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Shivaji and His Times c6: Chapter III. Rapid Extension of Territory and First Wars with Mughals and Bijapur, 1657-1659

Shivaji and His Times c6

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Contents

Chapter III. Rapid Extension of Territory and First Wars with Mughals and Bijapur, 1657-1659

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§1. Relations with the Mughals up to 1657.

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For many years after his first assertion of independence, Shivaji carefully maintained peace with the Mughals. For one thing, his power was not yet secure, and it would have been the height of folly to provoke both Bijapur and Delhi at the same time. Secondly, from 1653 onwards Mughal Deccan was governed by Prince Aurangzib with singular efficiency and vigour, and his neighbours rightly dreaded giving him any offence. When Aurangzib was involved in war with Golkonda (January-March 1656), Shivaji was too busy organizing his conquests in Javli and the northern Ratnagiri district to raid Mughal territory during that Prince's absence from his charge.

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On the death of Muhammad Adil Shah (4 Nov. 1656), Aurangzib began active preparations for the invasion of Bijapur, and tried to seduce as many Adil-Shahi nobles and vassals as he could. Shivaji then wrote a letter to Multafat Khan, the Mughal governor of Ahmadnagar, offering to join the imperialists if his desires were granted. To this a conciliatory reply was given, in accordance with Aurangzib's instructions to "keep the path of correspondence with him open." (*Adab*, 144b.)

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12. Shivaji's first raid into Mughal Deccan.

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Shivaji also wrote directly to Aurangzeb. His envoy Sonaji reached the Prince's siege-camp before Bidar (in March 1657) and was assured that the Mughal Government would grant all the prayers of the Maratha chief, namely (i) a formal recognition of his right to all the Bijapuri forts and villages actually in his possession and (ii) the annexation of the port of Dabhol and the territory appertaining to it. A reply in these terms was also written to Shivaji by Aurangzeb on 23rd April, 1657, when about to start for the siege of Kaliani, and Shivaji was urged to prove his devotion by rendering armed help to the Mughal cause. [Parasnis MS., letter No. 5; Adab. 146a.]

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But long before this date, Shivaji had already decided on the different policy of fighting for his own hand. The vague promises of the Mughal Prince could not satisfy him. Even a less astute man than he must have known that such promises would amount to nothing in practice when the need of the imperialists would be over. He considered it more profitable to make a diversion in favour of Bijapur by raiding the south-western corner of Mughal Deccan while Aurangzeb's forces were concentrated at the siege of Kaliani, beyond his south-eastern frontier. He had cunningly prepared for action by quietly recalling his envoy from Aurangzeb's camp, on the pretext of consultation, (about the middle of April); and he launched on war immediately afterwards.

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Two Maratha captains, Minaji Bhonslé at the head of 3,000 horse and Kashi, crossed the Bhima and plundered the Mughal villages in the Chamargunda and Raisin sub-divisions respectively. They carried devastation and alarm to the very gates of Ahmadnagar, the chief city of Mughal Deccan. [Kambu, 3b; Adab. 148a.]

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A Maratha attempt to loot the city (peth) which nestled under shelter of the fort of Ahmadnagar was defeated, by a timely sortie of the garrison; but so great was the alarm it caused that Multafat Khan, the qiladar of the fort, removed the property of the inhabitants for greater safety within the fort. (Adab. 148b.)

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While Minaji was raiding the Ahmadnagar district in the east, Shivaji was busy looting the Junnar sub-division in the north. In the dark night of 30th April, he silently scaled the walls of Junnar city with rope-ladders and after slaughtering the guards, carried off 300,000 hun in cash, 200 horses, and much costly clothing and jewellery. (Sabh. 8; Adab. 153b.) The success of the Maratha raiders was due to the negligence of the local Mughal officers (as the Delhi historian Kambu asserts) and probably also to their military weakness. Aurangzib, on hearing of these disturbances, censured the thanahdars and poured reinforcements into the Ahmadnagar district.

§3. Aurangzib's defensive measures

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Nasiri Khan, Iraj Khan and some other officers at the head of 3,000 cavalry were ordered there. Rao Karn, who was coming from Aurangabad to Bidar, was diverted from the way to the same place. Shaista Khan was ordered to detach 1,000 men from his contingent there. But Nasiri Khan's movements were provokingly slow. On 30th April he entered the pargana of Bir and four days later marched towards Ashti.* Thus, there was a great delay in his going to Ahmadnagar and Junnar, expelling the enemy, and ravaging Shivaji's territory, as ordered by Aurangzib. (Kambu, 3b; Adab. 147a, 153a, 154b.)

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Meantime, Multafat Khan had issued from the fort of Ahmadnagar and relieved the beleaguered outpost at Chamargunda by defeating Minaji, (28th April.) But the Marathas continued to rove about the pargana for some time longer. However, the retainers of Multafat and Mirza Khan followed up their victory and at last cleared the Chamargunda sub-division. (Adab. 110b, 153b, 154a.)

