Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v5.c75: Chapter LII.

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v5.c75

Language
English

Contents

Chapter LII.

v5.c75.1

STRUGGLE WITH THE MARATHAS DURING 1695-1700.

§ 1. Qasim Khan marches against Santa Ghorparé.

v5.c75.s1.1

The Maratha captains infested various parts of Mughal Deccan in the usual manner throughout October and November, 1695. Early in November Santa was reported to be 'out' near Bhagdurg* (in the Bijapur district) and Dhana near Akluj, while other bands were roving in Junnar or threatening to penetrate to Berar and Khandesh. Soon afterwards Dhana marched with a large force from Satara, across the Krishna to Bhagdurg, and thence to the Madras Karnatak, where he propped up the Maratha cause by driving away Zulfiqar Khan from the siege of Vellore. [Z. S.] Santa, who had been looting the Bijapur district, vainly pursued by an imperial detachment under Himmat Khan south of the Krishna, now turned southwards to convey his rich store of plunder to his own estate in N. W. Mysore.

v5.c75.s1.2

Aurangzib, then encamped at Islampuri, ordered Qasim Khan, the able and active governor of the Sera country (western Mysore), to intercept the raiders. To reinforce Qasim Khan, he sent a detachment from his own camp under some of his highest younger officers,—Khanazad Khan (afterwards Ruhullah Khan II. and Lord High Steward), Saf Shikan Khan, Sayyid Asalat Khan and Muhammad Murad (the Paymaster of Prince Kam Bakhsh's army),—with a command of 25,000 men on paper but only 4,800 troopers in actual muster. It was, however, a very choice corps, being composed of men from the Emperor's guards and personal retinue and the contingents of the nobles who had to patrol round his tent on different days in the week (*haft chauki*), with artillery. They joined Qasim Khan about 12 miles from the Marathas' expected track, early in November. Santa, who had been roving at a distance, heard of his enemy's position and movements, came up with them by swift marches, and skilfully matured a plan for their destruction, which the luxury and thoughtlessness of the Mughal generals crowned with the most complete success imaginable.

v5.c75.s1.3

∗ The name as spelt in *Akhbarat* (5 and 15 Nov.) Probably Ramdurg, (75.20 E. 16 N.), near Torgal, between Bijapur and Dharwar. [*Ind. Atlas*, 41 N. E. Bombay Gaz. xxiv, 396.]

v5.c75.s1.4

Khanazad Khan was a Persian of the highest descent, being the son of the late Paymaster-General, Ruhullah Khan I, and great-grandson of the Empress Mumtaz Mahal's sister. With him had come some officers of the greatest influence and favour in the Emperor's personal circle. Qasim Khan rose to the height of hospitality required by guests of such a rank. Discarding the simple and light kit of a general who would wage war with the Marathas wisely, he brought out of his stores in Adoni fort, his 'showy articles, such as brand-new Karnataki tents, gold silver and China vessels of all kinds, etc., and sent them six miles ahead of his halting place to be kept ready for himself and his guests when they would arrive there at the end of the next day's march.' [M. A. 375.]

§ 2. Santa defeats Qasim Khan.

v5.c75.s2.1

But on that day doom overtook him in the person of Santa Ghorparé, who showed the highest tactical power in making his dispositions and moving his three distinct and scattered divisions so as to ensure the perfect timing of their movements and exact co-operation among them. He divided his army into three bodies, of which one was sent to plunder the Mughal camp, another to fight the soldiers, and the third was held in reserve ready for action wherever required. Barmappa Nayak, the zamindar of the Chittaldurg district, who bore a grudge against Qasim Khan for having been humbled by that general, now sided with the Marathas in the hope of a share of the spoils, and thus the Mughals were ringed round by enemies and cut off from all information. [M. A. 375, Dil. 117b.]

v5.c75.s2.2

An hour and a half after sunrise, the first Maratha division fell upon Qasim Khan's advanced tents (six miles to the front), slew and wounded the guards and servants, carried off everything they could, and set fire to the heavy tents. On the news of it reaching Qasim Khan, he hurried towards the point of attack, without rousing Khanazad Khan from his sleep or maturing any plan of concerted action. Before he had gone two miles, the second body of the enemy appeared in sight and the battle began. The noise awoke Khanazad Khan, who left his camp, baggage and everything else on the spot and quickly advanced to the aid of his friend. But the enemy's numbers were overwhelming, and they had a very large body of Kala-piada musketeers,—the best marksmen and bravest infantry of the Deccan,—in addition to their numberless mobile light cavalry. "A great battle was fought and many were slain on both sides. In spite of the steadiness of the imperialists and the destruction done by them, the enemy did not yield one foot of ground or show the least wavering. Then the reserve division of Santa fell upon the camp and baggage left behind and looted everything. This news reached Qasim and Khanazad in the heat of the battle and shook their firmness. They took counsel together and decided to go to the small fort of Dodderi* close to which their advanced-tents had been sent and where there was a tank. Fighting

v5.c75.s2.3

∗ Dodderi, 14° 20' N., 75° 46' E., in the Chittaldurg division of Mysore, 22 miles east of Chittaldurg, and 96 miles in a straight line south of Adoni. South of it stands a large reservoir.

