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Shivaji and His Times c17: Chapter XV. Government, Institutions and Policy

Shivaji and His Times c17

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English

Contents

Chapter XV. Government, Institutions and Policy

§ 1. Extent of his kingdom and dependencies

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At the time of his death Shivaji's kingdom included all the country (except the Portuguese possessions) stretching from Ramnagar (modern Dharampur State in the Surat Agency) in the north, to Karwar or the Gangavati river in the Bombay district of Kanara, in the south. The eastern boundary embraced Baglana in the north, then ran southwards along an irregular shifting line through the middle of the Nasik and Puna districts, and encircled the whole of the Satara and much of the Kolhapur districts. This tract formed what the Marathi documents describe as his *swaraj* or 'own kingdom' and the Persian accounts as his 'old dominions.' Here his ownership was recognized as legally established and beyond question. A recent but permanent acquisition was the Western Karnatak or the Kanarese-speaking country extending from Belgaum to the bank of the Tungabhadra opposite the Bellary district of the Madras Presidency.

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This, the consolidated portion of his kingdom, was divided into three provinces, each under a viceroy. The northern division, including the Dang and Baglana, the Koli country south of Surat, Konkan north of Bombay, and the Deccan plateau or *Desh* southwards to Puna, was governed by Moro Trimbak Pingle. The southern division, which was made up of Konkan south of Bombay, Savant-vadi and the North Kanara coast,—formed the viceroyalty of Annaji Datto. The southeastern division, ruled by Dattaji Pant, covered the Satara and Kolhapur districts of *Desh* and the Karnatak districts of Belgaum and Dharwar to Kopal west of the Tungabhadra. (Sabh. 77; Parasnis MS.; a Persian MS. roll of Mr. Rajwade; English summary in Mawjee, *J. Bo. B. R. A. S.*)

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Shivaji's latest annexation was the country extending from the Tungabhadra opposite Kopal to Vellore and Jinji, *i.e.*, the northern, central and eastern parts of the present kingdom of Mysore and portions of the Madras districts of Bellary, Chittur and Arcot. His two years' possession of them before his death was too short to enable him to consolidate his gains here, and this province was really held by an army of occupation and remained unsettled in 1680; only the forts garrisoned by him and as much of the surrounding lands as they could command, acknowledged Maratha rule.

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Besides these places there was one region where the contest for mastery was still undecided at the time of his death. This was the Kanara highlands, including the South Dharwar district and the principalities of Sunda and Bednur. Shivaji had inflicted some defeats upon the local Nawab, a vassal of Bijapur; but Bankapur, the provincial capital, was still unconquered by him when he breathed his last. So also was Bednur, which merely paid him tribute.

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Outside these settled or half-settled parts of his kingdom, there was a wide and very fluctuating belt of land subject to his power but not owning his sovereignty. They were the adjacent parts of the Mughal empire (*Mughlai* in Marathi), which formed the happy hunting-ground of his horsemen. In these he levied blackmail (*khandani*, *i.e.*, ransom, in Marathi), as regularly as his army could repeat its annual visit to them. The money paid was popularly called *chauth*, because it amounted to one-fourth of the standard assessment of the land revenue of a place. But as this paper assessment was always larger than the actual collection, the real incidence of the *chauth* was considerably more than one-fourth of what the peasants paid to their legitimate sovereign. The payment of the *chauth* merely saved a place from the unwelcome presence of the Maratha soldiers and civil underlings, but did not impose on Shivaji any corresponding obligation to guard the district from foreign invasion or internal disorder. The Marathas looked only to their own gain and not to the fate of their prey after they had left. The *chauth* was only a means of buying off one robber, and not a subsidiary system for the maintenance of peace and order against all enemies. The lands subject to the *chauth* cannot, therefore, be rightly called spheres of influence.