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Shivaji had stayed in the Junnar sub-division for some time, robbing the villages, as the Mughal reinforcements were late in arriving there and he found the field clear. But, at the approach of Rao Karn and Shaista Khan, he fled from the neighbourhood of Junnar city and wandered over the district for some time, as he could not be caught and crushed. (Adab. 110b, 111b, 112a.) But when the pressure became great, he slipped away to the Ahmadnagar district and began to plunder it. By this time (end of May), however, Nasiri Khan had reached the scene. By a forced march he surprised Shiva's army and nearly encircled it. Many of the Marathas were slain, many wounded, and the rest put to flight, (4 June.) But there was no pursuit, as the Mughal horses were too tired. (Kambu, 4b; Adab. 154a, 156a.)

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Aurangzib's letters to Nasiri Khan and other officers breathed fury and revenge; they must beat the raiders back from the imperial dominions and make reprisals by entering Shiva’s land from all sides, “wasting the villages, slaying the people without pity, and plundering them to the extreme”; Shivaji’s possessions, Puna and Chakan, must be utterly ruined, and not the least remissness shown in slaying and enslaving the people; the village headmen and peasants of the imperial territory who had secretly abetted the enemy, must be slain without pity. (*Adab.* 147*a* and *b*, 148*a*.)

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∗ *Bir (or Bid) is 68 m. e. and Ashti is 35 m. s. e. of Ahmadnagar. Chamargunda (or Shrigunda) is 33 m. s. of Ahmadnagar. (Ind. At. 39 N. E.) Raisin is 20 m. s. e. of Chamargunda.

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Aurangzib’s new dispositions for guarding his southwestern frontier showed excellent combination and judgment. Kar Talab Khan was posted near Junnar, Abdul Munim at Garh Namuna, and Nasiri Khan and Rao Karn at Panda “opposite Parenda fort,” to guard the Chamargunda, Kara and Ashti parganas.* (*Adab.* 148*b*.) These officers stood facing the frontier and barring every path of the enemy’s advance, so that the imperial ryots behind them might enjoy safety. The officers were further bidden to make a dash forward across the frontier, whenever they got an opportunity, ravage as much of the enemy’s territory in front of them as they could, and then quickly return to the defence of their respective posts. (*Adab.* 147*b*.)

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After Nasiri Khan’s victory over Shiva in the Ahmadnagar district, he was ordered by Aurangzib to “pursue the Marathas and extirpate them.” But this could not be done. The rains now set in with the full violence of the monsoons, and the campaign had to be closed. Shiva retreated to his own country and the Mughal officers fell back on their appointed stations, watching the frontier. "There was peace in the whole district." (*Adab.* 156*a*, 149*a*.)

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∗ *Panda* (in Pers. text, *Pandeh*) is 16 m. n. w. of Parenda and 3 m. s. of Karmala. *Kara* is 9 m. n. w. of Ashti. I have followed Aurangzib's letters (in *Adab*) above; but Kambu omits Garh Namuna and says that Abdul Munim was posted at Chamargunda. I have failed to trace Garh Namuna, unless it was a name given to the old and ruined outpost at Pedgaon, 8 m. s. of Chamargunda.

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June, July and August 1657 passed in enforced idleness for the imperial troops. In September the situation was complicated by the illness of Shah Jahan and the preparations for a War of Succession among his sons. Bijapur made peace with the Mughals. But throughout the month of September Aurangzib continued to urge his officers not to relax their vigilance, but hold the s. w. frontier in force, lest Shiva should renew his raids. About the middle of October he wrote to the governor of Ahmadnagar to take care of the city and keep his troops in readiness, lest when Nasiri Khan went back, Shiva finding the field clear should begin to plunder again (*Adab.* 149*b*, 157*b*.)

§4. Shivaji makes peace with the Mughals

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When in September his liege-lord, the king of Bijapur, made peace, Shivaji found it useless and even ruinous to himself to continue the war with the Mughal empire single-handed. He must try to save his patrimony. So, he wrote to Nasiri Khan offering submission, and the Khan replied in a conciliatory tone. Then Shiva, as requested, sent a trusty agent to the Khan to state his demands. These were reported to Aurangzib (*Adab.* 156*b*, 157*a*); but no definite agreement followed. Shivaji now sent Raghunath Pant to Aurangzib directly. The Prince was just then starting on his march to Northern India (25 Jan., 1658) and wrote to Shiva in reply, "Though your offences do not deserve pardon, I forgive you as you have repented. You propose that if you are granted all the villages belonging to your home [i.e., Shahji's old jagir] together with the forts and territory of Konkan, after the imperialists have seized the old Nizam-Shahi territory now in the hands of Adil Shah,—you will send Sona Pandit as your envoy to my Court and a contingent of 500 horse under one of your officers to serve me, and you will protect the imperial frontiers. You are called upon to send Sonaji, and your prayers will be granted."'*

