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The Sultanate of Delhi, 711–1526 A.D. c16: 10. Iltutmish and his Successors

The Sultanate of Delhi, 711–1526 A.D. c16

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10. Iltutmish and his Successors

Iltutmish, 1211—1236

Early career

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The full name of Iltutmish was Shams-ud-din Iltutmish. He was born of noble Turkish parents of the Ilbari tribe of Central Asia and was, in early boyhood, sold as a slave by his envious brothers. He was purchased by a merchant, named Jamal-ud-din, who took him to Ghazni. Then he was brought to Delhi and sold a second time, now to Qutub-ud-din. Iltutmish had signs of promise on his forehead from his very boyhood. Unlike Aibak, his master, he was handsome. He had received training as a soldier and had also learnt reading and writing. It is said that Muhammad of Ghur was much impressed and recommended him to Qutub-ud-din Aibak in these words: "Treat Iltutmish well, for he will distinguish himself." Henceforth Iltutmish's rise was rapid. He was promoted from position to position till he became the master of the royal hunt (*Amir Shikar*). After the conquest of Gwalior he was placed in charge of that fort. Next, he was promoted to the governorship of Baran (Bulandshahr). Qutub-ud-din gave his daughter in marriage to him and, subsequently, appointed him governor of Badaun. He became king in 1211.

Iltutmish not a usurper

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As the throne of Delhi did not belong to him by right, Iltutmish has been called a usurper by some modern writers. But, in fact, he was not a usurper "for the simple reason that there was nothing to be usurped."¹ At that time there was no unified Turkish state in the country, as we have shown, and Hindustan, which had been recently conquered by the Turks, was divided into four independent principalities, namely, Lahore, Badaun, Lakhanauti and Multan and Uch. Iltutmish was a candidate of the nobility and officials of Delhi which had assumed the position of the premier city [Figure: INDIA IN 1236 A.D. Shamsuddin Iltutmish.]

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¹ See Tripathi's *Some Aspects of Muslim Administration*, p. 25.

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of Hindustan, while his rival, Aram Shah, was supported by a party at Lahore which was not so important as the party at Delhi. Iltutmish, moreover, was a great military leader and had already established his reputation as a man of affairs and as an administrator. He was not a slave at this time, for, long before he had obtained his letter of manumission from Qutub-ud-din. He was possessed of great energy and ability and was more sober, religious-minded and moderate than even Qutub-ud-din. According to Islamic law, sovereignty belonged to one who was the fittest person. Aram Shah was a mere weakling as compared with him. Hence under the circumstances he was the best choice for the throne of Delhi.

His early difficulties

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When Iltutmish became king, the Sultanate of Delhi was almost non-existent. He found himself master of Delhi and Badaun and the outlying districts extending from Banaras in the east to the Sivalik hills on the west. The Panjab was hostile to him. Kubachah was master of Multan and he extended his kingdom to include Bhatinda, Kuhram and Sarasuti. Taking advantage of the quarrel between Aram Shah and Iltutmish, he even seized Lahore. Bangal and Bihar severed their connection; Ali Mardan of Lakhanauti set himself up as an independent ruler. Rajput rulers, who had been vanquished by Muhammad of Ghur and Qutub-ud-din, refused to send tribute and repudiated allegiance. Jalor became independent and so also Ranthambhor. Even Ajmer, Gwalior and the Doab threw off the Turkish yoke. Taj-ud-din Yulduz re-asserted his claims to the sovereignty of entire Hindustan. Even in Delhi the atmosphere was intriguing. Some of the royal guards at the imperial city (Delhi) entered into an alliance with Aram Shah's party and rose in rebellion. Thus at his accession Iltutmish found the throne of Delhi to be very precarious indeed.

Contest with Yulduz

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Finding his position insecure Iltutmish dissembled. Realist that he was, he chose to compromise with Yulduz who advanced his claims for the sovereignty of entire Hindustan and treated Iltutmish as his vassal. Iltutmish pretended to recognise Yulduz as his overlord and accepted from him the regal insignia, that is, the canopy and the mace. By clever diplomacy and tact he put down Aram Shah's party in Delhi and brought the Turkish guard under his control. When he found himself free from internal difficulties, he turned to settle his scores with Yulduz who had expelled Qubachah from Lahore and occupied the greatest part of the Panjab. Iltutmish's anxiety was not to give an occasion to Alauddin Muhammad, the Khwarizm Shah, to claim Hindustan as a dependency of Ghazni. That is why when Yulduz was driven out of Ghazni by the Khwarizm Shah in 1215 and took shelter in Lahore, Iltutmish marched against him and inflicted upon him a crushing defeat on the field of Tarain. Yulduz himself was taken captive and sent a prisoner to Badaun where he died soon after. This victory completed Aibak's work. The severance of Delhi's connection with Ghazni was complete. The Sultanate of Delhi became a sovereign state in fact, though not yet in theory. Iltutmish, however, allowed Lahore to remain in the hands of Nasir-ud-din Qubachah, which was annexed to Delhi two years later (1217).