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The territory, old and new, under Shivaji contained 240 forts, out of which 111 were built by him and 79 were situated in Madras. [Sabh. 98-101; a helpful list by D. V. Kale in *Shivaji Souvenir*, 1927.]

§2. His revenue and hoarded treasure

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His revenue is put by his courtier Sabhasad (p. 102) at the round figure of one *krore* of *hun*, while the *chauth* when collected in full brought in another 80 *lakhs*. (*T. S.* 35*a*.) If these statements are correct, Shivaji's theoretical income at its highest was seven *krores* of Rupees. The sum actually realized was considerably less than this paper-estimate,—probably sometimes falling as low as one-tenth of it.

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The treasure and other valuable things left behind by Shivaji are enumerated in great detail by Sabhasad (95-96) and the *Tarik-i-Shivaji* (42-44.) But we cannot be sure that all the figures have been correctly copied in the MSS. of these two works that have come down to us. Moreover, the gold and silver coins were of such an immense variety of denominations countries and ages,—a faithful index to the wide range and thorough character of Shivaji’s looting campaigns,—that it is impossible to reduce the total value of his hoard to any modern currency with even tolerable accuracy. The curious English reader is referred to my translation of *T. S.* in the *Modern Review* of January 1910 and to Manker’s translation of Sabhasad.

§3. Strength of his army

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The growth of his army is thus recorded: at the outset of his career he had 1,200 household cavalry (*paga*) and 2,000 *silahdars* or mercenary horsemen who provided their own arms and mounts. (Sabh. 8.) After the conquest of Javli (1656) their number was increased to 7,000 *paga*, 3,000 *silahdars* and 10,000 Mavle infantry. (Sabh. 11.) He also enlisted 700 Pathans from the disbanded soldiery of Bijapur (*T. S.* 15b.) After the destruction of Afzal Khan (1659) he raised his forces to 7,000 *paga*, 8,000 *silahdars*, and 12,000 infantry (Sabh. 27.) At the time of his death (1680), his army consisted of 45,000 *paga* (under 29 colonels), 60,000 *silahdars* (under 31 colonels) and one *lakh* of Mavle infantry (under 36 colonels.) (Sabh. 96-97.) But *T. S.* states that he left 32,000 horses in his stables, besides 5,000 given to the bargirs.

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The core of his army was, therefore, formed by 30 to 40 thousand regular and permanently enlisted cavalry in his own service, and about twice that number of infantry militia (hasham), whom he used to withdraw from the cultivation of their fields during the campaigning season only, as in England under King Alfred. The infantry garrisoning his forts were permanently recruited, though they were given fields in their neighbourhood. The number of the silahdars who hired themselves and their horses out to him varied greatly from year to year, according to his need, their expectation of plunder in the impending campaign, and the demand for their services in the neighbouring States at a particular time. In the earlier stages of his career, local chieftains with their retainers used to join him in his raids (e.g., Surat, 1664) and swell his army by the adhesion of a body of irregulars. The same thing happened in his invasion of Madras (1677.)

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His elephants are numbered 1,260 by Sabhasad (p. 97); but T. S. gives 125 and Chit. 300, which are more likely figures. The camels were 3,000 (T. S.) or 1,500 (Chit.) The number of his artillery-pieces is not mentioned. Chitnis (a doubtful authority) tells us that 200 guns were kept ready for field service and the rest were placed in the forts. Each field gun had some elephants and a battalion of infantry attached to it.

§4. Council of Eight Ministers

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His earliest administrative Council, in the days of Dadaji Kond-dev, was composed of four officers only, viz., the Peshwa, the Majmuadar, the Dabir, and the Sabnis (Sabh. 7.) When, in 1647, Shiva became his own master, he added a Master of the Horse (Sar-i-naubat) and a second Dabir to the above four (Sabh. 8.) In 1656, after the conquest of Javli (which practically doubled his territory) the Council was further expanded by creating a *Surnis* and a *Waqnis* and two distinct commanders for the infantry and cavalry arms (Sabh. 11.) After his return from Agra he appointed (1667) a Lord Justice to try all suits in the kingdom according to the Sanskrit law-books (Sabh. 57.) By 1674 the number of ministers had risen to eight (*Ibid.* 83), which continued till his death.