v5.c75.s2.4

"The imperialists, giving up all plan of fighting, took the road to Dodderi in confusion, reached the place with extreme difficulty, and were invested." [Dil. 118a.]

v5.c75.s2.5

for two miles they reached the tank in the evening and halted; the enemy retired from the attack but encamped close by." The fort of Dodderi was small and the food-store in it limited. So "its imperial garrison shut its gates upon their newly arrived comrades. The two Khans shared with the other officers the food they had brought with themselves, and the common soldiers found nothing to eat except the water of the tank; grass and gram for the elephants and horses could be had nowhere. As the night closed, the enemy completely encircled them. The imperialists stood to arms ready to meet any attack. But for three days the Marathas only appeared in sight without fighting, till some thousands of infantry sent by Barmappa Nayak,* joined them. Then they seized the opportunity and made an attack. On the fourth day, before sunrise, ten times the former number of Kala-piadas (Kanarese musketeers) darkened the plain and began to fight. The imperial artillery munitions had been plundered in their camp and what little was carried with the soldiers was now exhausted; so after vain exertions for some hours, they sat down in despair. The enemy's hail of bullets destroyed many men in this situation."* Fully one-third of the Mughal army had been slain at the two camps, during the retreat, and on the banks of the tank of Dodderi.

v5.c75.s2.6

∗ His relations with the Mughals can be traced from four Persian farmans addressed to him and preserved in the Madras Record Office under "Carnatic Records." For his family (of Berad origin) and history, see Rice's Mysore Gazetteer, ii. 461. Chittaldurg is a famous Lingayet centre.

§ 3. Qasim Khan flees to Dodderi fort.

v5.c75.s3.1

Then the chiefs decided to save their own lives by sneaking into the fort, and a disgraceful scene ensued which is thus described by Khafi Khan (ii. 331):—

v5.c75.s3.2

* This is the contemporary record compiled from State papers like despatches and news-letters, (M. A. 375—377). But more than 30 years later, Khafi Khan (ii. 429), gave the following different and seemingly inaccurate account:—"A party of the enemy fell upon Qasim Khan's tents...and 10 to 12 thousand horsemen attacked the baggage of Khanazad ...7 or 8 thousand more appeared between the two Khans, so that neither could reinforce the other...The battle raged till sunset...All night the chiefs remained on their elephants and the soldiers holding the bridles of their horses, to repel night-attacks. At dawn the Marathas renewed their attack... in this way the imperialists were attacked for 3 days, at last [on the fourth day] they marched fighting all the way and took refuge under the *garhi* of Dodderi. For these three days they had no food. In the same way 3 or 4 more days were passed, the imperialists entrenching and repelling charges under shelter of the walls of the *garhi* day and night, while their camels, horses and oxen were carried off by the Marathas. As the gates of the *garhi*...had been closed upon them, the grocers of the *garhi* threw down to them grain from the top of the wall, charging one or two rupees per *seer*. On the 4th or 5th day [i.e., the 7th or 8th day after the first battle] the two Khans decided to enter the *garhi*."

v5.c75.s3.3

"In this extremity of distress, Qasim, Khanazad and Saf Shikan, who had dismounted close to one another, planned to enter into the *garhi* secretly without informing Muhammad Murad and other comrades who were at a distance. They began to send within such stores as were left after the enemy's plunder, pretending to lighten themselves for fighting. The first night Qasim Khan, on the pretext of patrolling, left his post and entered the fort by scaling the wall with ropes, as it was found inadvisable to enter by the gate owing to the crowd assembled before it. Then Khanazad and Saf Shikan entered through the gate by charging the crowd of common soldiers round it. Lastly Muhammad Murad and other officers, learning of it, came in with the greatest difficulty. Saf Shikan, turning to Muhammad Murad, cried out—'How gallantly have we brought ourselves here!' Murad's nephew retorted—'Shame on the type of gallantry that you have shown in coming here, of which you are bragging!'"

