Fall of the Mughal Empire v3.c38.s8: § 11. Quarrel between Shafi and Hamadāni
Fall of the Mughal Empire v3.c38.s8
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§ 11. Quarrel between Shafi and Hamadāni
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It is necessary to trace the growth of this quarrel from its origin. We have seen how Muhammad Beg's faithless cunning and ruthless vigour had been the sole instrument in ridding Shafi of his only powerful enemies, Latāfat and Pauli, and restoring him to his supremacy at Court (17th Nov. 1782.) But the hour of victory was also the hour of rupture between the allies. Shafi could not fulfill the exorbitant promises of money lands and war-material by means of which he had bought his ally's support. In addition, Muhammad Beg's pride and ambition were as boundless as his violence and dishonesty. After the *coup* against Latāfat and Pauli, Hamadāni's licentious soldiery were allowed to plunder the innocent imperial subjects in the villages along the road to Delhi and in the capital itself. Shafi rightly objected to it, and on his protests being unheeded he gave up speaking to his ally. Hamadāni retorted by rising in his demands and claiming (a) twelve lakhs worth of fresh jagirs, (b) half the artillery and other property of the late Mirzā Najaf and (c) the transfer to him of the entire imperial claims on Jaipur. Shafi also objected to Hamadāni making himself the mediator of the Macheri Rajah at Court and thus robbing the Mir Bakhshi of the tribute due from him. The quarrel was aggravated by Shafi’s demand for a fair partition of the spoils taken in Latāfat and Pauli’s camps and city residences, and all efforts to patch it up failed. Muhammad Beg therefore left Delhi on 10th December 1782 for his post on the Jaipur frontier practically in open defiance of the imperial Government.
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Arrived at Agra, Hamadāni extorted a forced contribution from the traders and bankers of the city and plundered the poorer people. He next won Ranjit Singh’s support for himself in the coming duel with his late partner, by fixing a reduced tribute on him and stopping the punitive operations against the Jat territory. The Macheri Rajah was already his protege. Thus Hamadāni threatened to set up an independent principality of his own in the Agra-Mewat province and overshadow the authority of the imperial regent there. His army was increased out of all proportion to his rank or his means of paying it. His fame as the ablest general then living drew the Mughalia mercenaries to him as their most promising employer. Herein the greatest danger to the Emperor's lawful Government was coming to a head.
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When Shafi, with Prince Sulaimān Shukoh in his leading strings, reached Agra (January 1783), Hamadāni waited on the prince. Shafi tried to conciliate him by reaffirming his past promises. So, Hamadāni went back towards Jaipur, after exacting a tribute from the Kerauli Rajah on the way.
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§ 12. Shafi intrigues with Mahadji Sindhia for help in crushing Hamadani. Sindhia visits Prince and Shafi (June 1783.)
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Shafi now set himself to weakening his formidable rival. He had already begun intrigues for seducing Muhammad Beg's captains (esp. the Mughalias), and this plan was continued with vigour. His confidants, Afrāsiyāb Khan and Gosāin Himmat Bahadur, confirmed his belief that so long as Hamadāni lived his own position as the head of the Government could not be safe. But Hamadāni could be crushed only with the help of Māhādji Sindhia,[*] whose fame as the friend of the English and the mediator of their treaty with the Peshwa had raised him to the highest place among the indigenous Powers of N. India. Shafi therefore sent Himmat Bahadur to Sindhia's camp in Malwa for contriving this alliance. The negotiations, however, took long to mature.
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∗ BM. Or. 25,021, f. 91-96, 116-187 (newsletters, 2 June-10 July,) best. DC. Muna Lal 272. Ibrat. ii. 62-64. DY. i. 68, 65. Chandra ii. 35, 50. Satara i. 69.
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In order to weaken Hamadāni, Mirzā Shafi wrote in the name of the Emperor to the Jaipur Rajah forbidding him to pay his due tribute to Muhammad Beg. He also attacked Ranjit Singh, in spite of Hamadāni's appeal to save his prestige by respecting the settlement he had already made with that chieftain. The situation became intolerable in consequence of Shafi's vigorous campaign against the Jat Rajah. So, on 10th June 1783, Md. Beg came to Shafi for ending their quarrel by a personal discussion. After angry recriminations between the two, Shafi patched up a truce by promising his approval to Hamadāni's friendly policy towards the Jat and Macheri chiefs, as he was in a hurry to meet Sindhia on the appointed day.