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This Council of eight ministers, *ashta pradhan*, was in no sense a Cabinet. Like Louis XIV and Frederick the Great, Shivaji was his own prime-minister and kept all the strings of the administration in his own hands. The eight *pradhans* merely acted as his secretaries: they had no initiative, no power to dictate his policy; their function was purely advisory when he was in a mood to listen to advice, and at other times to carry out his general instructions and supervise the details in their respective departments. It is very likely that Shivaji never interfered with the Ecclesiastical and Accounts departments, but that was due entirely to his low caste and illiteracy. The Peshwa's position at Court was, no doubt, higher than that of the other *pradhans*, because he was closer to the king and naturally enjoyed more of his confidence; but they were in no sense his subordinates. The solidarity of the British Cabinet, as well as its power, was wanting in the Maratha Council of Eight.

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The eight ministers were the following:—

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1. The prime-minister, (Persian *Peshwa*, Sanskrit *Mukhya Pradhan*.) His duties were to look after the welfare of the State in general terms, to represent the king in his absence, and to keep peace among the other officers, so as to promote harmony in the administration.

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All royal letters and charters had to bear his seal below the king’s.

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2. The auditor, (Persian *Majmuadar*, Sanskrit *Amatya*.) He had to check all the accounts of public income and expenditure and report them to the king, and to countersign all statements of accounts both of the kingdom in general and of the particular districts.

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3. The chronicler, (Persian *Waqia-navis*, Sanskrit *Mantri*.) His duties were to compile a daily record of the king’s doings and Court incidents, and to watch over the king’s invitation-lists, meals, companions, &c., so as to guard against murderous plots.

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4. The superintendent, (Persian *Shuru-navis*, Sanskrit *Sachiv*.) He had to see that all royal letters were drafted in the proper style, to revise them, and to write at the head of charters the words *Shuru shud*, or ‘here begins.’ He had also to check the accounts of the *mahals* and *parganas*.

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5. The foreign secretary, (Persian *Dabir*, Sanskrit *Sumant*.) He was the king’s adviser on relations with foreign States, war and peace. It was also his duty to keep intelligence about other countries, to receive and dismiss foreign envoys, and to maintain the dignity of the State abroad.

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6. The commander-in-chief, (Persian *Sar-i-naubat*, Sanskrit *Senapati*.)

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7. The ecclesiastical head, (Persian *Sadr* and *Muhtasib* joined together, Marathi *Pandit Rao* and *Danadhyaksha*.) It was his function to honour and reward learned Brahmans on behalf of the king, to decide theological questions and caste disputes, to fix dates for religious ceremonies, to punish impiety and heresy, and order penances, &c. He was Judge of Canon Law, Royal Almoner, and Censor of Public Morals combined.

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8. The chief justice (Persian *Qazi-ul-quzat*, Sanskrit *Nyayadhish*.) He tried civil and criminal cases according to Hindu law and endorsed all judicial decisions, especially about rights to land, village headmanship, &c.

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All these ministers with the exception of the commander-in-chief, were of the Brahman caste, and all of them, with the exception of the last two, had also to take the command of armies and go out on expeditions when necessary. All royal letters, charters and treaties had to bear the seals of the king and the Peshwa and the endorsement of the next four ministers, *i.e.*, other than the Commander-in-chief, the Ecclesiastical Head, and the Chief Justice.*

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The actual work of State correspondence was conducted by Kayasthas, of whom two were famous, *viz.*, Balaji Avji the *chitnis* and Niloji (Nilkanth Yesaji) the *munshi* or Persian secretary. The muster-rolls of the army were written and the pay-bills drawn up by a class of officers called *sabnises*, who corresponded to the *bakhshis* or paymasters of the Mughal army, but occupied a much lower rank.†

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† Sabh. 83; Chitnis, 167-168; *Sanads and Letters*, 123-130; *Bhonsal-yanche Kulachar* (1823), printed in *Itihas Sangraha*.