v5.c75.s3.4

The Marathas besieged the fort on all sides, being confident that hunger would destroy its defenders. On the day of entering the fort, the soldiers, high and low, were all given bread of millet (*jawari* and *bajra*) from the local stores, while the transport cattle fed on the old and new straw-thatching pulled down from the roofs of houses. On the second day no food was left for either man or beast. Many of the cattle of the army had been carried away by the Marathas, many others had perished from hunger,—"They chewed each other's tails, mistaking them for straw," as the graphic exaggeration of a Persian writer well describes it;—and the remaining oxen 'lean like the ass's tail,' were now eaten up by the Muslim soldiery. Then they faced utter starvation. Qasim Khan was a great eater of opium; his life depended on the drug, and the lack of it caused his death on the third day. [M. A., 378; but many suspected that he committed suicide to escape disgrace at the hands of the enemy and censure by the Emperor.] Of the common soldiers, many in the agony of hunger leaped down from the fort walls and sought refuge in the enemy's camp, who took away the money they had concealed in their belts, and turned them adrift. The traders of Santa's camp-bazar used to come below the wall of the fort and sell fruits and sweets at fancy prices to the starving Mughals on the top, who threw down money tied in rags and drew the food up by means of ropes. [K. K.].

§ 4. Capitulation of Mughal force in Dodderi.

v5.c75.s4.1

When the food supply was absolutely exhausted and the water in the fort became scanty and unwholesome, Khanazad Khan, in despair of relief, sent his diwan and a Deccani captain of the imperial army to Santa to beg for terms of capitulation.

v5.c75.s4.2

Santa at first demanded a lakh of hun besides the elephants, horses and property of the Mughal army. But the treacherous Deccani captain whispered to him, "What is this that you are asking for? Raise your terms. This amount will be paid by Khanazad Khan alone as his ransom." At last the ransom was fixed at 20 lakhs of rupees; and all the cash articles, jewels, horses and elephants of the doomed army were to be given up, each general being allowed to go away on a single horse with the clothes he wore on his person. The generals individually signed bonds for their respective ransoms and each left a kinsman or his chief servant as security for its payment. The terms were faithfully kept on the Maratha side,* thanks to Santa's iron discipline, [K. K. corrected by M. A.]

v5.c75.s4.3

Santaji sent word that the men might come out of the fort without any fear and stay for two nights in front of its gate; those who had any money need fear no extortion but might buy their necessaries from the Maratha camp. The lean woebegone and bedraggled remnant of the imperial army filed out of the fort 13 days after entering it. The enemy gave them bread from one side and water from the other. Thus they were nursed back to life and strength in two days. On the third day Khanazad started for the Court with a Maratha escort. He had lost everything, but the imperial officers on the way supplied him and his men with horses, tents, dress, food and money to relieve their urgent distress. [M. A. 378, K. K. 433.]

v5.c75.s4.4

∗ But not on the Mughal side, according to Khafi Khan, who says, 'Not even half the ransom was paid as many of the hostages escaped from the wretch's army and he was [soon afterwards] killed. But the property seized by him was worth 50 or 60 lakhs." [ii. 433.]

v5.c75.s4.5

Meantime, the Emperor, then at Islampuri, 280 miles north of the scene of this disaster, on hearing of the danger to Qasim Khan, had sent Hamid-ud-din Khan from his side and Rustam-dil Khan from Haidarabad to support him. They had united near Adoni, but too late to do anything except to receive and help Khanazad on his return. Here Khanazad’s army was reclothed and newly furnished by the gifts and forced contributions from the officers and residents of Adoni. [M. A. 379, but *Akhbarat*, year 39. sh. 72, differs.]*

v5.c75.s4.6

§ 5. Santa slays Himmat Khan at Basavapatan.

v5.c75.s4.7

In less than a month from this stroke, Santa achieved another and equally famous victory. Himmat Khan Bahadur, who had been deputed to co-operate with Qasim Khan, had taken refuge in Basavapatan (40 miles west of Dodderi) on account of the smallness of his force, which did not exceed one thousand cavalry, though he had received the impossible order to go out and punish Santa. [M.A. 379.]

v5.c75.s4.8

∗ M. A. 375 has made an astounding mistake of date by saying that Khanazad and Qasim Khan united their forces before sighting the enemy, on 23 *Jamadi-us-sani* (= 19 Jan., 1696). But the absolutely trustworthy contemporary newsletter, *Akhbarat*, shows that on that date the mace-bearers sent by the Emperor returned to him at Brahmapuri after delivering his gifts to the vanquished officers, who had then reached Adoni. Qasim Khan had died more than a month before 19th Jan. The Madras Diary records on 5th Dec. 1695, the report of Qasim Khan having been *already* defeated, [say, about 20th Nov.]

