placed with the diwan of the Deccan at his call. Jai Singh immediately paid the salary due to his troops and started on the 19th from the foot of fort Purandar, and advanced rapidly without waiting for the arrival of the big guns and siege materials from Parenda. (H.A. 81 b—82 a, 85 a.)

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The imperial vanguard, consisting of 7,500 troopers, was led by the renowned warrior Dilir Khan with all the artillery of the army. In the Centre, 12,000 strong, rode Jai Singh himself, while the Right and Left wings were commanded by Daud Khan and Rajah Rai Singh Sisodia respectively, each at the head of 6,000 cavalry. Shivaji's contingent, 9,000 strong, formed the left of the Centre. In addition to the line of front skirmishers (qarawwal), the advanced reserve (iltimsh) and rearguard, there were two divisions for protecting the two flanks, who marched at a long distance parallel to the main army. (A.N. 988.)* Two days after the start, Abdul Muhammad Miana, an Afghan noble of Bijapur who had been disappointed at his cousin being preferred to the headship of his clan, came over to the Mughals. But the main body of Afghans in the Adil-Shahi service, with their chief Abdul Karim Bahlol Khan, remained loyal, and Jai Singh’s gain was slight. (A.N. 989; H.A. 82 b—83 a, 84 a.)

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∗ The campaign against Bijapur is given fully in A N 988—1021. The original despatches are H A 85a—93b (Jai Singh to Aurang-zib) repeated in 213b—215a and 231a—233a (letters of Udiraj) The Bijapur historian's narrative (B.S. 406-427) is incomplete, one sided and meagre in several points I cannot make anything of the vague references to this campaign (?) in Tankh-i Ali II (Probably the

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During the first month of the campaign Jai Singh’s march was an uninterrupted triumph. From Purandar to Mangalvide, a fort 52 miles north of Bijapur, the invaders advanced without meeting with any opposition. The Bijapuri forts on the way were either evacuated in terror or surrendered at call to Shivaji’s men who had been detached from Jai Singh’s army to capture them; Phaltan, 35 miles s. e. of Purandar was entered on 7th December. Thathora 13 miles south-west of Phaltan on the 8th, Khatav about a week later, and Mangalvide itself about the 18th. The invaders marched on, and then on 24th December had their first contact with the enemy, because the Bijapuri king had wisely concentrated all his forces near his capital and suffered the Mughals to penetrate unmolested thus far from their own frontier. In the night of the 24th, the Bijapuri scouts, in the favourite fashion of the Deccanis, fired rockets into the Mughal camp.

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¹ I.O.L. M.S. is corrupt or fragmentary.) First battle : H.A. 86b—87a, not in B.S. Second battle : H.A. 87, B.S. 409. Third battle : A.N. 998—999 only. Fourth battle : H.A. 93b, B.S. 410, Dil. 57. Fifth battle : H.A. 88, not in B.S. K.K. ii. 196 (full.) Storia, ii. 141 and Dil. 55—57, too short. For the events after 27th January 1666, Jai Singh’s letter-book and B.S. are entirely silent, and our only source of information is the Alamgir-namah. For the date of the first battle H.A. differs from A.N. by one day.

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§ 6. First battle, 25th Dec., 1665.

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Next day, a detachment under Dilir Khan and Shivaji marched ten miles from the imperial camp and fought a Bijapuri army of 12,000 men under the famous generals Sharza Khan and Khawas Khan and their Maratha allies, Jadav Rao of Kalian and Vyankaji the half-brother of Shivaji. The Deccanis evaded the charges of the heavy cavalry of Delhi, but harassed them by their "cossack" tactics, forming four divisions and fighting loosely. After a long contest, Dilir Khan's tireless energy and courage broke the enemy by repeated charges, and they retired in the evening leaving one general and 15 captains dead on the field, and many flags, horses and weapons in the Mughal hands. But as soon as the victors began their return march, the elusive enemy reappeared and galled them severely from the two wings and rear. The Mughal rearguard, under Netaji bore the brunt of the attack and was pressed so hard and so incessantly that Jai Singh had to reinforce it strongly. The enemy were at last shaken off, after Jadav Rao had been shot dead. The Mughal loss, also, was heavy.