§5. Army organization

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We now turn to Shivaji's civil and military regulations.

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Every fort and outpost (*thanah*) was placed under three officers of equal status, *viz.*, the *havladar*, the *sabnis* and the *sar-i-naubat*, who were to act jointly. "No fort was to be left solely under a *havladar*, lest a single traitor should be able to deliver it to the enemy. The *havladar* and the *sar-i-naubat* were selected from the Maratha caste and the *sabnis* from the Brahmans,"—so that one caste served as a check upon another. The stores and provisions in the forts were in charge of a Kayastha officer called the *karkhanah-navis*, who wrote the accounts of their incoming and expenditure. In the larger forts, where the bounds were extensive, the walls were divided into five or six sections, and each of these was guarded by a special *tat-sar-i-naubat*. The environs of a fort were watched by men of the Parwari and Ramushi castes.

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∗ So says Chitnis. But Oxinden's letters imply that all the ministers endorsed Shivaji's treaty with the English.

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The *havladar* of a fort was empowered to change the lower officers and to write official letters and seal them with his own seal. All letters from Government were to be addressed to him. He was to lock the fort-gates at sunset and open them at sunrise, carry the keys with himself and sleep with them under his pillow. He had to make frequent tours of inspection in and outside the fort, pay surprise visits to the sentinels, while the *sar-i-naubat* had to inspect the work of the patrolling parties and the night-watch. Minute written instructions were given by Shivaji for keeping in each fort munition, provisions, building-materials, and other necessary stores adequate to its size, and for keeping proper watch; and these regulations were rigidly enforced.

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All soldiers, whether musketeers, spearmen, archers or swordsmen, were recruited only after a careful personal inspection by Shivaji himself and taking security for every new soldier from the men already in his service.

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In the State cavalry (*paga*), the unit was formed by 25 troopers (*bargirs*); over 25 men was placed one havladar, over 5 havladars one jumladar,* and over 10 jumlas or 1,250 men one hazari. Still higher ranks were the 5-hazaris and the supreme commander or sar-i-naubat of cavalry. For every twenty-five troopers there were a water-carrier and a farrier.

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The silahdars, or troopers who supplied their own horses and arms, were organized on a different plan, but were under the orders of the same sar-i-naubat of cavalry, and ranked lower than the paga horsemen.

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In the infantry, whether fort-garrisons or Mavle militiamen, there was one corporal (nayak) to every nine privates (paiks); over 5 nayaks one havladar, over two (or three) havladars one jumladar, and over 10 jumladars one hazari† There seems to have been no 5-hazari among the infantry, but only 7-hazaris, over whom was the sar-i-naubat of infantry. Shivaji's Guard brigade of 2,000 select Mavle infantry was splendidly equipped dressed and armed at great expense to the State. (Sabh. 58.)

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† Chit., 83, gives one jumladar over five havladars and one hazari over five jumladars.

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The paga jumladar had a salary of 500 hun a year and the right to use a palki. Attached to him was a majmuadar on 100 to 125 hun. A hazari drew 1,000 hun a year; under him were a majmuadar, a Maratha karbhari (manager or steward), and a revenue-writer (jama-navis) of the Kayastha caste, for whom 500 hun was assigned. The accounts of military income and disbursement had to be made up with the signature of all the four. A commander of 5,000 drew 2,000 hun and had the same three civil officers attached to his office.

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∗ Chit., 81, says that there was an intermediate officer called subahdar in command of 5 jumlas, below the hazari.

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Karkuns (collectors), reporters, couriers and spies were posted to every higher command down to a hazari, under the orders of the sar-i-naubat.