v5.c75.s4.9

After the fall of Dodderi, Santa had planted his own garrison there and told off two divisions of his army to watch and oppose Hamid-ud-din (in the north) and Himmat Khan (in the west). On 20th January 1696, he appeared before Himmat Khan's position at the head of ten thousand cavalry and nearly the same number of infantry. His Karnataki foot-musketeers—the best marksmen in the Deccan, took post on a hill. Himmat Khan, with a very small force, advanced to the attack and dislodged them from it, slaying 500 of them. Then he drove his elephant towards the place where Santa was standing, when suddenly he was shot by a bullet in the forehead and fell down unconscious into the hawda. His driver wanted to turn the elephant back, but the captain of his contingent (jamadar), Ali Baqi, told the driver—"The Khan is alive. Urge the elephant onward. I shall drive the enemy back." But he, too, was wounded, thrown down to the ground and carried off by the enemy.. Then his son fell fighting. Santa received two arrow-wounds. The leaderless imperialists fell back to their trenches. At midnight Himmat Khan breathed his last. Three hundred of his men were dispersed and fled to various places. The rest held their fortified enclosure successfully for some days, after which the Marathas withdrew from its siege and went away with the captured baggage of the Khan.*

v5.c75.s4.10

§ 6. Mughal force at Basavapatan relieved.

v5.c75.s4.11

At the first news of Himmat Khan's perilous situation Aurangzib had ordered (22 January 1696) Hamid-ud-din Khan to hasten to the relief of Himmat at Basavapatan. On the 28th of the month the Emperor learnt of Himmat Khan's death and the blockade of his troops in the fort of Basavapatan by Santa; and a great effort was made to gather troops and retrieve the position in N. W. Mysore.

v5.c75.s4.12

Meantime, Hamid-ud-din Khan, after leaving his heavy baggage in the fort of Adoni, had started on 1st February for the relief of Basavapatan, which was being ably defended by Sayyid Azmatullah and Muhammad Euz (the qiladar). His force was 12,000 strong. Some twenty miles† before his destination he was attacked by Santa (26th February). But the Marathas were defeated and pushed back eight miles, their camp being looted by the Mughals. Santa fled to Khargdurg (?) The victorious Hamid, after a halt of two or three days for burying his dead and tending his wounded soldiers, marched to Basavapatan. Here a few days later Santa reappeared, but Hamid-ud-din made a sally from the fort and drove away the Marathas, taking 200 mares and many weapons from them. On receiving the despatches of these victories, the Emperor in open Court praised Hamid-ud-din very highly and wrote to Zulfiqar Khan, "That is how a soldier fights!" [Akhbarat.]

v5.c75.s4.13

∗ This narrative is based upon the despatch received by the Emperor on 2nd February and included in the Akhbarat of the next day, with some additions from M. A. The rest of M. A. and the whole of Khafi Khan (gossipy fabrication) have been rejected by me.

v5.c75.s4.14

† Probably at Cakargola, 4 m. e. of Harihar on the Tungabhadra, which latter is 22 m.n. of Basavapatan (Shimoga district.)

§ 7. Military arrangements of the imperialists during 1696.

v5.c75.s5.1

Meantime, Prince Bidar Bakht had been ordered (end of January) to march from Panhala to Basavapatan, while Firuz Jang was to take his place at the siege of Panhala. The troops of Qasim and Himmat were joined to the prince's command. He proceeded first to Bankapur (some 60 miles north of Basavapatan), from which he resumed his advance on 3rd March, but by that time the siege of Basavapatan had been raised. Arriving at this place in a few weeks, he stayed there for some time, sending out detachments to punish the rebel zamindars of the district. Barmappa Nayak of Chittaldurg seems to have felt his heavy hand, as he made a humble submission and promise of loyalty. On 16th May 1696 Bidar Bakht, on behalf of the Emperor, granted him a written pardon on certain conditions.*

v5.c75.s5.2

Before the prince's arrival, Santa had left the Chittaldurg district for Jinji in the Madras Karnatak (March 1696.) In the other theatres of the war the disposition of the imperial troops in 1696 was as follows.

v5.c75.s5.3

In the Junnar district, the qiladar of Junnar had seized Kumari fort in October 1695, but the Marathas had raided Talegaon. Prince Muhammad Azam had been sent from the Emperor's camp at Islampuri to Pedgaon (Bahadurgarh) 90 miles north of it in February 1696. After a visit to the Junnar region to restore order there (April), he returned to Pedgaon, which remained his head-quarters till he was recalled to the Emperor's side at Miraj three years later. In April Firuz Jang was sent against the Berads of Wagingera; he sat down on the frontier of Sagar to guard that side. [M. A. 380, Z. S. ; *Akhbarat*, 10 May 1696.]

v5.c75.s5.4

∗ "Carnatic records" (Persian) in the Madras Record Office. The conditions are: (1) If Barmappa behaves badly again, he would be killed with his family and his country desolated; (2) he should cede to the Emperor the small fort of Dodderi with 2 elephants and the guns [? in it] and demolish the fort of Ramgiri, nor ever rebuild the latter; (3) he should agree to a tribute and fine of 8 lakhs of Rupees,—(three lakhs in cash down and five lakhs by instalments under a written bond)—and another lakh to the prince; and (4) his army under his brother should serve under the prince in the Emperor's wars. In Sep. 1700 Barmappa received a *farman* and a robe in reward of his military aid.

v5.c75.s5.5

Nothing extraordinary happened in the autumn and winter of 1696 to vary the tale of Maratha raids here and there throughout the Western Deccan. But in March 1697, Santa Ghorparé returned from the East Coast to the Satara district, and Firuz Jang was despatched against him; at the same time Bidar Bakht was sent to strengthen his father at Pedgaon. But a civil war among the Maratha generals weakened their power during the first half of this year (1697), and in order to understand its cause and course it is necessary to resume the history of Santa Ghorpare.