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But while Aurangzib received Shiva's submission with outward pleasure, his mind was not really composed about him. He omitted no precaution to maintain peace in that quarter by force, for he felt convinced that the young Maratha chief was a raider whose daring was only equalled by his cunning, and an ambitious adventurer who would place self-interest above fidelity to his plighted word or gratitude for favours received. He wrote to Mir Jumla (December, 1657), "At Nasiri Khan's departure that district has been left vacant. Attend to it, as the son of a dog is waiting for his opportunity." (*Adab.* 92a.) Adil Shah was thus urged by the Prince: "Protect this country. Expel Shiva who has sneaked into the possession of some forts of the land. If you wish to entertain his services, give him jagirs in the Karnatak, far from the imperial dominions, so that he may not disturb them." (*Adab.* 163a.)

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Aurangzib, therefore, left the Deccan without granting peace and pardon to Shivaji. The Mughals also repaired and garrisoned the old and ruined fort of Pedgaon, as a convenient outpost for operations against Puna. (*Adab.* 157b.) But Shiva was freed from all fear of the Mughals by the War of Succession which kept Aurangzib busy for the next two years, 1658 and 1659.

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∗ This letter, dated 24th February 1658, was not actually sent to Shivaji till after the battle of Dharmat (15 April), as a postscript reports Aurangzib's victory there. (Parasnis MS., letter No. 6.)

§5. Shivaji invades Konkan

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In the second half of the year 1657, the northward retreat of Prince Aurangzib, the likelihood of a civil war for the throne of Delhi, and the wrangles among the Bijapuri nobles about responsibility for their ill-success in the recent war with the Mughals (which culminated in the murder of the wazir Khan Muhammad),—all combined to remove the only checks on Shivaji's ambition, and he now launched forth on a fresh career of conquest and plunder unhampered by any fear or caution.

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On 31st July he despatched Raghunath Pant to reinforce his attack on the Siddis of Janjira. And when the rains ceased and the dry season for campaigning began again (in October), he himself hastened to a new field. Crossing the Western Ghats he burst into Konkan. The northern part of this coast-strip formed the Kalian (modern, Thana) district and was then held by an Arab named Mulla Ahmad of the Nawaiyat (emigrant) clan, one of the leading nobles of Bijapur. The protracted illness of Muhammad Adil Shah had detained this governor at Bijapur for a long time, and during his absence the defence of his jagir had grown slack and inefficient. (*A. N.* 576). A considerable amount of disaffection and disorder seems to have prevailed among the petty chieftains of the district, which was a recent acquisition from the Nizam-Shahi State and where the authority of the new Government sat loose.

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He easily seized the rich towns of Kalian* and Bhivandi (24 Oct. 1657), which were then without walls, and there took much wealth and costly merchandise. The fort of Mahuli, which had once been the last refuge of Shahji, was next captured (8 Jan. 1658.) The Kalian sub-division with some other parts of the Thana district, thus passed into Shiva's possession, and he got a firm footing in Northern Konkan, which he rapidly improved in the course of the year. His progress southwards into the Kolaba district seems to have been assisted by the petty local chiefs who were eager to throw off Muslim yoke and wrote inviting him to come. (T. S. 13a.) Surgarh (8 miles east), Birwadi (5 miles west), Tala (10 miles south), Ghosalgarh (5 m. s. w.), Bhurap or Sudhagarh (15 miles east of Roha town), Kangori (12 miles east of Mahad), and above all the impregnable fortress of Rairi (Raigarh) which was to be his future capital, all passed into his hands, and thus the Abyssinians of Janjira lost the eastern half of the Kolaba district to him. At Birwadi and Lingana (5 miles east of Raigarh) he built strong forts. From the base of Kalian, his troops plundered the neighbouring Portuguese territory (belonging to the province of Daman, called "the North" in the records), and established themselves in the fort of Aseri (midway between Mahim and Jawhar) as a permanent menace. The Portuguese are said to have bought his forbearance by promising an annual tribute, [according to the *Jedhe Karina*, but unsupported by the Portuguese records, *vide* Viceroy's letter to King of Portugal, dated Goa, 15 May 1658, in Pissurlencar, i. 4.] Kalian and Bhivandi were immediately turned into naval bases and dockyards by Shivaji. [*Ibid.*, letter of 16 Aug. 1659.]

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∗ Shivaji's chivalry to a Muhammadan girl (the daughter-in-law of Mulla Ahmad) captured in the Kalian campaign, T. S. 14a. Tavernier (ii. 205) reports the rumour that Shiva discovered buried treasure at Kalian. Jedhe S.; T. S. 13a—14a.