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Months before this Mirzā Shafi had appealed to Sindhia through Himmat Bahadur, "Let us once meet together for clearing our hearts towards each other. Najaf Khan was your sworn brother. He is now dead, and after him you are as a father to me. Do act as my guide." Sindhia held off for a long time as his hands were full with other business. But in June he agreed to meet Shafi if that general left Muhammad Beg Hamadāni behind and came alone with only the prince and Najaf's sister. The Mir Bakhshi, after his meeting with Hamadāni at Nagar (15 miles west of Dig), hastened to Agra, took the prince and Najaf's sister out of it with himself, and by way of Fathpur Sikri and Kagarol reached Basai, 16 miles north-west of Dholpur (22nd June.) Muhammad Beg encamped six miles behind him. Mahadji, leaving his army engaged in the siege of Gwalior fort, came up to the south bank of the Chambal with a light escort. Shafi, stationing his camp and troops eight miles behind, advanced with a small party to the opposite bank, near Dholpur.
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On 27th June, 1783, Sindhia paid his first visit to Shafi. Three days later the Maratha chief rode out to the imperial camp and was presented to the prince by the regent. The British Resident David Anderson and his assistants were introduced by Māhādji to the prince. Major Browne, in the train of the Mir Bakhshi, was introduced by Shafi to Sindhia. Four days were passed here in cementing the alliance, through the mediation of Himmat Bahadur. Sindhia also visited Begam Khadija and offered his condolences on the death of her great brother. Shafi exchanged turbans with Māhādji, professed entire obedience to his orders, and entreated him to come to Delhi for restoring order to the confused imperial administration and making some permanent good arrangement for the maintenance and defence of the Emperor. Māhādji, in reply, promised to go to Delhi after the rainy season, by which time he hoped to bring his Gwalior and Gohad enterprises to a happy termination. The party broke up on 1st July, Sindhia going back to his trenches before Gwalior and the imperialists to Dig (where the prince arrived on 18th July.)
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§ 13. Hamadani murders Md. Shafi, 23 Sep. 1783.
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When Mirzā Shafi invited Māhādji Sindhia and made friends with him, Hamadāni realised that the Mir Bakhshi was utterly faithless and co-operation with him was impossible. He then broke out into open independence, disobeying Shafi's orders and plundering his subah of Agra. The Mirza recalled Afrāsiyāb to his side and took counsel with him how to put down this "chief of mischief-makers". That unscrupulous intriguer deceived his employer, and under the pretence of conciliating Muhammad Beg formed a secret pact with him for murdering Shafi by treachery, because Shafi alone stood between Afrāsiyāb and the Mir Bakhshi-ship. Shafi, an open-hearted unsuspicious soldier, was easily deluded. It was reported by Afrāsiyāb that the rebellious general was ready to wait upon the prince and make a full submission, but before doing so he was asking for a friendly meeting with Shafi in order to receive personal assurances of his safety during his visit to the imperial camp. This was agreed to by Shafi, against the advice of his friends. Muhammad Beg came up with his army and halted eight miles from the imperial camp in Dig.*
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The interview was fixed for the 23rd of September. Muhammad Beg was the first to advance, from his own camp to the place of meeting, some five miles outside Dig. Shafi, on his own part, issued from the fort with a small escort, about four hours before sunset. As he mounted his horse, his turban fell down from his head. Disregarding the omen and the alarmed cries of his attendants, he changed to an elephant's back and continued the journey. On the way his spies reported that, contrary to custom, Hamadāni had arrived in full force. But the plain gallant soldier still pushed on and went up to Muhammad Beg who was seated on an elephant amidst a ring of his chief followers on five or six other elephants.