§ 8. Civil war between Santa Ghorpare and Dhana Jadav.

v5.c75.s6.1

Flushed with his far-resounding victories over two first-rate Mughal generals, Santaji went to Jinji to wait on Rajaram (March 1696). He seems to have claimed the office of Senapati, contrasting his own brilliant performances with Dhana's poor record of victories. Hitherto Prahlad Niraji (the *Pratinidhi* or regent) had, with great tact and diplomacy, kept peace between the two rival generals and taken great pains to show in all the acts of government that the king treated the two as absolutely equal. But he was now dead, and his successor in the king's council was less clever and could not keep the balance even. [Sardesai, i. 661.] Santa's vanity, imperious temper and spirit of insubordination, roused to an inordinate height by his recent triumphs, gave great offence to the Court at Jinji and the result was an open rupture near Conjeveram (May 1696). [Z. S.] Rajaram sided with Dhana and placing Amrit Rao Nimbalkar in the Van of his army, attacked his refractory general. But Santa's genius again triumphed; Dhana was defeated and driven precipitately to his home in Western India; Amrit Rao fell on the field.*

v5.c75.s6.2

* Z. S. But K. K. wrongly gives the victory to Dhana.

v5.c75.s6.3

This encounter is thus graphically described in *Masir-i-Alamgiri*, which wrongly places it in October 1689:—"On the way to Jinji, this wretch had a fight with Dhana Jadav, who was escorting Rajaram there, on account of an old quarrel. Santa triumphed, and caused Amrit Rao, the brother [-in-law] of Nagoji, the comrade and assistant of Dhana, to be crushed to death by an elephant. He also captured Rajaram, but Dhana escaped. The next day Santa appeared before Rajaram with his wrists bound together, saying—'I am still the same loyal servant [as before]. My rudeness was due to this that you wanted to make Dhana my equal and to reach Jinji with his help. I shall now do whatever you bid me.' Then he released and conducted Rajaram to Jinji." (401.)

v5.c75.s6.4

Bhimsen is more accurate:—"A quarrel had broken out between Santa Ghorpare and Dhana Jadav. Dhana convinced Rajaram that Santa had seized too much power and being a good soldier was trying to found an independent State, and therefore he ought to be killed. Rajaram and Dhana with a large army, placing Amrit Rao Navalkar in command of the Van, attacked Santa. Amrit Rao was slain by Santa's men, and a civil war ensued." [Dil. ii. 122 a.]

v5.c75.s6.5

Santa's doings in the Eastern Karnatak this year have been fully described in Chap. LI.

§ 9. Defeat and death of Santa.

v5.c75.s7.1

He finally returned to the homeland in March 1697. Here an internecine war now raged between him and Dhana, all the other captains being ranged on the two sides. They fought together in the Satara district in March 1697. But fortune now deserted Santaji; his severity and insolence had disgusted his officers and most of them were secretly corrupted by the agents of Dhana. Hanumant Rao Nimbalkar, in concert with Dhana's troops, fell on Santa's baggage train, and most of the latter's officers deserted to Dhana, while the rest were killed or wounded. Santa, despoiled of all and deserted by his army, fled from the field with only a few followers to Mhaswad, the home of Nagoji Mané whose wife's brother Amrit Rao he had killed. With Nagoji, however, the sacred rights of hospitality to a refugee rose higher than the claims of blood-feud; he gave Santa shelter and food for some days, and then dismissed him in safety. But his wife Radha Bai followed her brother's murderer with a woman's unquenchable vindictiveness. She had urged her husband to slay their guest, but in vain. And now when she saw him escaping unscathed, she sent her surviving brother after him. Of the many diverse accounts* of his death the one accepted by Khafi Khan is that the pursuer (wrongly called Nagoji Mane by both Khafi Khan and Z. S.) came upon Santaji when, exhausted by fast travel, he was bathing in a *nala* near the Shambhu Mahadev hill, in the Satara district. The party from Mhaswad surprised him in this helpless situation and cut off his head, (June, 1697.) "Mane [i.e., Nimbalkar] threw it into the saddlebag fastened behind his seat...On the way the bag got loose and fell down. Firuz Jang's spies, who had spread in that hilly region, in pursuit of Santa, picked it up, recognised it as that general's head, and sent it to Firuz Jang, who......sent it on to the Emperor. The severed head was paraded through the imperial encampment and some cities of the Deccan." [M. A. 401-402, Z. S., K. K. ii. 447-448, Dilkasha 112a.]