The Mongol menace

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The infant Turkish state of Delhi was at this time threatened by a Mongol invasion. Under their great warrior leader, Temujin,² popularly known as Changiz Khan, the Mongols issued from their home in the uplands of Tartary and completely destroyed the Khwarizm empire which they occupied. The Khwarizm Shah was driven to the Caspian coast, while his heir-apparent, Jalal-ud-din Mangbarni fled towards the Panjab. The Mongols, though Buddhists (Shamanists), were a terrible people. They gave a relentless pursuit to Mangbarni, who entered the Panjab and established himself in the Upper Sindh Sagar Doab. He secured the assistance of the powerful Khokhar chief by marrying his daughter in his projected expedition of the conquest of the north-western Panjab and Multan. With the help of the Khokhars, Mangbarni drove away Qubachah and occupied Sindh Sagar Doab. He even encroached upon the territory of the Ravi and the Chenab regions and captured the fort of Pasrur in the Sialkot district. Then he advanced up to Lahore and sent an envoy to Iltutmish with an appeal for shelter. Iltutmish was on the horns of a dilemma. It was discourteous to refuse asylum to a princely refugee; but, at the same time, it was unwise to invite such a powerful invader as Changiz Khan. The Mongols had reached the Indus as early as 1220 in pursuit of Mangbarni. Moreover, Iltutmish's policy was not to allow the Delhi kingdom to be dragged into Central Asian politics. For these reasons, he sent a polite refusal to Mangbarni and requested him to withdraw from the Panjab. The Khwarizm prince felt insulted and prepared to avenge himself by encroaching upon Iltutmish's territory in south-eastern Panjab. Thereupon, the latter got ready for a fight in order to drive away the aggressor; but Mangbarni thought it wise not to come into conflict with Iltutmish. On the other hand, he made an attempt to capture Multan from Qubachah. Iltutmish's wise policy removed a great danger which was threatening to engulf Delhi. Changiz Khan, who was probably not desirous of violating a neutral state, returned from Afghanistan. Delhi was thus saved. Had he chosen a different course, the Sultanate of Delhi would have been finished in its infancy. But the country, in all likelihood, would have gained, for the Mongols, unlike the Turks, would gradually have merged in Hindu society as they were Shamanists and had much in common with the Indian people.

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² For the life and achievements of Changiz Khan refer to *The Mongol Empire* by Machael Prawdin, London, George Allen & Unwin, pp. 210-30.

Defeat and death of Qubachah

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As the Mongols had returned from Afghanistan, Mangbarni left India after three years' stay in 1224. The net result of his sojourn in the Panjab was the destruction of Qubachah's power. Sindh Sagar Doab and part of Multan passed into the hands of the Khwarizm troops. The south-eastern portions of Qubachah's dominion, which had originally been parts of Delhi, were now easily recovered by Iltutmish who thus captured Bhatinda, Kuhram and Sarasuti and the country along the Hakara river. After Mangbarni's withdrawal, only Multan and Sindh were left to Qubachah. Iltutmish, anxious to take the fullest advantage of the effect produced by the movements of the Khwarizm troops on Qubachah's power, planned a double attack on the latter's territory from two different directions. First, he made arrangements to recover Lahore. Then in 1228 he sent two armies, one from Lahore to attack Multan and the other from Delhi to capture Uch. Qubachah was perplexed and he fled to the fortress of Bhakkar on the lower Indus. Uch fell into the hands of Iltutmish after three months' siege. Qubachah was thus closely invested in Bhakkar. He offered to negotiate. Iltutmish demanded his unconditional surrender for which Qubachah was not prepared. Then a vigorous assault was made on Bhakkar which so much terrified Qubachah that he desperately threw himself into the Indus and was drowned. This took place in 1228. Multan and Uch were now occupied and annexed to Delhi. The Sumra ruler of Debal, namely, Sinan-ud-din Chanisar, offered submission to Iltutmish. The states of Multan and Sindh thus became an integral part of Delhi.