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As Shafi stood up on his mount to give his embrace, Muhammad Beg seized both his hands in his own. Shafi, who was a delicate youth, could not wrest himself free; and while he was thus struggling helplessly Hamadāni's nephew Ismail Beg, who was seated on another elephant, jumped on to the Mir Bakhshi’s mount and plunged his dagger into the victim’s bowels. Shafi’s relation, Md. Amin Khan, who was seated behind him, grappled with the assassin and the two rolled down to the ground. But a servant of Muhammad Beg now finished the business of Shafi with his dagger. Md. Amin was killed, and so also was Dāud Beg Kurchi, another devoted follower of the Mir Bakhshi, who had offered fight. The main army of Hamadāni now rapidly arrived on the scene. The two sides exchanged fire for a short time, and then the outnumbered and leaderless imperialists broke and fled. Afrāsiyāb, who had arrived last, was the first in the retreat. Thus perished, in the prime of youth, Mirzā Muhammad Shafi, the last fighting army chief of the empire, a victim of the blackest treachery. The situation created by this crime is thus aptly described by the Maratha envoy, “Muhammad Shafi is dead. All Hindustan is lying bare. No sword for fighting is left in India.” [*DY.* i. 91.]
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∗ DC. Ibrat. ii, 64-66. Muna Lal 274-277. G. Ali iii. 177-180. DY. i. 91. Parasnis, Aitihasik Sfuta Lekh, ii. No. 18. Conspiracy to murder Shafi, signed agreement, see BM. 25,021 f. 30.
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§ 14. *Afraisiyab Khan appointed Mir Bakhshi again, Oct. 1783.*
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The news of the murder of Mirzā Md. Shafi reached Delhi in forty hours, early in the morning of 25th September. Afrāsiyāb Khan’s complicity in the crime was suspected but could not be proved. Moreover, there was no other great noble in sight worthy of filling the deceased army chief’s place. Above all, Shah Alam and Abdul Ahad trembled in fear lest Major Browne, the English agent in Shafi’s camp, should form a collusion with Afrāsiyāb and crown Sulaimān Shukoh as his puppet with the promise of English armed support. Not a moment was therefore to be lost in securing Afrāsiyāb through his constant friend Abdul Ahad. Mirzā Najaf’s old diwan Rajah Manirām and his loyal adherent Md. Quli Khan sent to the Emperor an offer of three lakhs of Rupees if he gave Shafi’s posts to his brother Zain-ul-abidin. But the danger from Afrāsiyāb’s defection was supreme, and he was immediately appointed Mir Bakhshi and commanded to come back to the Court with the prince as soon as he could manage to do so. [DY. i. 92, 94.]
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This second regency of Afrāsiyāb Khan lasted for barely 13 months and was closed by an exactly weighed out measure of retribution falling upon him on 2nd November 1784. Nothing remarkable occurred during this interval and the affairs of the central Government drifted on in still greater confusion and weakness under his effete rule, while the star of Māhādji Sindhia rose steadily in the Indian firmament, till at the close of the year 1784 he became the foremost potentate in Northern India in the eyes of all.
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After Shafi had been slain, Afrāsiyāb Khan brought back the dead chieftain’s disheartened troops to their camp and made a demonstration of grief with vows of vengeance on the murderer in the presence of Begam Khadija Sultan. Having thus cleared his character, he induced Hamadāni by a secret pact to go back quietly to his jagir of Dholpur-Bāri, paying him some money and confirming him in his possessions as well as his right to the entire tribute payable by Jaipur, and also promising to secure for him the Emperor’s pardon in good time.* [DY. i. 93.]
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Afrāsiyāb’s first task after gaining the regency was to take over the administration of Agra from Shafi’s agents and to suppress the rebels in that region. So, he marched from Dig to Agra, taking the Begam and all the camp and property of Shafi with him. At Sikandra he formally welcomed (on 18th October) the imperial letter of appointment and robe of office despatched to him from Delhi. His own servants were posted in Dig, Agra, and other places, so long held by Shafi’s men. This work took time, and it was the 14th of December before he could reach Delhi with the prince. At the imperial Court the day of Afrāsiyāb’s exaltation was also the day of exaltation of his patron Abdul Ahad. This senile old Kashmiri favourite was now (10th November) given the titles of Sharf-ud-daulah, Umdat-ul-mulk, Madār-ul-mulk, Abdul Majid Khan Bahādur, Fath Jang (in addition to his former ones of Majd-ud-daulah, Bahrām Jang), with the *mansab* of 9,000 *zāt* 9,000 troopers *do-āspa seh-āspa*; and if we add his two *barāwardi* the total held by him was raised to 24,000 *zāt*! He took vengeance on Najaf Khan’s house by imprisoning that chief’s devoted servants Rajah Maniram and Mahdi Quli Khan (14 Nov.) and attaching their property.