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But he did not occupy Mahad or the country south of that town in this campaign. Abaji Sondev was created viceroy of the province thus won in North Konkan, which included the eastern part of the Thana and Kolaba districts. The history of the Maratha conflict with the Siddis of Janjira in this province will be narrated in Chapter 14.

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We may conveniently pause here and take note of the exact size of the infant Maratha kingdom. At the cautious outset of his independent career (1647-48), Shivaji's territory embraced most parts of his father's western jagir and his own early annexations from Bijapur. These together covered the southern half of the Puna district, and their northern boundary was the old Mughal frontier,—a line running diagonally from the north-western to near the south-eastern corner of that district and avoiding the Mughal forts at Junnar, Visapur, and Parnir; *i.e.*, for some distance the Ghod river divided the two dominions in the north; Junnar and Chamargunda belonged to the Mughals and Chakan to Shivaji. His southern boundary was marked by the outposts of Indapur and Baramati, and the forts of Rajgarh and Torna (and possibly also Kondana.)

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The above was his position in 1648. But by the year 1659 he had extended his dominions in the uplands or *Desh* to the southern limit of the Satara district, and in Konkan from Mahuli to near Mahad. Thus he now became master of the whole of North Konkan except the ports and adjacent lands on the west coast (which belonged to Bijapur, the Siddis, and the Portuguese) and the extreme north of the Thana district, while the country from Mahad southwards was yet to be won.

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The greatly expanded Maratha kingdom was now organized on a stronger and more elaborate plan: Moro Trimbak Pingle was appointed Chancellor (Peshwa) in the place of the incompetent Shyamraj Nilkanth Ranjhekar, Nilo Sondev Accountant-General (majmuadar) vice Balkrishna Pant, and Netaji Palkar as Master of the Horse (sar-i-naubat.) Two new posts, those of Surnis (Superintendent of Correspondence) and Waqnis (News-writer) were created and given to Abaji Sondev and Gangaji Mangaji respectively.* The cavalry now mustered 10,000, out of whom 7,000 were mounted on Government horses and the rest on their own; the Mavle infantry numbered 10,000 and their commander was Yesaji Kank. (Sabh. 11.) The forts, old and newly acquired, held by Shivaji in 1659 numbered forty. (A. N. 576.) On 14 May, 1657 the newly-founded kingdom was blessed with the birth of an heir to the throne, the ill-fated Shambhuji.

§6. Bijapur plans to subdue Shivaji

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After the Mughal invasion of 1657 had rolled back and Aurangzib had marched away to Northern India, the Bijapur Government gained respite and some accession of vigour. True, the old prime-minister, Khan Muhammad, was murdered (11 Nov. 1657) on a false suspicion of collusion with Aurangzib during the late war; but his successor, Khawas Khan, was an able administrator. The Queen Mother, Bari Sahiba, who virtually ruled the State till her fatal journey to Mecca (1660), was a woman of masterful spirit and experienced in the conduct of business. Freed for the time being from the constant menace of the Mughals on the frontier, the Bijapur Government now began to call its refractory vassals to account. Shahji was asked to punish Shivaji, but he frankly repudiated all responsibility for the conduct of his disobedient son and left the Government free to punish him without any consideration for her father's feelings. Measures had, therefore, to be taken for crushing Shivaji by force.

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∗ The reading of the Mahad MS. of Sabh. (11 n) has been accepted here. Jedhe S. says that Narahari Anand Rao was created Peshwa on 21 Aug. 1661 (T. S. 13b), and Moro Pant Majmuadar on 2 Jan. 1661 and Peshwa on 3 Apr. 1662, when Nilo succeeded him as Majmuadar.

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This was, however, no easy task. Shiva's military strength was far from despicable; and the Bijapuri nobles shrank from the idea of a campaign among the hills and jungles of the Western Ghats. The command of the expedition against him went abegging at the Bijapur Court, till Afzal Khan accepted it. (Sabh. 12-13; Jedhe S; Malkare 30; T. S. 15.)

§6. Afzal Khan's expedition against Shiva

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Abdullah Bhatari, surnamed Afzal Khan, was a noble of the first rank, who had risen to power and honour under the late Sultan of Bijapur. As a general he was of the highest standing in the kingdom, being the peer of Bahlol Khan and Randaula Khan, and he had fought with conspicuous bravery and skill in the recent war with the Mughals. But the resources of Bijapur had been crippled by that war and the disorder and impoverishment natural in a regency under a veiled woman. Only 10,000 cavalry* could be spared to accompany Afzal, while popular report had raised the strength of Shiva’s Mavle infantry to 60,000 men as the result of his conquest of Javli, and he had also enlisted a regiment of valuable Pathan mercenaries from the disbanded soldiery of Bijapur. (T. S. 13b.) Afzal Khan, therefore, did not prefer an open contest of force with Shiva. Indeed, he was instructed by the Dowager Queen to effect the capture or murder of Shiva by “pretending friendship” with him and offering to secure his pardon from Adil Shah.*