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The newly conquered territories were constituted into three provinces, that is, the provinces of Lahore, Multan and Sindh. The province of Lahore did not include the whole of the Panjab. The limit of Iltutmish’s territory was Sialkot in the north. The Sindh Sagar Doab was in the hands of the Khokhar tribe and the region known as Baniyan, which lay to the west, was in the hands of Saif-ud-din Hasan Qarlugh, a lieutenant of Jalal-ud-din Mangbarni. The governors of these three provinces were required to extend the boundary of the Delhi kingdom so as to include the whole of the Panjab. A number of expeditions were planned by them. One of these resulted in the occupation of the fortress of Nandanah in the Salt Range. In spite of his military activity and vigilance, Iltutmish’s hold on the Western Panjab was not effective.

The recovery of Bangal

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The supremacy of Delhi over Bangal had been re-asserted by Qutub-ud-din Aibak. But after his death, Ali Mardan, the Khalji ruler, had declared his independence. He was a tyrant. The Khaljis, therefore, rose in revolt and put him to death. The throne of Bangal now passed to Husam-ud-din Ewaz. He assumed the title of Sultan Ghiyas-ud-din. He was an able and popular ruler. He annexed Bihar and exacted tribute from the neighbouring Hindu states of Jajnagar, Tirhut, Vanga and Kamarupa. Iltutmish would not tolerate the existence of an independent ruler in a province which had originally been a part of the Delhi kingdom. As soon as he was free from the Mongol threat, he sent an army to recover Bihar. In 1225 the Sultan himself took the field. Ewaz accepted Iltutmish’s sovereignty and agreed to pay an indemnity and an annual tribute without fighting. Iltutmish appointed Malik Jani governor of Bihar, but as soon as Iltutmish’s back was turned, Ewaz re-asserted his independence. Iltutmish was obliged to send his son, Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, governor of Awadh, to punish Ewaz. Nasir-ud-din captured Lakhanauti in 1226, and then defeated and killed Ewaz. Bangal thus once again became a province of Delhi.

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Nasir-ud-din Mahmud died soon after and there was again a revolution at Lakhanauti which brought Balka Khalji to the throne of that province. Iltutmish was, therefore, obliged to plan a second expedition to Lakhanauti in 1230. Balka was defeated and killed and Bangal re-annexed. Iltutmish separated the provinces and appointed two governors, one for Bangal and the other for Bihar.

Rajasthan throws off the Turkish yoke

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During the period that followed Aibak’s death our people made a vigorous attempt to throw off the foreign yoke. Everywhere the Rajputs mustered courage and did their best to drive away the Turkish governors. The Chandelas recovered Kalinjar and Ajaigarh. The Pariharas drove away the Muslim garrison from Gwalior, re-occupied the place and extended their rule to include Narwar and Jhansi. The Chauhan ruler of Ranthambhor expelled the Turkish troops and imposed his sovereignty over Jodhpur and the adjacent areas. The Chauhans of Jalor reconquered Nadol, Mandor, Bharmer, Ratnapur, Sanchor, Radhadhara, Khera, Ramasin and Bhinamal and defeated the Turks. In northern Alwar, Jadon Bhattis established their supremacy. Ajmer, Bayana and Thangir also put an end to the Turkish supremacy and re-asserted their independence.

Iltutmish’s operations in Rajputana

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The lost of a considerable portion of the Delhi kingdom must have unnerved the Sultan’s administration; but Iltutmish was not the man to fear or falter. He was determined to recover the lost provinces. As soon as he was free from the threat of Mongol invasion, he put his armies in motion and commenced the work of reconquest. In 1226 he proceeded into the heart of Rajasthan and besieged Ranthambhor. It was recaptured and re-garrisoned. Then he advanced to Mandor, the capital of the Paramaras, which, too, was recovered and garrisoned. In 1228 or 1229 he besieged Jalor. The Chauhan chief, Udai Singh, offered a stout resistance. He was, however, obliged to surrender; but was allowed to continue as the ruler of Jalor on agreeing to pay a tribute. Next, Bayana and Thangir were recovered. Then came the turn of Ajmer which, along with Sambhar and other adjacent districts, was re-occupied, but not without resistance. Nagaur in Jodhpur, which had been in Turkish hands from the time of Ghaznavide Sultan Bahram but was lost on Qutub-ud-din’s death, was next recovered. In 1231 Gwalior was besieged. Malayavarma Deva, the Parihara ruler, fought stoutly for one full year, but eventually gave in.