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A day earlier a capable general on the imperial side had been killed. Jai Singh had deposited his heavy baggage and other property in the fort of Mangalvide and placed a garrison there under Udit Singh Bhadauria as qiladar and Sarfaraz Khan as faujdar of the environs. At dawn, 24th December, Sharza Khan with 6,000 cavalry came to the fort by forced marches. Sarfaraz Khan, disobeying Jai Singh's instructions, sallied out to fight him and was slain. The remnant of his force fled back to the fort, and when the pursuing Bijapuris came within range of the fort guns, they were scattered with a volley from the walls.

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After a two days' stay, Jai Singh resumed his march on 27th December, and next day in the afternoon, when approaching the halting place, he heard of the enemy's presence in force a mile off. Leaving his camp under proper guard, he marched up and offered them battle. The Deccani horsemen, as usual, tried to envelop the Mughals, breaking into several loose bodies, each of which attacked its immediate opponent at the first sign of any weakness or disorder in the ranks of the latter. They began with a distant fire of rockets and matchlocks. But the Mughals, as was their wont, were eager to come to close grips, and charged gallantly with sword and spear, while the Deccanis gave way but kept up a Parthian fight for the six miles they were chased.

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§ 7. Jai Singh stopped near Bijapur.

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Next day, 29th December, Jai Singh arrived within 12 miles of Bijapur.* This was destined to be the furthest point of his advance, for here the first stage of the war ended and the second stage began, in which the Mughals were outnumbered and outmanœuvred by the Bijapuris, totally lost the initiative, and lived like a besieged camp as long as they continued in hostile territory. By this time Ali Adil Shah II.'s military preparations had been completed, all his vassals from far and near had gathered under his banners, a wise plan of combined defence and reprisal had been sketched, and his capital and its environs had been rendered impregnable to attack.

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The fort of Bijapur was now in a strong posture of defence. Its walls had been repaired, and large quantities of provisions and material laid in, and its regular garrison strengthened by 30,000 Karnataki infantry,—renowned for their fighting quality. In addition to this, the country round, for a radius of six miles, had been remorselessly laid waste ; the two large tanks of Nauraspur and Shahpur, each of which could have supplied the needs of an entire army, had been drained dry; all the wells in the environs had been filled up with earth; every building had been razed to the ground and every tree cut down, so that "not a green branch or shade-giving wall was left standing" to afford shelter to the invaders. At the same time a picked force under the noted generals Sharza Khan and Siddi Masaud had been sent off to invade the imperial dominions and create a diversion in Jai Singh's rear, while the main Bijapuri army hovered round that general's camp.

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∗ In Dil 56 and 199, the place is called Makhanah, which may be either Makhnapur, 10 m n of Bijapur, or, more probably, N a (g) than, 8 m n. n e. of the city.

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Jai Singh at once recognized that the chance of taking Bijapur by a coup de main was gone. And he was not prepared for a regular siege, as, in his eagerness "to grasp the golden chance [of attacking Bijapur while undefended and torn by domestic factions], he had not summoned big artillery and siege material from Parenda fort but had arrived near Mangalvide by rapid marches." And now his position was critical. Twenty thousand Bijapuris faced him in the open, while they could easily draw reinforcements from their capital. There was also a rumour, which soon proved to be true, that a large army was coming from Golkonda to the help of Adil Shah. "On account of the devastation of the environs of the fort, Jai Singh's army was faced not only with thirst, but also with starvation, as the pack-oxen of the grain-carriers (*banjaras*) accompanying the army could not get enough fodder and drink on the way." His council of war advised a retreat.

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§ 8. *Mughals begin to retreat, 5 Jan., 1666.*

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Therefore, when within 12 miles of Bijapur, Jai Singh decided to turn back in order to expel the enemy's raiding parties from the imperial territory. After a seven days' halt, which was marked by another running fight between the patrols on the two sides, the Mughal general began his retreat on 5th January, 1666, the Bijapuris hanging on his rear.* He reached Sultanpur (on the Sina), 16 miles south of Parenda on the 27th and halted there for 24 days. His intention was to rest between the forts of Sholapur and Parenda, leave his heavy baggage behind, and advance against Bijapur a second time with a lightly-equipped and mobile division.