v5.c75.s7.2

∗ Admittedly diverse and conflicting, according to M.A.

v5.c75.s7.3

§ 10. Character of Santa Ghorparé.

v5.c75.s7.4

Thus died Santaji Ghorparé, like Charles XII of Sweden, most ignominiously at the end of a most dazzling military career. But his greatest monument is the abject fear he inspired in all ranks of the Mughal army,* which is faithfully reflected in the

v5.c75.s7.5

402, which omits all of them. The Mane family "old paper" printed in Parasnis's *Itihas Sangraha*, *Junya Aitihasik Goshti*, ii. 45, is so palpably incorrect as to suggest an opium-eater's tale. Khafi Khan, after giving the account adopted by me above, adds, "There is another story current [about his end]. God alone knows the truth!" [ii. 448].

v5.c75.s7.6

∗ "When the news arrived that Santa had come within

v5.c75.s7.7

curses and abuses invariably used as the epithet to his name in the Persian histories.

v5.c75.s7.8

Santaji had an inborn genius for handling large bodies of troops spread over a wide area, changing his tactics so as to take prompt advantage of every change in the enemy's plans and condition, and organising combined movements. The success of his tactics depended on the rapid movement of his troops and on his subordinates carrying out his orders punctually to the minute. He, therefore, insisted on implicit obedience from his officers and enforced the strictest discipline in his army by draconic punishments. As Khafi Khan writes [ii. 446], "Santa used to inflict severe punishments on his followers. For the slightest fault he would cause the offender to be trampled to death by an elephant."

v5.c75.s7.9

The man who insists on efficiency and discipline in a tropical country makes himself universally unpopular, and, therefore, we are not surprised to learn that "most of the Maratha nobles became Santa's enemies and made a secret agreement with his rival Dhana to destroy him." [Ibid.]

v5.c75.s7.10

The two lifelong rivals, Santa and Dhana, were both army leaders and organisers of the highest

v5.c75.s7.11

16 or 18 miles of him, Firuz Jang [Aurangzib's highest general] lost colour in terror, and making a false announcement that he would ride out to oppose him, appointed officers to clear the path, sent his advanced tents onward, but then fled towards Bijapur by a roundabout route!" [K. K. ii.446].

v5.c75.s7.12

ability courage and activity, but with contrasted characters. Dhana made war like a gentleman. He knew that the fickle goddess of Fortune might desert him in the field any day; therefore he never went to an extreme. He was moderate in victory, generous to the vanquished, polite in his address, practised in self-control, and capable of taking long views and making statesmanly arrangements. His inborn courtesy to the Mughal generals who had the misfortune to encounter him, is noticed with praise by the Muslim historians. Moreover, he served his country's Government unselfishly for many years.

v5.c75.s7.13

Santaji Ghorparé, on the other hand, was in comparison with Dhana, a barbarian devoid of culture or generosity, unable to restrain his passions or to take thought of the distant future. He loved to hustle all whom he met with, not excepting his king. The hour of his victory was the hour of gratification of his vindictiveness. He showed no mercy and expected none. Therefore, he excited among the Mughal generals, as well as his Maratha adversaries, a feeling of mixed terror and repulsion.

v5.c75.s7.14

By his temperament, Santa was incapable of co-operating with others, and he had not the patriotism to subordinate his own will to the needs of his nation. He lived and died merely as a most successful brigand and selfish adventurer, and exercised no influence on the political history of the Marathas or even on the general effect of Aurangzib's campaigns. He flashed through the Deccan sky like a lonely meteor, without ever having a companion or ally or even sharing the counsels of his nation's leaders, among whom he might have naturally claimed a place.

§ 11. Events in Maharashtra during 1698.

v5.c75.s8.1

Nothing remarkable seems to have happened in the second half of 1697, except a heavy flood of the Bhima river which washed away the Mughal camps at Pedgaon and Islampuri (19 July) and spread universal misery and ruin, and whose effects could not be repaired for months.

v5.c75.s8.2

But in January next, Jinji fell to the Mughals. Rajaram fled from it and reached Vishalgarh in Maharashtra in the following month. The Emperor immediately afterwards posted Bidar Bakht to the Panhala region in the south-west, while Azam continued to guard the northern route from his camp at Pedgaon and Firuz Jang held the Berad country in the south-east.

v5.c75.s8.3

The extant records for the year 1698 are meagre. It is not probable that any unusual activity was shown by the Marathas immediately after Rajaram's return home. He seems to have taken time to recover from the effects of the loss of Jinji and the extinction of the Government he had set up there, while the feud between Dhana Jadav and Santa's son Ranuji Ghorparé made a combined effort impossible for the present.* In September the Maratha Rajah's envoy Anaji visited an imperial minister with a letter from him begging for peace; but nothing came of it. Some of his followers at this time deserted his service in despair and joined the Mughals.