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∗ This is the strength of Afzal's army as given by contemporaries, viz., *Tarikh-i-Ali II*. 76 and the English letter quoted in the next note. The

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The Bijapuri general had accepted the command in a spirit of bravado, and even boasted in open Court that he would bring Shiva back a captive without having once to dismount from his own horse. But his mind must have been oppressed by the heaviness of his task. He planned to effect his purpose if possible by diplomacy and raising the Maval chiefs against Shivaji. From Bijapur the expedition marched due north to Tuljapur, one of the holiest shrines in Maharashtra and the seat of Bhavani, the guardian goddess of the house of Bhonslé. Here, according to the story current among the Marathas, he ordered the stone image of Bhavani to be broken and pounded into dust in a hand-mill, and committed similar outrages at other Hindu shrines on his way.†

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† Sabh.

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In a short time (probably in April), the Khan reached Wai (20 miles north of Satara), of which town and district

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Maratha accounts, all very much later, put it at 12,000 cavalry besides infantry. (T. S. 15b; Sabh. 13). In A. N. 577, du hazar is evidently a misprint for dah hazar. The letter in Shed. 25 is a fabrication.

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∗ “Against Shivaji the Queen this year sent Abdullah Khan with an army of 10,000 horse and foot, and because she knew with that strength he was not able to resist Shivaji, she counselled him to pretend friendship with his enemy, which he did. And the other [i.e., Shivaji], whether through intelligence or suspicion it is not known, dissembled his love toward him &c.” (Revington at Rajapur to Company, 10 Dec. 1659, F. R. Rajapur.)

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¹³ But V. L. Bhave gives good reasons for disbelieving these stories of atrocities, as later popular inventions. (P. 9 of his pamphlet.)

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he had been jagirdar and governor for the last ten or twelve years. At Wai he halted for several months, maturing his plan of campaign. As early as April, the Bijapur Government had sent a circular letter to all the deshmukhs of Maval to join Afzal Khan with their contingents and help him in subduing Shivaji. As vassals of Adil Shah, they were bound in law to obey his orders, if they did not wish their hereditary land (watan) and office to be forfeited. The letter had some effect. Khandoji Khopde, the deshmukh of Utroli and the rival of Kanhoji Jedhe (of Bhor) for the deshmukhi of Rohidkhore, waited on Afzal at Wai and gave him a written undertaking to arrest Shiva on condition of being granted the coveted deshmukhi. He was placed with his strong Mavle contingent in command of Afzal's vanguard. [Raj. xvii. 31, xv. 393 and 317; Jedhe S; T. S. 16a.] The other Maval deshmukhs were frightened and perplexed as to what they should do. But Shivaji won seven of them over to his side with solemn promises of protection and reward.

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The campaign was expected to open at the end of the rainy season, in October, and in the meantime Afzal halted at Wai, hatching his plots for getting Shiva seized. That chief had taken up his residence at Pratapgarh, some time before. Afzal sent his land-steward Krishnaji Bhaskar to Shivaji with a very alluring message, saying, "Your father has long been a great friend of mine, and you are, therefore, no stranger to me. Come and see me, and I shall use my influence to make Adil Shah confirm your possession of Konkan and the forts you now hold. I shall secure for you further distinctions and military equipment from our Government. If you wish to attend the Court, you will be welcomed. Or, if you want to be excused personal attendance there, you will be exempted." (Sabh. 13-14.)

§7. Shivaji's danger and perplexity

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Meantime, the news of Afzal's coming had caused great terror and perplexity among Shiva's followers. Hitherto they had surprised obscure forts, looted isolated convoys, or fought skirmishes with the small irregular forces of private jagirdars. Here was their first encounter with the regular forces of Bijapur, led by a famous general, and numbering 10,000 with artillery, transport, and all the other material of the best-equipped armies of that age. Moreover, Afzal's march from Bijapur to Wai had been an unbroken success; the Marathas had not ventured to oppose him in the open, and he had freely looted and laid waste the territory of Shiva that he had crossed. (Tarikh-i-Ali II. 76-77.) Tales of his irresistible strength and ruthlessness had reached the Maratha camp. Shivaji's officers naturally shrank from the idea of resistance. At the first council of war which he held, they urged him to make peace, as the enemy was strong and hostilities would only cause a great loss of life to their side. (Sabh. 14).

