History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v4.c64.s9: § 11. Mughal siege of Ramsej fails.
History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v4.c64.s9
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§ 11. Mughal siege of Ramsej fails.
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Soon after this Aurangzib arrived at Aurangabad (22nd March 1682) and sent off Azam Shah and Dilir Khan to Ahmadnagar in the south, while Shihab-ud-din Khan with Dalpat Rao was sent to Nasik on the western frontier. The latter general took some small forts in this region and then (in April) laid siege to* Ramsej, 7 miles north of Nasik, and standing 3273 feet above sea-level. But it was defended by a gallant Maratha garrison under an expert qiladar, and the Mughals could make no impression on it. If we may believe Khafi Khan who was present at the siege, the fort had no iron cannon, but the garrison hollowed out trunks of trees and fired leather missiles from them "which did the work of ten pieces of artillery."
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∗ The gossipy Khafi Khan tells us (ii 282) that as Shah Jahan
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Siege trenches were dug and mines run, but with no success. At last Shihab-ud-din decided to raise on a hillock near the fort a wooden tower large enough to hold 500 musketeers. With incredible labour and cost it was built up storey by storey till it overtopped the fort-tower opposite. (Dil. 176.)
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In May, hearing that Rupaji Bhonslé, and Manaji Moré were coming with a relieving army, the Khan advanced and checked them near Ganeshgaon (11 miles west of Nasik), though he lost 500 horses in the battle. [Jedhe S.]
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Learning that the siege was protracted and a large Maratha force was coming to raise it, the Emperor sent Khan-i-Jahan to reinforce the besiegers. But even he could achieve no better success, though he tried feints and even magic. (K. K. ii. 282-'83.)
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had very easily captured this fort and its fall had been a happy omen of the speedy fall of all other forts in the neighbourhood in 1636, Aurangzib ordered Ramsej to be besieged first out of superstition.
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The Emperor was displeased, and about the end of May he sent a *sazawwal* (bailiff) to the siege-camp to compel his generals to deliver an assault. (*M.A.* 219). One night Khan-i-Jahan tried a secret escalade on one face, while he made a noisy false attack with all his fire-arms on the opposite face of the fort. But the defence had seen through his trick and sat in grim and silent preparation at both points. The Mughals in trying to climb the hillside were assailed by a shower of stones, burning grass roofs, and old quilts steeped in naphtha and set on fire. The few who had mounted the ladders were brained. At last the Khan retired with heavy loss. A second attack, delivered by Shihab-ud-din, fared no better, his second in command, Dalpat Rao, being wounded with a stone. (*K. K.* ii. 283, *Dil.* 177.)
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The Mughals gained two minor successes. On 20th May, a foraging party under Sharif Khan was attacked by the Marathas near Aurangabad, but returned after inflicting a heavy loss on them. (*M.A.* 218). Hambir Rao arrived with 18,000 infantry to raise the siege of Ramsej, but he was put to flight with the loss of 2,000 men. (Karwar Occurrences, 30th July 1682, in *F.R. Surat* 108.)
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§ 12. Aurangzib's vigorous efforts.
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Aurangzib's spirit was now up. He decided on extensive operations against the Marathas. As the English at Karwar write, "He is so inveterate against the Rajah that he hath thrown off his pagri and sworn never to put it on again, till he hath either killed, taken, or routed him out of his country." (30th July 1682.) The Bijapur Sultan was offered a large subsidy if he would co-operate with his forces by invading the Maratha kingdom from the south, i.e., from Miraj. But a real concert with Bijapur was impossible. Shambhuji was popularly reported to have sent an ambassador to Adil Shah desiring to be taken under his protection. The latter demanded the restoration of Panhala, a price which Shambhuji was unwilling to pay. (Ibid.)