v5.c75.s8.4

§ 12. Rajaram's doings during 1699.

v5.c75.s8.5

Early in 1699 Rajaram set out on a tour of inspection in Konkan, visiting all his forts, and returned to Satara at the end of June, whence he went to Basantgarh about 20th July. In September he began to form plans for setting out on an extensive raid through Khandesh and Berar, in imitation of his father and elder brother. When the campaigning season opened in October, Aurangzib left Islampuri (on the 19th) to undertake the conquest of the famous hill-forts of Maharashtra in person; and in less than a week from that date Rajaram sallied out of Satara.

v5.c75.s8.6

Evidently Aurangzib's intention to besiege this fort first had leaked out, for, immediately after his starting from Islampuri, Rajaram removed his family from Satara to Khelna and himself coming out of Satara halted 8 miles outside it. Here two envoys of Buland Bakht, the rebel Gond Rajah of Deogarh, met him and invited him to Gondwana to cause a diversion in the Emperor's rear. The Maratha king had long been intriguing with the Gond chiefs; and now, setting aside the advice of Dhana Jadav and Dado Malhar to flee to Jinji once again, he decided upon making a bold counter-stroke by a raid into Berar and Gondwana.

v5.c75.s8.7

∗ In May 1699, Dhana was out in the Bidar district. On 4th June he passed by 22 miles of the imperial camp on his return via Haidarabad; a few days later Chin Qalich Khan and Zabardast Khan came up with him near Bhalavani, and after heavy casualties on both sides captured 200 mares and some flags and drums from him [Akhbarat.]

v5.c75.s8.8

From the environs of Satara, Rajaram sent one of his confidential servants back to the fort to fetch his turban-jewel (kalagi) and some other ornaments. On the return journey the man was killed and the jewels plundered. Taking this incident as an unhappy omen, the Rajah returned to the fort, but that very day a fire broke out there and burnt some houses. Finally, on 26th October, he left Satara in order to escape falling into the Emperor's hands. Dhana Jadav, Ramchandra, Dado Malhar and other generals, with 7,000 cavalry escorted him to Chandan-Wandan, while Ranuji Ghorparé (the son of Santaji) was posted at the foot of Satara with 4,000 troopers.

§ 13. Last expedition of Rajaram.

v5.c75.s9.1

After a three days' halt at Chandan-Wandan, Rajaram on 31st October left for the Adarki pass, n.e. of Chandan, where he was joined by 12,000 men, and took the route to Surat.

v5.c75.s9.2

The Emperor immediately sent urgent orders to Bidar Bakht to pursue and defeat this hostile force.

v5.c75.s9.3

The prince, who had arrived at a place 20 miles west of Miraj, on his way to Panhala, immediately turned aside and leaving his family and baggage in Miraj, rapidly advanced on the enemy's track. Nusrat Jang was ordered to reinforce him by forced marches; and so also was Chin Qalich Khan (then in the Aurangabad district). But neither of them arrived in time to take part in the first battle.

v5.c75.s9.4

Four miles beyond the fort of Parenda, Bidar Bakht came upon the Marathas. Rajaram himself stopped in safety 8 miles further east, while he sent back his generals under Dhana to check the prince's advance. After a bloody fight, the Marathas were broken and driven towards Ahmadnagar, (13th or 14th November). Two days later the prince was joined by Chin Qalich Khan at Barsi, (20 m. e. of Parenda), and resuming the pursuit reached Ausa about the 22nd or 23rd. We find him, a month later, back at the Emperor's side (26th December), and on the same date Rajaram was reported as having dismounted some 30 miles from the imperial camp below Satara fort and intending to go to Vishalgarh. The Maratha king's raid into Berar had been nipped in the bud.* But one division under Krishna Savant plundered some places near Dhamuni and returned. This was the first time that a Maratha force crossed the Narmada. [Dil. 129a.]

v5.c75.s9.5

∗ Bhimsen gives Zulfiqar Khan an important part in this defeat of Rajaram. He writes,—"Ram with a large force entered the imperial territory for doing mischief. Bidar Bakht was appointed to oppose him. The Khan Bahadur [Zulfiqar] was ordered to chase the enemy. Leaving his baggage at Sholapur, he met the prince near Charthana and

v5.c75.s9.6

Meantime, battles had been fought with the other Maratha bands too. Ranuji was out near Kararabad (1st Dec.) and in the Sangula *thana* four days later. Hamid-ud-din Khan, who had been sent from the Emperor's side at Satara against Dhana Jadav, left his baggage at Masur and advanced on Kararabad, fighting a vast Maratha army of five divisions which tried to envelop him. After a two days' struggle (20th and 21st Dec.) with heavy casualties,* the Khan fell back on Masur.