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Malik Tayasai, governor of Bayana and Gwalior, was deputed to conquer Kalinjar. The Chandela ruler, Trilokyavarma, could not withstand the Turkish forces and left Kalinjar which was plundered; but the invader could make no progress and was so overwhelmed by the Chandelas of the vicinity that he had to flee. Besides the above conquests, Iltutmish personally led an attack on Nagada, the capital of the Guhilots. The ruler of the place, Kshetra Singh, defeated the Sultan and drove him away with heavy losses. Iltutmish made another unsuccessful attempt on the Chalukyas of Gujarat, where, too, his forces suffered a reverse and were compelled to retire. In 1234-35 Iltutmish led an expedition to Malwa, plundered Bhilsa and Ujjain and destroyed the ancient temple of Mahakal. The Paramaras, who ruled over those regions, did not suffer any territorial loss. Some modern historians, notably Sir Woolseley Haig, credit Iltutmish with the conquest and annexation of Malwa, which is far from true. His expedition to that province was a mere raid and not a war of conquest.

Reconquest of the Doab

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The people of the region between the Ganga and the Yamuna, known as the Doab, did not lag behind those of Rajasthan in taking advantage of the difficulties of the Turkish ruler of Delhi. While Iltutmish was overwhelmed by the rebellion of the Turkish guards, many of the districts of the modern Uttar Pradesh re-asserted their independence. The districts of Badaun, Kanauj and Banaras passed out of the hands of the Turks. The province of Katehar (modern Rohilkhand) severed its connection with Delhi. From all these parts Turkish soldiers were driven out. As soon as Iltutmish had established his authority at Delhi, he undertook operations against the Hindus of these parts. One by one, Badaun, Kanauj and Banaras were reconquered. The province of Katehar, with its capital Ahichhatra (modern Aonla), was captured. Then an army was sent to Baharaich, north of the river Ghaghra which, too, was reduced to submission. Awadh, too, had thrown off the Turkish suzerainty, and it was very necessary to recover it. After a very tough struggle it was brought back under the supremacy of Delhi. But the new governor, Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, the eldest son of Iltutmish had to wage a ceaseless war against the local tribes who put up a stout resistance in defence of their liberty and religion. The leader of these people was a chief, named Bartu (or Pirthu), who was an extremely brave and daring warrior and had repeatedly defeated the Turks and slain about 1,20,000 of the enemy troops. The province could be finally reduced only after Pirthu's death. Expeditions were also undertaken to Chandawar and Tirhut; but the latter does not seem to have been annexed.

His death

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Iltutmish was taken ill while undertaking an expedition against Baniyan. He abandoned the project and returned to Delhi, a sick man. The physicians failed to cure him and he died in his place in April 1236.

His character and achievements

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Iltutmish was a brave but cautious soldier. He was also a successful general. Among his notable qualities courage, sagacity, moderation and foresight must be given a prominent place. He was also an able and successful administrator. For one who had been the slave of a slave in his early life, it was no mean achievement to have risen to the throne of Delhi and occupied it for a quarter of a century. Unlike his master and predecessor, Qutub-ud-din Aibak, Iltutmish did not enjoy the moral and material support of a great empire. All his achievements were his own. He began almost from the scratch. He took up Qutub-ud-din's unfinished work and built up a powerful Turkish kingdom in northern India. He recovered the territories conquered by Muhammad of Ghur in Hindustan and added to them a considerable territory in Rajputana and the northern parts of the modern Uttar Pradesh. Qutub-ud-din had lost Multan and Sindh; they were recovered and annexed to the Delhi kingdom. He added a great moral prestige to the territorial conquests of the Turkish Sultanate. He saved it from the threat of a terrible Mongol invasion before which the older and more mighty kingdoms of Central Asia had fallen with a terrible crash. Besides, he reduced his Turkish rivals to submission and imposed the Sultan's will upon them. He laid the foundation of a military monarchy which reached a high watermark of despotism under the Khaljis.