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This was the most critical moment in the career of Shivaji. If he capitulated to Afzal Khan, all his hopes of independence and future greatness would be gone for ever, and he would have to end his days as a tame vassal of Bijapur, even if he escaped his sovereign's vengeance for his late rebellion. Yet, the open defiance of Bijapur authority now would for ever close the door to reconciliation with that State, and he must be prepared ever afterwards to defend his life and independence against the power of that kingdom and of the Mughals and other enemies, without a single friend or protector to turn to in the wide world. His ministers and generals advocated the more ignoble policy. Shiva himself was in a terrible dilemma. For a night he pondered on his life's choice and then chose the manlier part. A legend, dating from his lifetime, tells us that the care-worn chieftain's sleep was broken by a vision of the goddess Bhavani who urged him to confront Afzal boldly and promised him victory and her full protection. (Sabh. 14.)

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His mind was made up. Next morning the council met again. Moved by Shiva's manly words, appeal to their sense of honour, and report of the goddess's blessings, they resolved on war. He now made his dispositions for the contest with the utmost forethought and skill. He took counsel of his mother, who blessed him and foretold his success, and then he left minute instructions for carrying on the government in the event of his being killed. The armies under Moro Trimbak Pingle and Netaji Palkar were summoned from Konkan and the Ghats respectively, and ordered to take post within easy reach of Pratapgarh. (Sabh. 15.)

§8. Plots and counter-plots

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Then came Afzal's envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar, with the invitation to a parley. Shiva treated him with respect, and at night met him in secrecy and solemnly appealed to him as a Hindu and a priest to tell him of the Khan's real intentions. Krishnaji yielded so far as to hint that the Khan seemed to harbour some plan of mischief. Shivaji then sent the envoy back with Gopinath Pant, his own agent, agreeing to Afzal's proposal of an interview, provided that the Khan gave him a solemn assurance of safety. Gopinath's real mission was to find out the strength of Afzal's army and other useful information about it and learn for himself what the Khan's real aim was. Through Gopinath Shiva vowed that no harm would be done to Afzal during the interview, and Afzal, on his part, gave similar assurances of his honesty of purpose. But Gopinath learnt by a liberal use of bribes that Afzal's officers were convinced that "he had so arranged matters that Shiva would be arrested at the interview, as he was too cunning to be caught by open fight." On his return, Gopinath told it all to Shiva and urged him to anticipate the treacherous attack on himself by murdering Afzal at a lonely meeting and then surprising his army. (Sabh. 16-18.)

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Shiva, taking the hint from Gopinath, feigned terror and refused to visit Wai, unless the Khan met him nearer home and personally promised him safety and future protection. Afzal agreed to make this concession. By Shiva's orders a path was cut through the dense forest all the way from Wai to Pratapgarh and food and drink were kept ready for the Bijapur army at various points of it. By way of the Radtondi pass (below 'Bombay Point' of the Mahabaleshwar plateau), Afzal Khan marched to Par, a village lying one mile below Pratapgarh on the south, and his men encamped there in scattered groups, deep down in the valley near every pool of water at the source of the Koyna.

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Gopinath was sent up the hill to report the Khan's arrival. The meeting was arranged to take place next day. The place chosen for the interview was the crest of an eminence, below the fort of Pratapgarh, and overlooking the valley of the Koyna. On both sides of the forest-path leading up the hill-side to the pavilion picked soldiers were posted in ambush at intervals by Shivaji.

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Here he erected tents and set up a richly decorated canopy with gorgeous carpets and cushions worthy of a royal guest.

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Then he prepared himself for the meeting. Under his tunic he wore a coat of chain armour and below his turban he placed a steel cap for the protection of the skull. What offensive arms he had, nobody could see; but concealed in his left hand was a set of steel claws (*baghnakh*) fastened to the fingers by a pair of rings, and up his right sleeve lay hidden a thin sharp dagger called the scorpion (*bichwa.*) His companions were only two, but both men of extraordinary courage and agility,—Jiv Mahala, an expert swordsman, and Shambhuji Kavji, the murderer of Hanumant Rao More. Each of them carried two swords and a shield.

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As the party was about to descend from the fort a saintly female figure appeared in their midst. It was Jija Bai. Shiva bowed to his mother. She blessed him saying, "Victory be yours!" and solemnly charged his companions to keep him safe; they vowed obedience. Then they walked down to the foot of the fort and waited.

§9. Interview between Shiva and Afzal

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Meanwhile Afzal Khan had started from his camp at Par, with a strong escort of more than a thousand musketeers. Gopinath objected to it, saying that such a display of force would scare away Shiva from the interview, and that the Khan should, therefore, take with himself only two bodyguards exactly as Shiva had done. So, he left his troops some distance behind and made his way up the hill-path in a *palki* accompanied by two soldiers and a famous swordsman named Sayyid Banda, as well as the two Brahman envoys, Gopinath and Krishnaji. Arrived in the tent, Afzal Khan angrily remarked on its princely furniture and decorations as far above the proper style of a jagirdar's son. But Gopinath soothed him by saying that all these rich things were meant to be soon sent to the Bijapur palace as the first fruits of Shiva's submission.