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An infantry jumladar drew 100 hun a year, and had a sabnis (muster-writer) on 40 hun. A hazari drew 500 hun and his sabnis 100 to 125 hun.

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It was Shivaji’s settled policy* to use his army to draw supplies from foreign dominions every year. “The troops were to go into cantonments in the home territory during the rainy season (June—September.) Grain, fodder and medicines were kept in stock for the horses, and the huts of the troopers were kept thatched with grass. On the day of Dashahara (early in October) the army should set out from the camp for the country selected by the Rajah. At the time of their departure a list was made of all the property that every man, high or low, of the army carried with himself. The troops were to subsist in foreign parts for eight months and also levy contributions. No woman, female slave or dancinggirl was to be allowed to accompany the army. A soldier keeping any of these was to be beheaded. No woman or child was to be taken captive, but only men. Cows were exempt from seizure, but bullocks might be taken for transport only. Brahmans were not to be molested, nor taken as hostages for ransom. No soldier should misconduct himself [during a campaign.]

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∗ The method followed by the Pindharis in 1810-16, as described by a contemporary English officer, may be taken to illustrate the conduct of the Maratha troops in Shivaji’s time, though not of the more developed forces of the Peshwas: “Until the close of the rains and the fall of the rivers, their horses were carefully trained, to prepare them for long marches and hard work. The rivers generally became fordable by the close of the Dassera. The horses were then shod......... and all that were so inclined set forth on a foray......... All were mounted, though not equally well; .........the favourite weapon was a bamboo spear, from 12 to 18 feet long ......... It is not surprising that a body so constituted, and moving without camp-equipage of any kind, should traverse the whole of India in defiance of the most active pursuit by regular troops along the same line of march. ......... As it was impossible for them to remain more than a few hours on the same spot, the utmost despatch was necessary in rifling any towns or villages into which they could force an entrance; every one whose appearance indicated the probability of his possessing money, was immediately put to the most horrid torture......... It was their common practice to burn and destroy what could not be carried away.” [Prinsep’s History, of...... Marquess of Hastings, i. 38-39.]

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Eight months were to be passed in such expeditions abroad. On their return to their own frontier in Baishakh (April) the whole army was to be searched, the property found was to be compared with the old list, and the excess was to be deducted from their salary. Any one secreting any booty was liable to punishment on detection by the general.

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The generals on their return should see the Rajah, deliver their booty in gold silver jewels and costly cloth to him, present their accounts, and take their dues from the Treasury. The officers and men were to be promoted or punished according to their conduct during the late campaign. Then they would again remain for four months in camp.'' [Sabh. 27-30.]

§6. Revenue system and administration

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''The land in every province was to be measured and the area calculated in *chavars*. The measuring-rod was 5 cubits and 5 *muthis* (closed fists) in length. A cubit was equal to 14 *tansus*, and the measuring-rod was [therefore] 80 *tansus* long. Twenty *kathis* (rods) square made a *bigha* and 120 *bighas* one *chavar*. The area of each village was thus ascertained in detail. An estimate was made of the expected produce of each *bigha*, three parts of which were left to the peasant and two parts taken by the State.*

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"New ryots who came to settle were to be given money for seeds, and cattle, the amount being recovered in two or four annual instalments. The revenue should be taken in kind at harvest time."

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Shivaji wanted to sweep away the middle-class of revenue farmers and come into direct relations with the cultivators. "The ryots were not subject to the authority of the zamindars, deshmukhs, and desais, who had no right to exercise the powers of a political superior (overlord) or harass the ryots."