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∗ DC. G. Ali iii. 208-211. Ibrat. ii. 67-79. Afrasiyab's doings and the Court occurrences from 28 Oct. to 20 Nov. in BM. Or. 25,021, f. 39-88 (news-letters.)
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§ 15. Sikh raid into the Doab. Afrāsiyāb marches there (Dec. 1783) and conciliates Mirzā Zain-ul-abidin and Zābita.
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Meantime, a Sikh invasion in unusually large numbers had burst into the upper Doab.* “Owing to the famine, many petty Sikh sardars of the region round Pātiāla, numbering 30 to 35 thousand horse and foot, with their wives and children, crosssed the Jamuna at Buriyā ghāt and entered the Doab for filling their stomachs. They looted the villages round Saharanpur and other cities and penetrated to Deoband.
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“From this side Bhāg Singh, Bhagel Singh and other [loyal] Sikhs who enjoyed *rākhi* from the Doab, with Zābita Khan’s force, two paltans and Nāhar Singh Gujar’s contingent, united and marched towards Ghausgarh. But in an ensuing battle Zābita was defeated and driven back, and the raiders pushed on towards Mirat.” [DY. i. 96.] They found a new ally in Zain-ul-abidin Khan, whose anger at the murder of his brother had been aggravated by Abdul Ahad’s vindictive transfer of Zain’s jagirs in the Mirat district to his own son-in-law Qutbuddin.
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∗ DC. G. Ali, iii. 182-185. Ibrat. ii. 68-69. DY. i. 96, 98, 124.
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For repelling this invasion and also suppressing the local rebels who had risen during the recent anarchy, Afrāsiyāb was sent to the Doab within a week of his arrival at Delhi. Prince Sulaimān Shukoh and Najaf Quli Khan (created second Bakhshi on 5th Nov.) accompanied him. Four battalions of sepoys, a thousand Mughalia horse, and a thousand Sikh auxiliaries were added to the new Amir-ul-umara’s force. They marched up to the village of Mud-barāl, 8 miles from Mirat, crushing or dispersing the rebels on their way. Zain came up from Bāghpat, intending to offer battle; but Afrāsiyāb conciliated him and induced him to visit him and Begam Khadija, under protection of the troops of the neutral Begam Samru (23rd December). Zain was next presented to the prince and the three generals vowed to act in concert in the Emperor’s service. Zain’s demand for the restoration of the eleven mahals in Mirat was left to the Emperor’s decision. For some weeks after this the now reconciled generals halted at the Suraj Kund in Mirat town. Here Afrāsiyāb called up Zābita Khan (15th January 1784), presented him to the prince, and made an understanding with him to hold the upper Doab against the Sikhs. Then they returned to Delhi on 28th January. [DY. i. 98, 124.]
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§ 16. Major James Browne in Delhi; failure of his plans.
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A violent quarrel immediately broke out between the Emperor (tutored by Ahad) and his commander-in-chief. Afrāsiyāb was quite unable to pay the large fee he had promised for the succession to Muhammad Shafi, nor could he supply the monthly expenses of the Emperor's family and household (over one lakh a month). He complained that he had not been given charge of the revenue collection of all the Crownlands which his predecessor Najaf Khan had held. The Emperor insisted on keeping these in his own hands lest he should be starved. When Afrāsiyāb proposed to raise funds by taking the Emperor on a tribute-collecting expedition against the Rajah of Jaipur, the project failed for want of the money necessary for equipping it. Thus, things kept moving in a vicious circle. The tension was increased by Afrāsiyāb's fear that as soon as he would leave the capital on a distant campaign, without taking the Emperor or a prince with him as his hostage, Abdul Ahad would bring an English force from Oudh into Delhi as the Emperor's protectors and kick away Afrāsiyāb. Abdul Ahad had long held friendly correspondence with Warren Hastings, and at this time that Governor-General's special envoy, Major Browne, was in Delhi* intriguing hard against the pro-Maratha party at Court and forming a coalition of nobles in favour of an English alliance. However, the Kashmiri was too weak to take sides openly against Afrāsiyāb, and the anti-English policy triumphed.