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Assistance from Bijapur being a vain hope, Aurangzib turned to his own resources. From his centre at Aurangabad he sent Ruhullah Khan (23rd May) and later Muizz-ud-din (28th Sep.) to defend the Ahmadnagar district, while Prince Azam was sent towards Bijapur (14th June) to overawe that State and prevent it from aiding or sheltering Maratha bands. From Nasik Shihab-ud-din Khan was transferred to Junnar (June), while Ranmast Khan, the able lieutenant of Khan-i-Jahan, was promoted to the command of an independent army corps (Sep.) and ordered to invade Konkan. In July-August excessively heavy rainfall for a month together suspended active operations for a time.
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Khan-i-Jahan continued the siege of Ramsej for some months more, delivered another assault which failed, and then gave up the siege after burning down the wooden tower built with so much labour and cost. The exultant Marathas crowded the walls, beating their drums for joy and taunting the retreating Mughals in the foulest language, (October 1682.)*
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As commanded by the Emperor, Khan-i-Jahan guarded the Mahajat pass while Ranmast Khan crossed it and entered Konkan and occupied Kalian, late in Nov. 1682. Rupaji Bhonslé and the Peshwa opposed him to no effect, though they fought many battles with heavy slaughter. In the meantime a Maratha band had appeared near Nasik, and Khan-i-Jahan had to hasten there and chase them back. In the course of this pursuit he approached
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[^ *]: Khafi Khan adds that a third general, Qasim Khan Kirmani was sent there to retrieve the imperial prestige but he too failed to capture Ramsej. Subsequently, after Shambhuji had rewarded the brave qiladar and transferred him to a higher post, the Mughals bribed his successor and gained the fort (ii 284). [^ †]: The Mahaje pass is 23 m. n. w. of Nasik and 9 m. n. e. of Peint. Three miles south of it is the much better Sawal pass which joins Peint and Dindori. I do not understand why the Mughals should have chosen this route unless it was to sack Peint. They could have avoided the march through the hilly country from Peint to Kalian if they had descended into Konkan by some pass further south such as the Tal ghat. Was it to guard the northern road from Raigarh to Surat and intercept Akbar who was talking of making a dash on Surat?
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Aurangabad (20th Jan. 1683), but the Emperor sternly refused him audience and ordered him to join Prince Muizz-ud-din who was marching eastwards from the Ahmadnagar district to Nander and Bidar on the heels of a Maratha force rumoured to be commanded by Akbar in person. (M.A. 224; Dil. 178.)
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The Khan united with the Prince's force at Ramdoo, on the Godavari, 25 miles s. of Aurangabad, and pushed on eastwards to Nander. Thence the division went to Bidar, 86 m. due south. But learning that the imperial elephants out grazing near Pathri (57 m. w. of Nander) were being carried off by the Marathas, Khan-i-Jahan hastened back from Bidar, sent his baggage back to Nander from Lasona (20 m. w. of that city), and by forced marches overtook the raiders and rescued the elephants after a long running fight, which carried him to the frontiers of Chanda and Golkonda. Then he encamped at Kamtan, 6 m. s. w. of Bidar. (It was a highly creditable feat.) During this campaign the troops had to bear great hardship; even the general had no tent; only the coarsest food could be procured, and at every stage many of the men straggled behind. (Dil. 178—180.)
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Ranmast Khan's army held Kalian for some months and was victualled by the Mughal fleet from Surat, (Dec. 1682.) Later (March 1683) Ruhullah Khan came with a division from the Court and reinforced him. (M.A. 227; O.C. 4889.)