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Iltutmish was the first Turkish ruler to introduce a purely Arabic coinage. His silver *tanka* weighed 175 grains and bore an Arabic inscription on it. He appreciated merit in learned men and was fond of architecture. He built the famous Qutub Minar at Delhi.

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Iltutmish was a pious Musalman. He was regular in the observance of the five daily prayers and all other rites of his religion. He was intolerant of Muslim heretics, such as, the Shias. The Ismaili Shias of Delhi rebelled against the policy of persecution and plotted against his life, but the rebellion was suppressed and they were put to death in large numbers. His treatment towards the Hindus could not have been better.³ The very fact that contemporary Muslim writers extol his piety and his service to religion is enough to show that he must have continued the policy of religious persecution against the vast majority of his subjects. In fact, he gave satisfaction to the Muslim *ulema* and gent, courageous and able woman, as heir-apparent. But this was a novel experiment and was not supposed to be in consonance with the spirit of the Muslim Law. Moreover, his sons and their followers were likely to oppose it. But Iltutmish overbore all opposition and managed to ensure the approval of his nobles and courtiers. The occasion was celebrated by including Raziah's name on the silver coin, *tanka*. But, when Iltutmish died, his decision was reversed and the throne passed to his eldest surviving son, named Rukn-ud-din Firoz. This young man was very openhearted and his mother, Shah Turkan, was a clever intriguer and had a large following of courtiers and officers. She displayed great activity on Iltutmish's death and had her son crowned with the support of her party. Perhaps, like his father, he would have ruled a long time, had he shown moderation and administrative qualities. But, immediately after his accession, he began a life of gaiety and pleasure and allowed his mother to usurp power. Shah Turkan, originally a handmaid in the *harem*, was inordinately ambitious. She controlled the state policy and persecuted her co-wives and their children. Firoz squandered money on his personal hobbies and scattered gold among the populace of Delhi. The result was a reaction. Internal and external troubles followed immediately. Sindh and Uch were invaded by Saif-ud-din Hasan Qarlugh, the ruler of Ghazni; Kirman and Baniyan. A party of officers rose against the new king. The king's own brother, Ghiyas-ud-din, governor of Awadh, openly rebelled and seized a convoy of treasures from Bangal and plundered several towns in Hindustan. The governors of Multan, Lahore, Hansi and Badaun entered into a pact to depose Firoz and proceeded towards Delhi. Firoz was obliged to march out of the capital to meet the rebels. During his absence Raziah exploited the public discontent against him and his mother. She appeared before the public in red robes at the time of Friday prayers and appealed to the people for help against the much-hated Shah Turkan. The people were reminded of Iltutmish's nomination of her as heir-apparent. The army officers gave their support to the people of Delhi and, before Firoz could return, Raziah was placed upon the throne and Shah Turkan was thrown into a dungeon. Firoz was arrested and put to death in November 1236. His reign had lasted only for seven months.

Raziah, 1236—1240

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Raziah became ruler in name only. She had the support of the people and nobility of Delhi; but the governors of the provinces of Badaun, Multan, Hansi and Lahore, who had no hand in her election, were definitely hostile. They were joined by Firoz’s wazir, Nizam-ul-mulk Muhammad Junaidi. The confederates besieged Raziah in her capital. Though powerless against this combination, she adroitly played her game of diplomacy. She sowed dissension among the confederates. The rebel governors fell out among themselves and the confederacy was broken. Raziah now fell on them. Two of the confederates were taken prisoners and slain. The wazir fled to save himself, but died a fugitive in Sirmur hills.

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Raziah’s triumph brought her great prestige and stabilised her position. She redistributed the high offices of the state and appointed Khwaja Muhazab-ud-din her wazir. She made fresh appointments to the posts of governors of the provinces. The entire Hindustan from Lakhanauti to Debal submitted to her. Bangal also came back under Delhi. But Raziah’s very success proved to be the chief cause of her downfall. She had taken steps to make the power of the crown absolute. The Turkish nobles, who had formed themselves into a military brotherhood and monopolised all power in the State since the time of Qutub-ud-din Aibak, would not tolerate a very powerful and despotic monarch who was pursuing the policy of making her will supreme. They considered themselves to be indispensable and would not allow the sovereign to occupy a higher place than that of the chief among the peers. Moreover, Raziah seems to have given offence to the orthodox Muslim opinion by casting off female attire and the seclusion of the harem. She dressed herself as a man, rode in public and transacted business in the open court. She took steps to emphasise the firmness and vigour of her rule. She commanded armies and took part in battles. Such conduct in a woman, though a queen, appeared scandalous to the hoary Turkish warriors. She is also said to have shown an undue preference for an Abyssinian officer, Jamal-ud-din Yaqut, who held the office of her master of the horse. Probably, this was the result of her deliberate policy of breaking the Turkish nobles’ monopoly of all important posts in the kingdom.