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Messengers were sent to hurry up Shiva, who was waiting below the fort. He advanced slowly, then halted on seeing Sayyid Banda, and sent to demand that the man should be removed from the tent. This was done, and at last Shivaji entered the pavilion. On each side four men were present,—the principal, two armed retainers and an envoy. But Shiva was seemingly unarmed,* like a rebel who had come to surrender, while the Khan had his sword at his side.

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The attendants stood below. Shiva mounted the raised platform and bowed to Afzal. The Khan rose from his seat, advanced a few steps, and opened his arms to receive Shiva in his embrace. The short slim Maratha's head only came up to the shoulders of his opponent. Suddenly Afzal tightened his clasp, and held Shiva's neck fast in his left arm with an iron grip, while with his right hand he drew his long straight-bladed dagger and struck at the side of Shiva. The hidden armour rendered the blow harmless. Shiva groaned in agony as he felt himself being strangled. But in a moment he recovered from the surprise, passed his left arm round the Khan's waist and tore his bowels open with a blow of the steel claws. Then with the right hand he drove the bichwa into Afzal's side.

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∗ Khafi Khan, ii. 116, states that both Afzal and Shivaji came to the interview unarmed. But kamar wa karda, 'with no sword girt on the waist,' was the customary attitude of the defeated party, so often described in Persian histories, and Afzal was not in that humiliating position.

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The wounded man relaxed his hold, and Shivaji wrested himself free, jumped down from the platform, and ran towards his own men outside.

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The Khan cried out, "Treachery! Murder! Help! Help!" The attendants ran up from both sides. Sayyid Banda faced Shiva with his long straight sword and cut his turban in twain, making a deep dint in the steel cap beneath. Shiva quickly took a rapier from Jiv Mahala and began to parry. But Jiv Mahala came round with his other sword, hacked off the right arm of the Sayyid, and then killed him.

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Meanwhile the bearers had placed the wounded Khan in his *palki*, and started for his camp. But Shambhuji Kavji slashed at their legs, made them drop the *palki*, and then cut off Afzal's head, which he carried in triumph to Shiva.*

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§10. *Afzal's army routed and plundered.*

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Freed from danger, Shivaji and his two comrades then made their way to the summit of Pratapgarh, and fired a cannon. This was the signal for which his troops were waiting in their ambush in the valleys below. At once the armies of Moro Trimbak and Netaji Palkar and the thousands of Mavles rushed on the Bijapuri camp from four sides. Afzal's officers and soldiers alike were panic-stricken at the news of their chief's death and this unexpected attack, in that unknown region, where every bush seemed to be alive with enemies. But the way of escape was closed and they had perforce to fight. For three hours many of the entrapped soldiers made a desperate defence, evidently in isolated groups, without any common plan or superior guidance. The Marathas fought on their own ground, in the full flush of their initial triumph, confident of succour close behind, and led by eminent chiefs. The carnage in the Bijapuri army was terrible. "All who begged quarters holding grass between their teeth [as a mark of humility] were spared, the rest were put to the sword." 3,000 men were killed, according to the report that reached the English factory at Rajapur a few days later. The Mavle infantry hacked at the fleeing elephants, "severing the tails, breaking the tusks, or chopping off the legs." Even camels were cut down as they crossed the path of the assailants.

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∗ The head was buried beneath a tower (called *Abdullah burj*) in an outwork on the south-eastern side of the lower fort. A short distance from it is the temple of Bhavani built by Shivaji. (*Bom. Gaz.* xix, 546-547.) For illustrations, see Parasnis's *Mahabaleshwar*, 143 and 144. II., 76-81, contains a maximum of mere words and rhetorical flourishes but few facts. B. S. 370 is even more meagre in details, but concise. *Jedhe S.* and *T. S.* say that Khandoji Khopde was caught and beheaded by Shivaji; but *J. Karina* (recent) alleges that he was only mutilated of one arm and one leg (by order of Shivaji.) The *Akhbarat* proves that he was beheaded. The Khan's artillery is said to have been left at Wai and captured the next day.

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The booty taken was immense: all the artillery, waggons, ammunition, treasure, tents and equipage, transport-cattle and baggage of an entire army, fell into the victors' hands. Among them were 65 elephants, 4,000 horses, 1,200 camels, 2,000 bundles of clothing, and 10 lakhs of Rupees in cash and jewellery.