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Hasan Ali Khan, who seems to have been posted at Bahadurgarh, moved in the Parenda district in pursuit of the enemy. Early in 1683 he had a fight with them at Phaltan and was wounded.*
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At the end of December 1682, Prince Azam had a severe encounter with the Marathas. On 14th June he had been ordered to march out of Ahmadnagar and invade Adil-Shahi territory. In the course of this campaign he took Dharur. Then he entered Shambhuji's territory and leaving his wife Jahanzeb Banu (popularly called Jani Begam) behind in his camp, with Rao Anurudh Singh Hada and his Rajputs to guard her, he advanced with his army further into the enemy's country. The Marathas, sending off one division to keep Azam engaged, suddenly threatened the Begam's camp in overwhelming force. (The heroic daughter of Dara Shukoh mounted her covered litter on an elephant, and advanced two miles from her camp to oppose the enemy on the way.) Although Anurudh and other officers, as well as her eunuchs, tried to dissuade her from leaving the shelter of the camp, she did not agree, but urged them to advance, saying, "The situation is critical. Leave off talking and turn to the work."
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∗ Dil 174 BS 528 The year and place (Bhib-án) of the battle are given by Basatin The place may also be Bhalavna, the Litho ed reads 'Almán (? Almala)
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Calling Anurudh Singh near her elephant she spoke to him in her own voice, "The honour of the Chaghtais is to the Rajputs the same as their own honour.* I call you my son." Giving them some spears with her own hand, she told them, "If God gives us victory with this small force, well. Otherwise, you may rest assured about me; I shall sit down after doing my work (i.e., committing suicide, in order to avoid capture.)" Then a great battle was fought. Nine hundred Rajputs fell on Anurudh's side, and many of the Marathas too. At last Anurudh gained the victory, though he was wounded. While the fight was raging, Jani Begam continued to send her eunuchs to present packets of betel leaf to every one of the Rajput captains individually in order to cheer them.
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After the battle she called the wounded Anurudh Singh to her side and comforted him, gave him her own necklace of pearls worth Rs. 40,000 (a recent gift from Aurangzib), and placed it round his neck with her own hands. Then, playing the music of victory, she returned to her camp.
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Azam, on his return from his expedition, was greatly pleased with his wife's heroism and the devoted valour of the Rajputs. [*Akhbarat.*] Then after some time spent on the bank of the Nira, he was recalled to Court in June 1683.
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∗ Sharm-i-Chaghtaia ba-Rajputia ek ast.
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§ 13. Failure of Mughal efforts: Emperor's distraction and suspicions.
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In March 1683, all the Mughal divisions operating against Akbar were recalled to the Emperor's side. Ruhullah and Ranmast Khan evacuated Kalian on 23rd March, after burning and razing to the ground the fortifications they had built round the city. The retreat was opposed by a Maratha army under Rupaji Bhonslé, who attacked the Mughal rear at Titvala (seven miles n. e. of Kalian), killing many men and carrying off a large number of horses. [*Surat to Co. 10 Apr. 1683 in F.R. Surat 91; Portuguese Records, Vol. 1, pt. 2, Trans.*] The Jedhe chronicle tells us that Rupaji captured the Rajput chief Padam Singh (son of Rao Karn), but "in the stress of the battle slew him and many other high officers." [*Dil. i. 172-3 wrongly puts the event a year earlier.*]
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The severity of the struggle by which Ruhullah had to extricate himself from that broken wooded region and make his way over the Ghats back to the Deccan plateau, is thus vividly described in a news-letter from the imperial Court: "After Ruhullah had descended into Konkan on the seacoast, he sighted the enemy and fired on them with rockets, one of which wounded and unhorsed the son of the enemy general, and the Marathas fled away leaving the son captive. Ruhullah had him nursed and cured, but the youth would not divulge his father’s name. The Khan declined an offer of two lakhs of Rupees made by the Marathas for his ransom.
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“Then the enemy returned with a force of 35,000 men and closed the roads and mountain passes. Ranmast Khan who was in the pass, had to stop there, unable to reach Ruhullah. Provisions were cut off from the Mughal army. Ruhullah won the Feringees over, gave them robes of honour and rewards and got some provisions by the sea in ships. Then the enemy tried to close the sea-route, too. Ruhullah’s force was 8,000 troopers on paper. To the Khan’s prayer for speedy reinforcement, the Emperor replied, ‘If he has 8,000 horse, he needs no reinforcement. He can secure an easy retreat by releasing the captive general’s son’.” [Akh.]