The fall of Raziah

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The above causes led to a conspiracy against the queen.

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leaders of the conspiracy were the *amirs* and *maliks* at the court and in the provinces. They wanted to depose Raziah and to replace her by a ruler who should be weak and abide by their wishes. The leader of the conspiracy was Ikhtiyar-ud-din Aeitigin who held the high office of the queen’s lord chamberlain (*amir-i-hajib*), and the other prominent members were Malik Altunia, governor of Bhatinda, and Kabir Khan, governor of Lahore. Aware of Raziah’s military strength and the loyalty of troops to her, the conspirators wanted to decoy her to a distant place and to finish her off there. In pursuance of this plan, Kabir Khan, governor of Lahore, revolted early in 1240. The queen proceeded quickly to put down the rebellion. Kabir Khan was defeated and he fled. His progress was, however, barred by the presence of the Mongols at the river Chenab. So he returned and surrendered to the queen unconditionally. Raziah returned victorious to the capital. But the conspirators would not give up their design. Their next rebellion took place within a fortnight of Raziah’s return. This time Altunia, the governor of Bhatinda and a friend of the lord chamberlain, raised the standard of revolt. In spite of the heat of the season, Raziah was again on the march against the rebels. This time, however, the conspirators played their game with consummate skill. As soon as Raziah reached Bhatinda, some agents of the conspirators abused Yaqut (Raziah’s master of the horse) and put him to death. The queen’s party was thus weakened; and, perhaps, she was found in a state of mental confusion. The conspirators now laid their hands on her and threw her into prison (April 1240). They raised Bahram, Iltutmish’s third son, to the throne. The conspirators returned to Delhi. They had won in the contest against the crown.

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In the redistribution of offices that took place on the accession of Bahram, Altunia did not get what he had expected. He, therefore, became disaffected. He thought of a plan to avenge himself. In August 1240, he released Raziah from the prison fort of Bhatinda, married her and proceeded with her to Delhi to capture it by force. But they were defeated by Bahram’s army and compelled to return towards Bhatinda. Their troops had deserted them and near Kaithal they were murdered by some Hindu robbers on 13th October, 1240.

An estimate of Raziah

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Raziah was the only Muslim woman who sat upon the throne of Delhi. Although her reign was brief, lasting barely for three years and a half, she was, without doubt, a very successful and extraordinary ruler. She was brave and energetic. She was a good soldier and general. She was adept in the arts of political intrigue and diplomacy. She succeeded in restoring the prestige of the Turkish kingdom in India. She raised the power of the crown and made it absolute. In fact, she was the first Turkish ruler of Delhi to have imposed the royal will upon the *amirs* and *maliks*. Qutub-ud-din was the chief noble among the nobles. Iltutmish was shy to sit upon the throne in the presence of his peers. Other members of the dynasty of Iltutmish, both before and after her, were much weaker in personality and character. Raziah was, therefore, the first and the last ruler of Iltutmish’s dynasty to dominate the politics of the Sultanate of Delhi by sheer force of her ability and character. The contemporary historian, Minhaj-ud-din Siraj, describes her as “a great sovereign, and sagacious, just, beneficent, the patron of the learned, a dispenser of justice, the cherisher of her subjects and of warlike talent, and........endowed with all admirable attributes and qualifications necessary for kings.” He concludes his estimate of the queen with the lamentation: “Of what advantage were all these excellent qualifications unto her?”

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It is usually believed that the cause of Raziah’s fall was her sex, as the Turkish nobles did not like to be ruled by a woman. But the primary cause of her downfall seems to have been the determined ambition of the Turkish military aristocracy to keep the ruler of Delhi a tool in their hands and to retain the monopoly of power for themselves, whereas Raziah had all through followed the opposite course of making herself supreme in the kingdom and concentrating power in her hands. Her sex was only a secondary cause of her premature end.