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Browne had personally settled a peace between Shafi and Ranjit Singh, by which the Jat Rajah was to pay Rs. 90,000 and the Mughal general was to restore the district of Bayānā forming the jagir of prince Randhir Singh. This money had been deposited with Browne, who had brought it to Delhi for payment. But Afrāsiyāb refused to confirm the terms and demanded more money. Browne’s prestige being thus lowered in public and his ally Abdul Ahad proving a broken reed, he handed this money back to Lal Singh the Bharatpur bakhshi.
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§ 17. Prince Jawan Bakht escapes from Delhi, April 1784.
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The Coronation anniversary over (23rd March 1784), Afrāsiyāb urged the Emperor to proceed with him to Agra and help in collecting tribute. But the necessary transport could not be got ready for want of money and the depletion of the imperial stores since Najaf’s death. Afrāsiyāb ascribed this delay to Abdul Ahad’s secret obstruction, and he created a scene at Court, abusing the Emperor and the princes and stinting them in their allowances. Weary of his gilded chains, the heir to the throne, Prince Jahāndār Shāh (Jawān Bakht)* slipped out of the Delhi palace in the midst of a violent dust storm on a dark night (14th April) and reached Lucknow (6th May), where he was welcomed by the Wazir and Warren Hastings. Afrāsiyāb and the Emperor in mortal fear of the possible consequences of this political move, wrote to the prince to come back at once and sent Major Browne (3rd May) to Lucknow with letters to all the three to the same effect.
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∗ DC. Ibrat. ii. 67-68, 77, 80 (best and fullest.) G. Ali, iii. 186. Hastings's instructions to Browne about his mission (Forrest, Calcutta ed. iii. 1025-'28), review of his policy towards Delhi, (iii. 1087-'90.) DY. i. 104.
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We may conclude this episode by saying that no benefit resulted to the prince from this meaningless step; he soon alienated his host by his lofty and sneering tone, the English failed to secure an independent appanage for him through Sindhia, and he ended his days as a British pensioner at Benares. In fact, the prince’s flight was too late. Warren Hastings had now definitely decided to give up his plan of establishing British control over the Delhi Court, and realised the futility of such an attempt, though he had considered it as very promising and profitable two years earlier, when with such a pawn as Jawān Bakht in his hands he might have imitated Clive's feat of 1765.
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∗ DC. Ibrat. ii. 70-76. Muna Lal 281-285. G. Ali iii. 205-207. Forrest, Selections from the State Papers of W.H. (London), ii. 98-118 (the Prince's own narrative, printed as appendix to W. H.'s Memoirs Relative to the State of India.) Forrest, Selections Foreign D. (Calcutta, iii. 1120-'4.
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The faithless Abdul Ahad continued to ply his sole weapon of underground intrigue by setting Afrāsiyāb’s subordinates against him. Zain-ul-abidin, who was eager to avenge his brother's murder, sent five of his men to despatch Afrāsiyāb. They hid themselves in the Mir Bakhshi's office room (c. 10 April), but were detected and arrested. Afrāsiyāb believed that this plot had been inspired by Abdul Ahad. There was now an open breach between the two, and on 30th May Afrāsiyāb arrested Ahad,* attached all his property, and later sent him into captivity in Aligarh fort. The Emperor was powerless to save his friend, and henceforth became a mere tool in Afrāsiyāb’s hands, without a friend or independent counsellor at Court. Another result of this stroke was that Warren Hastings finally gave up his plan of setting up an English party in the Delhi Government, as he had no subservient great noble left there to serve his end.
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∗ Ahad's confinement.—BM. Or. 25,021, f. 133. DC. Ibrat. ii. 79. Royal journey.—BM. f. 99-192 (news-letters, 23 May-27 June.) DC. This attempt on Afrasiyab's life was reported by Major Browne on 13 April. Therefore Ibrat., ii. 78, is wrong in dating it 12 May.