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The news of his return march had an immediate effect: the Bijapuri division under Sharza Khan evacuated the imperial territory and joined the army under Abdul Muhammad (the wazir) which was following Jai Singh. But in this month of January, four great misfortunes befell the Mughals. First, when about the 12th, a brave Afghan captain named Sikandar (the brother of Fath Jang Khan) was convoying provisions material and munitions to the army of Jai Singh, a superior Bijapuri force under Sharza Khan slipped round Jai Singh and after covering 5 days' march in two days, surprised him at a place (Degaon, according to Dilkasha, 57) eight miles south of Parenda. To the enemy's invitation to desert to them, this loyal officer replied, "The only place where I can meet you is the battle field." Hopelessly outnumbered, he disdained to flee, dismounted, and fought with bow and sword, and then "with daggers and finally with his bare fists," till he was cut down. His son and some clansmen were picked up wounded and held as prisoners at Sholapur, and all his rich convoy was plundered. Jai Singh ascribed this disaster to the disloyal negligence of the commandant of Parenda.

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∗ Jai Singh's retreat from Bijapur starts 5th Jan. 1666—in five marches reaches the bank of the Bhima—battle of 11th Jan. (A N. 1000), halt for 4 or 5 days near Mangalvide—marches towards Parenda about 16th Jan.—battle of Lohri on the bank of the Bhima on 22nd Jan.—arrives at Sultanpur, 27th January. (H.A 233, 214b—215a) I cannot find Lohri in the Atlas, but there is a Laha 23 m s of Parenda. Or, it may be Bhosri, 9 m due west of Sultanpur. (Sh 39 S E)

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§ 9. Doings of Shivaji and Netaji.

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Then, on the 16th, Shiva who had at his own request been detached to make a diversion in the west by attacking fort Panhala, met with a dismal failure. Five days after parting from Jai Singh* on the bank of the Bhima, he had reached Panhala and assaulted it three hours before dawn. But the garrison were on the alert and a thousand Marathas fell down, killed or wounded. When the rising sun lit up the scene, Shivaji found it madness to continue the struggle, and retired baffled to his own fort of Khelna (Vishalgarh), 27 miles westwards. But his troops continued to ravage that quarter and succeeded in drawing and detaining there 6,000 Bijapuris under Siddi Masaud and Randaula Khan. (H.A. 84 b.—85 a.)

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About the 20th came the evil news that Netaji, Shivaji's chief officer, who was dissatisfied with his master probably at the inadequate recognition of his valuable services and gallant feats of arms, had deserted to Bijapur for a bribe of four lakhs of hun and led raiding parties into Mughal territory. Jai Singh could not afford to lose such a man, and so he lured him back (20th March) with many persuasive letters and the acceptance of all his high demands, viz., the rank of a 5-hazari, jagir in the settled and lucrative old territory of the empire (as distinct from the unsettled, ill-conquered and ever-ravaged new annexations in the Deccan), and Rs. 38,000 in cash. (H.A. 94 a.) For this offence the Maratha general had soon to make a severe atonement; he was suddenly arrested at Dharur (October 1666), sent to Delhi in chains, and there forced to embrace Islam as the only means of saving his life (February 1667.) [A.N. 987, 1009, 1021, 1033.]

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∗ "The unexpected failure before the fort of Bijapur gave rise to dissensions in the Mughal camp. The party hostile to Jai Singh, which was led by Dilir Khan, ascribed his ill success to the lukewarmness or treachery of Shivaji, and demanded that he should be imprisoned as a punishment. Jai Singh saw the danger in which Shivaji stood among the defeated and sullen Mughal soldiery. To send him out of the reach of his enemies he gladly accepted the proposal that the Marathas contingent should make a diversion in the western provinces of Bijapur. Dilir's design to murder Shivaji is attested by Manucci (ii 137) and the English Factory Records (My Shivaji and His Times, 3rd ed., p 130)

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The fourth misfortune of the Mughals was the sending of 12,000 cavalry and 40,000 infantry by the Sultan of Golkonda under his trusty eunuch Raza Quli (surnamed Neknam Khan) to assist Adil Shah. Arrived near Bijapur, they were welcomed by the wazir and passed in review before Ali, who received their salute from the Ali Burj. The two armies fraternized amidst grand rejoicings (about 31st January), and then they moved on Jai Singh from two sides, in order to crush him between them. (A.N. 1006; B.S. 413-414.)

§ 10. Jai Singh hard-pressed.