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Thus we see that for more than a year after his arrival in the Deccan, from November 1681 to April 1683, the Emperor accomplished nothing notable, in spite of his immense resources. In truth he was at this time passing through a domestic and mental crisis which has been entirely concealed by the Persian Court-historians. The unexpected rebellion of Akbar whom he loved most among all his sons, as he in one of his letters calls upon God to witness, had totally shaken his faith in his family, and he did not know whom to trust or where he would be safe. Hence his policy for some time after was hesitating, suspicious, watchful and seemingly capricious or self-contradictory.
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On 3rd April 1682, the Surat factors report that Aurangzib "hath with him a great army, with which he sits still and attempts nothing, being under great jealousies and fears, thinks himself hardly secure." On 31st August a false rumour is reported from Khandesh, "All the news that we have heard since our last is that Sultan Azam is revolted and sides with the Deccanis" [i.e., Bijapur.] Next year (10th April 1683) the Surat Council write, "All his forces that were against his son Akbar and Shambhuji Rajah he hath withdrawn, which was a sudden thing, and put several thoughts into all people." In May 1683 Aurangzib repeatedly proposed to go back to Hindustan, leaving either Khan-i-Jahan or Shah Alam or Azam in charge of the Deccan War. But they successively declined the onerous task, giving very sound reasons for doing so. Shah Alam replied that if Amir Khan, the able and successful subahdar of Kabul, was given to him as his second in command he could accept the viceroyalty of the Deccan, otherwise not. Amir Khan asked to be allowed to hold his Kabul viceroyalty by deputy while serving in the Deccan! [Jaipur records.]
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Again, on 19th June, it is reported in a Surat letter, "The Mughal is grown very crazy and his mind continually alters; his umaras generally much dissatisfied in him and if his days be not shortened, he will in all likelihood not live much longer. Sultan Akbar hath the good will of most." Still later (2nd Oct.) it is the same tale: "How the king's mind may alter we cannot tell. It is continually wavering and he is extraordinarily peevish and uneasy because of Sultan Akbar. Sultan Azam, Begam [i.e., Jahanzeb Banu] and Dilir Khan degraded for even nothing but only suspected, without any grounds, of being kind to Akbar, that all persons of quality stand on ticklish terms, are mighty careful." (F.R. Surat, 91.)
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Two years afterwards there were similar rumours again. On 18th July 1685, the Surat factors write, "We have frequent alarms here of all the Rajputs being in arms to assist Sultan Akbar &c., backed by many of the umaras dissatisfied to the king, who is very old, and in all appearance there will be great troubles on his decease." (F.R. Surat, 92.)
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So much we learn from the camp gossip recorded by the English merchants and more briefly by Manucci too. (Storia, ii. 259). The private memoir-writers in Persian tell us a little more. Bhimsen narrates, 'The Emperor felt a suspicion against Prince Azam who had been sent to Ahmadnagar, and he summoned the Prince and Dilir Khan to his presence.' They delayed coming, but with great insistence he made them come. Dilir fell under the Emperor's punishment.' (160.) Ishwardas (67) is more detailed. He tells us that the Prince paid a midnight visit to the tent of Dilir Khan, his chief officer, and spent four hours in private talk with him. Spies reported the incident to the Emperor, whose suspicion was roused, so that he removed the Prince from the command of the expedition and recalled all his officers to Court. The Prince in anger resigned all his posts, disbanded his army, and shut himself up in his house, refusing to see anybody. Then the Emperor visited him and pacified his mind with soothing words.' Dilir Khan The Emperor's anger against Shah Alam was said to have been due to that Prince's very great kindness towards Akbar and unwillingness to follow the ruthless policy of slaying him in battle or, worse still, bringing him in alive to undergo his incensed father's vengeance.