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"In the Nizam-Shahi, Adil-Shahi and Mughal territories annexed, the ryots had formerly been subject to patils, kulkarnis and deshmukhs, who used to do the collection work and pay what they pleased to the State, sometimes only 200 or 300 hun for a village yielding 2,000 hun as revenue. These mirasdars (hereditary landlords), thus growing wealthy, built forts, enlisted troops, and grew powerful. They never waited upon the revenue officer of Government and used to show fight if he urged that the village could pay more to the State. This class had become unruly and seized the country. But Shivaji dismantled their castles, garrisoned the strong places with his own troops, and took away all power from the mirasdars. Formerly they used to take whatever they liked from the *ryots*. This was now stopped. Their dues were fixed after calculating the (exact) revenue of the village, and they were forbidden to build castles." (Sabh. 32-33.)

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∗ Captain Robertson in 1820 and 1825 gave a different and more complicated account of Shivaji's revenue system. (Bom. Gaz., xviii, Pt. ii. pp. 321-322.) It is quite probable that the system was not so simple and uniform as Sabhasad represents it; but we do not know the Captain's authorities and have no means of testing his statement about a system founded nearly two centuries ago by a dynasty which had long passed away, and the continuity of whose tradition had been broken. A *tansu* was the breadth of the second and third fingers (or, in Mughal India, the breadth of 8 barley corn).

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Similarly, military fief-holders were given no political power over their tenants. "The *sar-i-naubats*, *majmuadars*, *karkuns* and the officers in the Rajah's personal service were given assignments on the revenue (*tankha barat*) for their salary. The lands cultivated by them were subject to assessment like the fields of the *ryots*, and the amount of the revenue due was deducted from their pay. For the balance they got orders on the Treasury of the capital or the districts. Men serving in the army, the militia or the forts were not to be given proprietory (*mokasa*) rights over any village in entirety. Their dues were to be paid either by assignment of revenue or by cash from the Treasury. None but the *karkuns* had any jurisdiction over the land. All payments to the army were to be made by the *karkuns*. The grant of *mokasa* rights would have created disorder among the peasants; they would have grown in strength and disobeyed the Government collectors; and the growing power of the *ryots* would have ended in rebellion at various places. The *mokasa*-holders and the *zamindars* if united would become uncontrollable. No *mokasa* was to be granted to any one." (Sabh. 30-31.)

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Over two *mahals*, yielding a revenue of from 75,000 to 1,25,000 *hun* in the aggregate, a *subahdar* on 400 *hun* and a *majmuadar* on 100 to 125 *hun* a year were appointed. The *subahdar* was to have a *palki* allowance of 400 *hun*. All civil and military officers with a salary of 125 *hun* or more were given the right to hold parasols (*aftab-gir*) over their heads, with an allowance from the State for bearers (Sabh. 31.) Where necessary, a subahdar was posted over a tract yielding only one lakh of Rupees. To the disturbed provinces across the frontier, a military force was sent with the collectors of blackmail. (Sabh. 32.) The subahdars were all Brahmans, under the Peshwa's supervision (Sabh. 77.)

§7. Religious policy

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Shivaji's religious policy was very liberal. He respected the holy places of all creeds in his raids and made endowments for Hindu temples and Muslim saints' tombs and mosques alike. He not only granted pensions to Brahman scholars versed in the Vedas, astronomers and anchorites, but also built hermitages and provided subsistence at his own cost for the holy men of Islam, notably Baba Yaqut of Keloshi (4 m. s. of Bankot on the Ratnagiri coast.) (Sabh. 33.) "The lost Vedic studies were revived by him. One maund of rice was (annually) presented to a Brahman who had mastered one of the books of the Vedas, two maunds to a master of two books, and so on. Every year the Pandit Rao used to examine the scholars in the month of Shravan (August) and increase or decrease their stipends according to their progress in study. Foreign pandits received presents in goods, local scholars in food. Famous scholars were assembled, honoured and given money rewards. No Brahman had occasion to go to other kingdoms to beg." (Chit. 85, 43.)