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Jai Singh's position was now extremely dangerous. Even before this doubling of the enemy's forces, his retreat from the environs of Bijapur had been molested and he had been able to move on only after fighting two battles on 11th and 22nd January, besides almost daily skirmishes by his foraging parties. The battle of Lohri, 22nd January, was very sanguinary, the imperialists losing 190 men slain and 250 wounded, besides many horses, while the enemy's casualties exceeded 400 slain and 1,000 wounded. (Cf. K.K. ii. 197.) The Right and Left wings of the Mughal army, under Daud Khan and Dilir Khan respectively, were attacked in succession by the mobile enemy in full force and had to be heavily reinforced, so that the Centre (under Jai Singh) was depleted. The enemy seized this opportunity to make an onset on the Rajah's person. But his Rajputs, under Harnath Chauhan and other leading officers of his own contingent, who formed his Van, after saluting him, gallantly dashed into the enemy's ranks, and desperately resisted them at close quarters. Harnath fell after receiving 21 wounds; and so also did most of his comrades; several other Rajputs were wounded. "The dead formed heaps on the field of encounter." The battle raged for six hours from 3 P.M. "The Deccanis tried their utmost, but at last fled with heavy loss." Thanks to the steadiness and co-operation of all divisions of his army, Jai Singh repulsed the enemy, chased them for four miles, and reached his own camp after 10 P.M.

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After fighting five such battles in less than a month (25 Dec.—22 Jan.), Jai Singh's army was clearly no longer fit for further exertions. So, he rested his men at Sultanpur for 24 days (27 Jan.—19 Feb.) But during this period the imperial dominions enjoyed no security. The Bijapur-Golkonda army, divided into four corps,—under Sharza, Khawas, Bahlol and Abdul Muhammad,—finding the field clear, raided in various directions. They attacked the forts of Khatav, Mangalvide and Kaliani, though unsuccessfully. The Mughals were demoralized. When (3 Feb.) on hearing of the siege of Mangalvide Jai Singh ordered Daud Khan and Qutb-ud-din Khan Kheshgi with his Right and Rear divisions to go to its relief, "these generals wasted some days in vain discussions, and when strongly pressed, they flatly refused to go unless the Left Wing under Rajah Rai Singh was sent with them. Jai Singh had no help but to consent to it." (Jai Singh to Aurangzib, *H.A.* 93 *a.*) At the approach of these three generals, the Bijapuris at once raised the siege (about 12th Feb.), and the Mughal detachment, after throwing money and provisions into the fort, returned to Jai Singh's camp (19th.)

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The raiding parties of Bijapur, under Bahlol Khan and Netaji, in the lately annexed Bidar-Kaliani districts (at the n. e. corner of the old Bijapur kingdom) could no longer be ignored. And, therefore, on 20th Feb. Jai Singh issued from his camp at Sultanpur and marched due east into the disturbed area.

§ 11. Jai Singh's campaign in the Bhima-Manjira region, Feb—June, 1666.

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The third stage of the war now began, which was to end with his retreat to Bhum, 18 m. n. e. of Parenda, early in June next. During these three months and a half Jai Singh moved about* in the small quadrilateral formed by the Bhima on the west and the Manjira on the east, the cities of Dharur in the north and Tuljapur in the south. In the course of this campaign, he fought four more bloody but fruitless battle like those described before; each time the Bijapuris were repulsed in the field and driven some distance off, but they were not crushed, and continued as before to hover round the Mughal camp, cut off stragglers and weak foraging parties, and stop the arrival of supplies. During this period, the forts of Dhoki (44 m. e. of Parenda), Gunjoti (20 m. e. of Naldurg), and Nilang (23 m. further north), were captured by the Mughals,—no very important gains, and Netaji returned to the Mughal side. A new plan of war was adopted in the middle of May: "As the elusive enemy could not be caught in one body, nor crushed once for all, but they scattered like quicksilver, and the imperialists who were encumbered with a camp and heavy baggage could not pursue them for any long distance,—therefore, Jai Singh decided to make his army more light and mobile, so as to be capable of following the enemy till a crushing blow could be inflicted. He took with himself only small tents and light kit and urged his officers to do the same and send all the baggage of the soldiers and camp-followers to Dharur (31 m. n. of Dhoki), where a strong garrison was left to guard them." (A.N., 1018.)

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On 16th May this light division started from the bank of the Manjira near Dharur, marched due south by Dharashev (13 m. s. of Dhoki), and after crossing the Sina encamped on the bank of the Bhima (probably at Sonda). But at this point the imperial army completely broke down and the campaign had to be abandoned. "The soldiers were exhausted by privation, long marches, and heavy loss of horses and transport animals. The rainy season was near, and the Emperor wrote to Jai Singh to return to Aurangabad, canton there for the monsoons, and send a part of his army to the jagirs of his officers, where they could live in (greater) comfort." (A.N. 1020.) So, a retreat was decided upon.