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Thus purging the royal council of his last rival there and leaving his ally Najaf Quli Khan as governor of Delhi, Afrāsiyāb hustled the sickly Emperor out of his capital at the height of the hot weather (26th June) and took him to Agra, where he arrived on 6th August.
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§ 18. Afrasiyab goes to Agra with Emperor, for crushing Hamadani.
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The new commander-in-chief’s aim was to crush Muhammad Beg Hamadāni who had made himself independent in the Dholpur region and was obstructing revenue collection in the Agra province.* Gosāin Himmat Bahadur, who had been Shafi’s envoy with Māhādji Sindhia, was now Afrāsiyāb’s chief counsellor, and kept urging his new patron to bring Sindhia to the Delhi Court and thereby effectually check all his Mughal rivals and the English intriguers. Afrāsiyāb felt that alone he could not cope with Md. Beg, a born soldier. For some months past letters had been going in the Emperor’s name and in that of his Mir Bakhshi begging Māhādji to come to Delhi, deliver his sovereign and restore the imperial administration to its former glory by undertaking the regency. Sindhia’s hands were now free: he had crushed his persistent rival in North Malwa, Rānā Chhatra Singh of Gohad, by storming Gwalior fort (31 July 1783) and seizing Gohad and the Rana’s person (25 Feb. 1784.) On hearing of the Emperor’s projected journey to Agra, he promised to meet him immediately on his arrival at that city and settle the terms by a personal discussion. But this meeting was delayed by more than three months for reasons which we shall now relate.
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∗ DC. Muna Lal, 286-288. G. Ali, iii. 209-211. Ibrat. ii. 81-83. BM. 25,021, f. 34 a (Mahadji's letter to Emp., dated c. 9 July 1784, saying he was coming with his army to serve him.) Afrasiyab had promised Hamadāni the Jaipur tribute and 3 lakhs of new jagir. (BM. 25,021 f. 30.)
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Afrāsiyāb Khan, when making his pact with Md. Beg for clearing Shafi out of the way, had given him a written promise to confirm him in all his possessions and authority. Now that Afrāsiyāb had marched against him with the Emperor in his leading strings, Hamadāni boiled with indignation against the faithless man. He levied fresh troops and looted the imperial dominions in his neighbourhood with the ruthless brutality habitual to the mercenary Mughalias, rendering village after village a “lampless desolation.” He stormed (10 June) the rich and populous city of Kāmā, where the Rajah’s officers had risen against the oppression of his tribute-collectors ; “many of the people were slain, others had their noses and ears cut off, and no kind of atrocity was left unpractised by Hamadāni.” [*Ibrat.* ii. 82.] He refused to present himself before his sovereign on his arrival at Agra, and even attacked Zulfiqār Khan, the loyal lord of Alinagar. Afrāsiyāb Khan, unable to cope with the rebel himself, besought the irresistible Māhādji Sindhia to conquer Hamadāni’s jagir of Dholpur-Bāri.
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Mahadji* had first proposed to leave Gwalior for the imperial camp on 2nd August. But his actual start was delayed till the 26th by the incessant rainfall from the 5th to the 19th of that month. He had only reached the first stage, seven *kos* from Gwalior, when he was brought to a standstill by the rain; his camp was flooded, two of his elephants and several horses and transport animals died, and his soldiers fell sick. His astrologers urged him to go back as he had stepped out on this journey under unlucky stars. Above all, his wife Gangā Bāi, left behind at Gwalior, reported the nearness of her confinement, and his whole family was expecting a son and heir for whose coming priests had been engaged to placate every god of heaven and spirit of the nether world. So, he returned to Gwalior, *c.* 5th September. Meantime he had sent his lieutenant Ambaji Inglé with his vanguard to wait on the Emperor, and this officer was received in audience on 1st September. Ambaji's report about the rough temper of Afrāsiyāb and the interminable quarrels among his followers, cooled Mahadji’s eagerness to go to the Court.
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∗ *DC.* *Ibrat.* ii. 83-85 &c. Muna Lal 289. G. Ali iii. 208-209, 211. Mahes Darbar, ii. 74-79. Gw. v. 27. *Chandra* ii. 55. Forrest, Cal. iii. 1127. Atrocities at Kama, BM. 25021, *f.* 174 *b.* *Aiti Tipanen*, v. p. 11.