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The prisoners included one sardar of high rank, two sons of Afzal, and two Maratha chiefs namely Lambaji Bhonslé and Jhujhar Rao Ghatgé. All the captured women and children, Brahmans and camp-followers were immediately released. One section of the beaten army, consisting of Afzal Khan's wives and eldest son, Fazl Khan, escaped round the source of the Koyna, under the guidance of Khandoji Khopde and his contingent of Mavle friendlies.[^ *]

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[^ *]: Meeting with Afzal Khan: Sabh. 19-21; Jedhe S; T. S. 16a-17b; A. N. 577; Dilkasha 19; K. K. ii. 116-118; Rajapur Factory Records; Fryer, ii. 61; Powadas, 12-18. Plunder of his army: Sabh. 23-24; T. S. 17b; Powadas, 19-20. Escape of Fazl Khan: Sabh. 24. Tarikh-i-Ali Adil Shah A grand review was held by Shivaji below Pratapgarh. The captured enemy, both officers and men, were set free and sent back to their homes with money, food and other gifts. The Maratha soldiers who had fought so gallantly were rewarded; if the fallen warriors had grown-up sons, they were enlisted in their fathers' places; if otherwise, their widows were given pensions amounting to half their pay. The wounded received rewards from 25 to 200 *hun* according to the severity of their hurt. The officers were presented with elephants, horses, robes, jewellery and grants of land. (Sabh. 25.)

§11. Legends about Afzal Khan

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The tragic fate of Afzal Khan has most profoundly stirred the popular imagination in his own country and in that of his enemy. At his village of Afzalpura, close to Bijapur city, the gloomy legend sprang up that before starting on this fatal expedition, he had a premonition of his coming end, and killed and buried all his 63 wives, lest they should share another's bed after his death. The peasants still point to the height from which these hapless victims of man's jealousy were hurled into a deep pool of water, the channel through which their drowned bodies were dragged out with hooks, the place where they were shrouded, and the 63 tombs, of the same shape, size and age, standing close together in regular rows on the same platform, where they were laid in rest. Utter desolation has settled on the spot. Where his mansion once stood with its teeming population, the traveller now beholds a lonely wilderness of tall grass, brambles and broken buildings, the fittest emblem of his ruined greatness. The only form of life visible is the solitary bird, startled by the unwonted presence of a human visitor.[^ *] Other traditions tell that ill omens dogged his steps from the very outset of his campaign against Shivaji. (Powadas, 7, 11.)

§12. Ballad of Afzal Khan

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Among the Marathas the destruction of Afzal Khan caused the wildest exultation; it marked the dawn of their national independence. The defeat of Bijapur was complete: the chief had fallen, his army had ceased to exist, and the victory, both in respect of carnage and of booty, was the most complete possible. The incident caught hold of the public imagination of Maharashtra as the most glorious event in the history of the race. Ballads were composed by the wandering bards (gondhalis), in response to the popular demand, to celebrate the victory. The earliest and most valuable of them is lost (except for a single couplet.) Another, but much later and quite untrustworthy, poem has been preserved, which expands the contest into a Homeric duel with all its details and supernatural adjuncts. Every class of Marathas, from

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[^ *]: This was the appearance of Afzalpura when I visited it in Oct., 1916. The French traveller Abbe Carre, who visited the place in 1673, states that he found a large number of workmen engaged in cutting the stones which were to be used in the mausoleum of Afzal Khan, and he was "surprised [to note] that in the epitaph were mentioned the [200] women of his harem whose throats he had caused to be cut." [Voyage, ii. 16 and 11.]

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the officers of Shambhuji's Court to the soldiers in their camps and the peasants in their hamlets, welcomed the minstrel and crowded together to listen to this story of the first triumph of their national hero, set forth with graphic details which made the whole scene live before their eyes. The short ringing lines of the ballad (*powada*) almost reproduce the tramp of the soldiery, the journeys of the rival chiefs, their meeting, the exchange of abuse (quite in the style of the *Mahabharat*!), the death-grapple, the battle at Par, and the triumph of the Maratha army. As the bard's narrative passes rapidly from stage to stage of the whole contest, the audience follow him with breathless attention; their blood courses in unison with the verses, and they are wound up to a high pitch of excitement as the spirit of the actual march or fight catches them.

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To the Marathas the fight with Afzal has always appeared as at once a war of national liberation and a crusade against the desecrator of temples. To them Afzal Khan typifies the bold bad man, who combines treachery with frightfulness, and defies God and man alike. Their historians from the earliest times have seen no element of murder in the incident, but always described it as a glorious example of the sagacity, courage and agility with which their national hero averted a treacherous plot against his own life, made the treachery recoil on the plotter's head, and avenged the outraged shrines of their gods.

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Flushed with their victory over Afzal Khan (10 November, 1659) and the destruction of his army, the Marathas poured into South Konkan and the Kolhapur district, capturing the fort of Panhala, defeating another Bijapuri army, and making extensive conquests (Dec.

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1659—Feb., 1660),* which will be described in Chapter 10. But in the following March Shivaji was called upon to meet a dangerous attack on his own dominions by a combination of the most powerful of his enemies.

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