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Mangalvide was too far from the Mughal frontier and too isolated a post to be held easily; nor was it sufficiently strong to be defended in the absence of a protecting field army. Jai Singh, therefore, detached (24th May) Dilir Khan to remove the guns and material from the fort, distribute the grain and other property, burn whatever could not be carried away, and dismantle the fortifications. This was done, and the party rejoined him on the 30th. Phaltan had been deemed untenable and its Mughal garrison withdrawn as early as February last. It was then presented to Mahadji Nimbalkar, a son-in-law of Shivaji, and an officer of the imperialists. (A.N. 1020-21, 1007.) So, not a single place remained to the Mughals out of the gains of the first campaign.

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The return march northwards began on 31st May. Reaching Bhum (about 10th June), Jai Singh halted there for 3½ months, and then, on 28th September, started for the environs of Bir (37 m. n. of Bhum) where he stayed till 17th November, finally reaching Aurangabad on the 26th of that month. By the end of May when the Mughals began this final retreat, the Bijapuris too were exhausted. Their provisions had run short, their weapons were worn out, their country had been reduced to a wilderness, and their soldiers were at death's door. The Sultan of Golkonda also recalled his troops. Both the combatants were sick of the war, and longed for peace; and negotiations were reopened. The Bijapuris retired within their own frontiers when the Mughals did the same. (A.N. 1019.)

§ 12. Money loss of the Bijapur invasion.

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Jai Singh's invasion of Bijapur was a military failure. Not an inch of territory, not a stone of a fortress, not a pice of indemnity was gained by it. As a financial speculation it was even more disastrous. Only the most complete success could have justified such a costly adventure immediately after the war with Shivaji had thrown the pay of the Mughal army into arrears for six months. In addition to the thirty lakhs of Rupees from the imperial treasury, Jai Singh had spent more than a *krore* out of his own pocket. (*Dil.* 56.) His own letters prove that his avowed weapon for the conquest of Bijapur was gold, and he expected to win the kingdom by buying every Bijapuri captain at his own price. As he wrote to the Emperor, "It is necessary to detach three races from the enemy, *viz.* the Afghans, who form more than half the army of Bijapur, the Abyssinians (about 2000 brave troops), and the Mahdavi sect, foremost in raising tumult, more than 3000 horse. When these have joined us, the Bijapuri generals will be broken-winged and unable to carry out any exploit. Many of them should be given cash rewards and many jagirs in our old territory." (*H.A.* 90 *b.*) And, again, "As soon as our army enters this kingdom, many Deccanis will have to be enlisted in our service and every one of them will require money...Till the conquest of Bijapur, the spending of money according to expediency is very necessary." (*H.A.* 74 *b.*)

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At first Aurangzib had objected to such lavish expenditure on mere speculation and doubted whether the enterprise would not end in utter loss like the Balkh and Qandahar adventures of his father's reign. Jai Singh replied that Bijapur was not like those desert lands; after its conquest all the cost of the war would be recovered from the soil. Haji Shafi Khan, the diwan of the Deccan, used to object and delay in granting jagirs to the Bijapuri deserters; but Jai Singh complained to the Emperor against this obstructionist subordinate and had him removed from the province. (H.A. 91 a and Dil. 62.)

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Profuse as Jai Singh’s payments were, they were exceeded by the engagements he made on behalf of his master. Every petty Muslim captain or Maratha chieftain, who offered to desert from Bijapur, was promised a title and a high mansab in the Mughal service, besides a large cash bounty for equipping his retainers. (Dil. 62.) The number of the traitors thus recommended was so large, that the keeping of Jai Singh’s promises would have drained the imperial treasury more thoroughly than the failure of a campaign. Aurangzib in anger rejected all the Rajah’s recommendations after granting the first few.

§ 13. Emperor's displeasure with Jai Singh for his failure.

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As early as the beginning of January, 1666, when Jai Singh retreated for the first time, Aurangzib had censured him for his failure and asked him to show what he had gained with the vast army and treasure given to him. When Jai Singh’s second campaign produced no better result, he felt that he had fallen under his master's wrath, and that if this failure were not relieved, his lifelong devotion to the Mughal throne would be forgotten and he would be dismissed with every mark of ignominy. The unhappy general tried hard to retain the command of the Deccan army, so as to get another chance of retrieving his fame. He was troubled by Court news of the Emperor's angry remarks on him and of a talk about sending Prince Muazzam to the South to supersede him in the viceroyalty. He then besought his son and friends at Court to exert themselves to save him; he offered the prime minister a bribe of Rs. 30,000 for inducing the Emperor to let him continue as subahdar. But it was all in vain. (B.S. 415; H.A. 89 b—93 a, Jai Singh's explanation to Emperor; 195 a—196 b, Jai Singh to Ram Singh at Court.)