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Shivaji's spiritual guide (guru) was Ramdas Swami, one of the greatest saints of Maharashtra, (born 1608, died 1681.) An attempt has been made in the present generation to prove that the Maratha national hero's political ideal of an independent Hindu monarchy was inspired by Ramdas; but the evidence produced is neither adequate nor free from suspicion.* The holy man's influence on Shivaji was spiritual, and not political. After the capture of Satara, (1673) Shivaji installed his guru in the neighbouring hill-fort of Parli or Sajjangarh, and guides still point to the credulous tourist the seat on the top of Satara hill from which Shivaji used to hold converse with the saint, across four miles of space! A charming anecdote is told, that Shivaji could not understand why Ramdas used to go out daily on his begging tour, though his royal disciple had made him rich beyond the dreams of avarice, and that he next day placed at his feet a deed making a gift of all his kingdom to the saint. Ramdas accepted the gift, appointed Shivaji as his vicar, and bade him rule the realm thenceforth not as an autocratic owner, but as a servant responsible for all his acts to a higher authority. Shivaji then made the tawny robe of a Hindu sannyasi his flag, *bhagwe jhanda*, in order to signify that he fought and ruled in the livery of his ascetic lord paramount, and conducted himself "As ever in his great Taskmaster's eyes."

§8. Effect of Shivaji's reign

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So much for Shivaji's regulations in theory. But in practice they were often violated except where he was personally present. Thus, the assertion of Sabhasad and Chitnis that his soldiers had to deliver to the State every item of the booty taken by them, is contradicted by the sack of Dharangaon (1679), where the English factors were robbed of many things without these being entered in the official papers of the Maratha army or credited to Shivaji's Treasury (Ch. 14.) Shivaji could not be everywhere and at all times; hence it was impossible for him to prevent private looting by his troops and camp-followers. In the wake of the Maratha army, gangs of private robbers took to the road. The Pindharis were the logical corollary of the Maratha soldier, to whom rapine was a normal duty.

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∗ *Shivaji and Ramdas*: Chit. 44-53, also his *Shambhaji Bakhar*, 5-6; Prof. Bhate's *Shivaji ani Ramdas*; the publications and now-defunct monthly magazine of the Ramdasi coterie of Dhulia (notably Mr. Rajwade.)

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Shivaji justified his spoliation of his neighbours by saying, as he did to the Mughal governor of Surat (1672), "Your Emperor has forced me to keep an army for the defence of my people and country. That army must be paid by his subjects." (Ch. 8 §4.) Such a plea might have been true at the beginning of his career and in relation to Mughal territory only, but cannot explain his raids into Bijapur and Golkonda, Kanara and Tanjore. It fails altogether as a defence of the foreign policy of the Peshwas.

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But whatever might be the moral quality of the means he employed, his success was a dazzling reality. This petty jagirdar's son proved himself the irrepressible opponent of the Mughal empire and all its resources. This fact deeply impressed the minds of his contemporaries in India and abroad. Aurangzib was in despair as to how he could subdue Shiva. A significant statement is made in a news-letter of his Court in 1670 that the Emperor read a despatch from the Deccan, recounting some raids of Shiva and then "remained silent." In the inner council of the Court he often anxiously asked whom he should next send against Shivaji, seeing that nearly all his great generals had failed in the Deccan, and Mahabat Khan irreverently replied with a sneer at Qazi Abdul Wahab's influence over the Emperor, "No general is necessary. A decree from the Chief Qazi will be sufficient to extinguish Shiva!" The young Persian king, Shah Abbas II., sent a letter taunting Aurangzib, "You call yourself a Padishah, but cannot subdue a mere zamindar like Shiva. I am going to India with an army to teach you your business."

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To the Hindu world in that age of renewed persecution, Shivaji appeared as the star of a new hope, the protector of the ritualistic paint-mark (*tilak*) on the forehead of Hindus, and the saviour of Brahmans. [Bhushan’s poems.] His Court, as later his son’s, became the rallying-point of the opposition to Aurangzib. The two rivals were both supermen, but contrasts in character.

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