v5.c75.s9.7

Shortly afterwards Nusrat Jang arrived there with his army and took up the pursuit of the elusive Maratha generals. On 9th January 1700 he fought Dhana, Ranu and Hanumant Rao beyond Masur, and defeated them, killing 500 of their men. A few days later Dhana attacked the outpost of Khanapur and carried off its Mughal officer, Avji Adhal. Nusrat Jang, who had been sent from the Emperor's camp against Dhana, arrived too late to save Avji, but on 25th January, when on the return march from

v5.c75.s9.8

set out to pursue Rajaram, who took to flight on hearing of it. By way of Parenda, Ram crossed the Bhima near Tamarni, and took the road to his home, sending Dhana and some other generals against the camp at Islampuri. They made a demonstration there,......fled before Zulfiqar......were defeated near Basantgarh......" (Dil. ii. 129.)

v5.c75.s9.9

∗ Dado Malhar is reported to have been shot dead.

v5.c75.s9.10

Parenda, he overtook this Maratha band near the pargana of Undirgaon (19 m. s. of Parenda) and repulsed it, after slaying about a hundred men.

v5.c75.s9.11

In the meantime the Emperor's siege of Satara continued and battles took place in its environs between the Mughal invaders and the Maratha field armies. On 27th December 1699 Hanumant Rao had attacked a patrolling party under Ikhlas Khan, only four miles outside the siege-camp, and slain the Khan and his son Muhammad Yar with many imperial soldiers, and carried off the elephants and baggage of this force. [*Akhbarat*, Nusrat Jang's campaign in *Dil.* ii. 129.]

§ 14. Death of Rajaram.

v5.c75.s10.1

On 2nd March 1700, Rajaram died at Singhgarh, of a fever which was most probably caused by the hardships of his raid and the vehement pursuit by the Mughals. His family was then in the fort of Vishalgarh. His favourite natural son Karna was immediately afterwards crowned as king by his ministers, with the help of Dhana Jadav, but died of small-pox in three weeks. Then, his legitimate son by his wife Tara Bai was placed on the throne as Shivaji III, with the support of Ramchandra, 'the Regent of the West.'*

v5.c75.s10.2

∗ This date of Rajaram's death is given by *Akhbarat*. The death of his immediate successor, of small-pox, on 24th March, is mentioned in *Akhbarat* (1st and 4th April), M.A. 420, and *Dilkasha*, ii. 130a, but the Maratha records are

v5.c75.s10.3

§ 15. Tara Bai, widow of Rajaram.

v5.c75.s10.4

An internecine quarrel now broke out in the Maratha Court between Rajaram's surviving widows, Tara Bai and Rajas Bai (the mothers of Shivaji III. and Shambhuji II. respectively) each standing up for her own son, and supported by a faction among the officers and generals. But the ability and energy of Tara Bai, the elder wife, gave her the supreme power in the State in that hour of extreme confusion and danger.*

v5.c75.s10.5

Immediately after learning of her husband's death, Tara Bai offered submission to the Emperor through Ruhullah Khan, asking for a 7-hazari mansab and the deshmukhi rights over the Deccan for Rajaram's legitimate son, and proposing to supply a contingent of 5,000 men for service under the imperial viceroy of the Deccan, and to cede seven forts, including Panhala, Satara, Chandan-Wandan, and Parli. The Maratha king was to be exempted from

v5.c75.s10.6

entirely silent about the event. Karna is named by Dil. as this king for three weeks, while the other two Persian sources simply call him 'Shivaji',—which title was also assumed by his legitimate half-brother and successor, the son of Tara Bai. The latter Shivaji did not die in three weeks.

v5.c75.s10.7

∗ A false rumour reached the Mughals about this time. On 11 March—"A desai of the country below the Ghats then serving under Ramchandra, on being ordered to go to Parli, refused to march unless the arrears of salary due to him and his men were paid. Hot words followed between them, and at last the desai stabbed Ramchandra to death with his dagger."

v5.c75.s10.8

personal attendance on the Emperor, as the great Shivaji had been and the Maharana of Udaipur always was. [Akh. 12th March 1700.]

v5.c75.s10.9

Aurangzib refused this offer, and demanded all the forts of the enemy. We read of another fruitless overture for peace, in the *Akhbarat*. Towards the end of May, Ramchandra's agent Ramaji Pandit and Parashuram's agent Ambaji visited Prince Azam and begged him to intercede with the Emperor for sparing Rajaram's young son in return for the surrender of the Maratha forts. These overtures seem to have been insincere; the Emperor suspected the envoys of spying, and after keeping them under arrest for some months, released them on furnishing security. (22nd Dec. 1700.)