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The escape of Shivaji from Agra (August 1666) added to Jai Singh's troubles; he was held to be in some way responsible for the conduct of his son Ram Singh, who was more than suspected of having connived at Shivaji's flight. After Jai Singh's final retirement to Bir (October), he received orders to return to Aurangabad and on the 23rd March following (1667) he was recalled to Court and the viceroyalty of the Deccan was given to Prince Muazzam, assisted by Jaswant Singh. (A.N. 1037.)

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§ 14. Misery and death of Jai Singh, 1667.

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The Rajput veteran of a hundred fights made over charge to his successor at Aurangabad in May 1667, and bent his way towards Northern India in humiliation and disappointment. His brilliant career which had been passed under three Emperors and in which he had won laurels from Qandahar to Mungir and Balkh to Maharashtra, was clouded by a single ill-success at its close. Not a pice of the krore of Rupees of his own money that he had spent in the Bijapur war would be repaid by his master. Broken-hearted from disgrace and disappointment, and labouring under disease and old age, Jai Singh sank in death on reaching Burhanpur, on 2nd July, 1667. Like Walsingham of Elizabeth's Court, he died a bankrupt after serving too faithfully an exacting but thankless master.

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§ 15. Vindication of Jai Singh.

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Aurangzib refused to forgive Jai Singh the one failure of his life. But the Rajah had never a fair chance in this war. His army was hopelessly inadequate for the conquest of so large and rich a kingdom; his war material and food supply were sufficient for a month or two only, and he had no siege-guns. At the same time the power of the Bijapur State was unimpaired in contrast with its exhausted condition when Aurangzib himself captured its capital 19 years later. Its king was still able and energetic; its nobility laid aside their factious quarrels for the time being; and, in addition, Qutb Shah and many neighbouring zamindars joined Adil Shah against Jai Singh, as they "knew that the Mughal conquest of Bijapur would be the prelude to the conquest of all Deccan and Karnatak." (H.A. 90 a.) As Jai Singh rightly observed to Aurangzib, "Your Majesty knows how small Shivaji's territory is and yet how very long our troops had to fight against him (before achieving success.) Surely, a war against such a kingdom as Bijapur requires very great effort and organization (of resources.)"

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Small as Jai Singh's army was relatively to the task laid upon it, he was badly served by his subordinates. The couriers on whom he depended for news about the enemy's movements were "liars, pro-Deccanis and greedy of gain. The Bijapuris bribed them into betraying to them all information about the imperial army. In the Mughal camp itself they acted as the enemy's spies." (H.A. 89b.) Many of his officers were unreliable, and refused or delayed in carrying out his orders.*

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∗ For example, Daud Khan used openly to condemn the war with Adil Shah as contrary to the Quran, wishing thereby to discourage the Muslim soldiery under Jai Singh (H.A. 190b.) The qiladar of Parenda negligently dispersed the banjaras collected

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(*Ibid.*, 93, 73*b*—74*a*.) And the imperial officers at the base did not keep his army regularly supplied with grain.

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Success under these conditions was not humanly possible. Jai Singh died, overwhelmed with loss, disappointment and public disgrace. But the best defence of his reputation as a general and diplomatist is the 18 months' siege and the employment of the entire resources of the empire under the very eyes of Aurangzib by which alone Bijapur was captured in 1686.

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Immediately after the death of Jai Singh, his secretary and favourite manager, Udairaj,—to whom we owe the valuable letter-book, *Haft Anjuman*,—went to the governor of Burhanpur and turned Muhammadan, to save himself from the persecution of the Rajah's followers. From this they suspected that he had brought about Jai Singh's death by poison.* Kumar Kirat Singh wished to avenge his father's death by dragging the renegade out of the governor's house and killing him with insult, but he found it impossible to molest a Muslim. (*Dil.* 63-64).

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by order of Jai Singh and the latter had very great difficulty in assembling again the 12,000 banjaras that he needed during his march. (93*b*.)

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∗ Manucci tells the bazar gossip that Aurangzib caused poison to be given to Jai Singh on the road (ii. 152), while Tod makes Kirat Singh the murderer of his father!