Muiz-ud-din Bahram Shah, 1240—1242

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The new king was Iltutmish’s third son. He had been raised to the throne on the definite understanding that he would allow the Turkish *maliks* and *amirs* to exercise full power and that the king would only reign and not govern. He was also required to allow the Turkish nobles to nominate the king’s deputy, that is, *naib-i-mamlikat*, a new post created at the time. Ikhtiyar-ud-din Aeitigin was appointed to this high office. Muhazab-ud-din remained the *wazir*, but his post now sank definitely to secondary position. The supremacy of the Turkish military aristocracy was now complete.

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The *naib-i-mamlikat*, Aeitigin, usurped much of the power formerly wielded by the sultan. He even appropriated some of the royal prerogatives, such as playing *naubat* at his gate and keeping an elephant. He married a sister of Bahram and easily became more important and powerful than the king himself. Bahram could not put up with the encroachment on his prerogatives. He, therefore, had the naib murdered in his office. But the king's triumph was short-lived. Although no new naib was appointed, yet the lord chamberlain (*amir-i-hajib*) Badr-ud-din Sunqar, who was an influential member of the Turkish aristocracy, known as 'the Forty' appropriated all the power formerly wielded by the naib. The sultan became jealous of him. The wazir was already against Sunqar. The two made a common cause against the *amir-i-hajib* who, on his part, plotted for the deposition and death of the king. The wazir divulged the plot to the sultan who dismissed Sunqar and banished him to Badaun. As Sunqar returned to the court without permission, he was arrested and put to death. The Turkish nobles, who were alienated against the sultan as a result of Aeitigin's murder, got thoroughly alarmed. The Turkish *ulema* (ecclesiasticals), too, were hostile, as one of them was put to death by the king's orders. The wazir, Muhazab-ud-din, had his own score to settle with his sovereign. An all-pervading conspiracy was hatched. At this time the Mongols invaded the Panjab and besieged the city of Lahore in 1241. An army was sent for the relief of the city. The wazir, who had accompanied it, revealed to the officers that the sultan had sent secret orders for their arrest and execution. The army was filled with rage and, vowing vengeance on the sultan, returned from the way to depose him. The citizens of Delhi fought desperately but they were no match for regular troops. The city fell the next day. Bahram was seized and put to death in May 1242.

Ala-ud-din Masud Shah, 1242—1246

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The ascendancy of the Turkish aristocracy was fully established and the crown again suffered a defeat at their hands. The victorious nobles would have raised one of their own number to the throne if jealousy had not prevented them from recognising the merit in the ablest among them. Consequently, they raised to the throne Ala-ud-din Masud Shah, a very young son of Rukn-ud-din Firoz Shah and a grandson of Iltutmish, on the condition that he would abide by the agreement made by his predecessor. He was to delegate all power to 'the Forty' and himself to enjoy the title of Sultan. The naib's post was recreated and given to Malik Qutub-ud-din Hassan, a refugee from Ghur. Other high posts were monopolised by the members of 'the Forty'. The wazir Muhazab-ud-din dominated the court and exercised the power which was formerly held by the naib, while the naib was reduced to a secondary place. There was soon a quarrel between the wazir and the Turkish aristocracy. Muhazab-ud-din was dismissed and a new wazir in the person of Nazim-ud-din Abu Bakr was appointed. The post of *amir-i-hajib* went to Balban who was destined to reach the throne in the years to come. Balban, though a junior member of the aristocracy, dominated the party by reason of his superior ability and strength of character. Gradually, he appropriated most of the power and diverted the attention of the aristocracy from their mutual quarrels to campaigns against the Rajputs and the Mongols. This policy was so successful that the Turkish state regained some of its prestige and Masud's reign enjoyed comparative tranquillity and lasted for four years.

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Yet internal jealousy and trouble did not disappear altogether. The kingdom was torn by dissension and disturbed by rebellions. Tughan Khan, governor of Bangal, repudiated the authority of Delhi. He even annexed Bihar and invaded Awadh. Multan and Uch cut themselves off. In 1245 Multan was invaded and occupied by Saif-ud-din Hassan Qarlugh. The Mongols re-appeared in the upper Panjab. They even proceeded to besiege Uch but were obliged to abandon it as an army of relief was sent from Delhi in time.

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The state of affairs, though not satisfactory, was improving and Balban was gradually emerging as the man at the capital. A conspiracy was formed against the sultan by Balban himself in league with Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, another son of Iltutmish, and his mother. The result of the conspiracy was that Masud was deposed and Nasir-ud-din Mahmud was crowned king in June 1246.

Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, 1246—1265

His accession and character

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Nasir-ud-din Mahmud was enthroned at Delhi on 10th June, 1246. With his accession the struggle between the crown and the peers for the possession of real power in the state (which had begun after the death of Iltutmish) came to an end. The Turkish nobility won the contest. Nasir-ud-din Mahmud loyally abided by the tacit agreement and willingly resigned all power in the hands of Balban, the leader of 'the Forty'. The new king was by nature unambitious, docile and even timid. He contented himself with the mere form of royalty and left the substance of authority to his nobles. He was a religious-minded man, but his natural religiosity was accentuated by the memory of the fate that his predecessors had suffered at the hands of the nobility, by the great internal commotion caused by the attempt of the Hindu chiefs to regain their power and by the threat of a foreign invasion by the Mongols. Several anecdotes are related about the piety and simplicity of this ruler. One such anecdote is that his only queen used to cook his meals and, one day, when her fingers were burnt in the kitchen, she complained to the sultan and requested him to provide her with a maid-servant. Nasir-ud-din is said to have refused to comply on the plea that he was only a trustee of the State and could not use public money for his own comfort. These stories are, without doubt, very highly exaggerated. It is inconceivable that the sultan's wife, who was Balban's daughter, could have no maid-servant. We know that he had more than one wife and many slaves. The only truth in this and the various other anecdotes seems to be that Nasir-ud-din Mahmud probably lived an unostentatious life and spent most of his time in copying the Quran and in doing kindly acts of charity. He could not help it, for it was impossible for him to play the king under the circumstances. The very fact that he entered into a conspiracy with Balban against his nephew and benefactor, Masud, shows that he was not altogether without worldly ambition. But he was sagacious enough to understand his own limitations and the difference between what was possible and what was not. It was the knowledge of this together with his natural character that made him reign for about twenty years and die a natural death in 1265.

Balban : de facto ruler, 1246—1252

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As Balban was instrumental in raising Nasir-ud-din to the throne, the sultan placed all power in the hands of this leader of 'the Forty'. Abu Bakr seems to have continued as nominal wazir and become a partisan of Balban. The most important offices went to Balban's relatives. His younger brother, Kashlu Khan, was appointed lord chamberlain (*amir-i-hajib*). His cousin, Sher Khan, was appointed governor of Lahore and Bhatinda. Balban, who had acted as the real prime minister from the very first day of the reign, was formally appointed *naib-i-mamlikat* in 1249. The same year he gave his daughter in marriage to the young sultan which further strengthened his position and raised him head and shoulder above other Turkish nobles. Thus Balban monopolised power and used it for the advantage of himself, his relations and the Turkish state in the country.

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Balban’s temporary eclipse: Rayhan becomes prime minister, 1253

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Balban’s ascendancy and his unscrupulous use of power led to the rise of a party against him with Imad-ud-din Rayhan, a Hindu convert, at its head. Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, who seems to have resented the unbridled exercise of authority by his prime minister, became a party to the conspiracy and issued orders for the dismissal of Balban and his brother. They were directed to leave the court and proceed to their respective provinces. A fresh distribution of offices now took place. Rayhan became prime minister. The office of wazir went to Junaidi. The historian Minhaj was removed from the office of chief qazi which was given to Shamsh-ud-din. Sher Khan, Balban’s cousin, was removed from the governorship of Bhatinda and Multan which were placed under the charge of Arslan Khan. Thus the key positions in the state came to be held by Rayhan’s nominees. Rayhan has been condemned for this *coup*. He has been called a ‘renegade Hindu’, ‘a vile upstart’, ‘a usurper’ and ‘a conspirator’. The fact, however, is that he was as good a Musalman as any Turk and was neither a ruffian nor a scoundrel. He was a clever politician who exploited the king’s dissatisfaction against the arrogant Balban and his party and established his own authority in the latter’s place. He was a leader of the party of the Indian Musalmans whose number was growing with rapidity and who had begun taking interest in the politics of the time. The foreign Turks and their partisans were as much hostile to Indian Musalmans as to the Hindus. They could not tolerate an Indian Muslim holding any position of importance in the administration and hence contemporary writers used unbecoming epithets to describe Rayhan’s character and his *coup* of 1253.

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Re-instatement of Balban, 1254

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Rayhan's administration, though popular with the lower classes, could not last long. The Turkish nobles at the court and in the provinces would not tolerate an Indian Muslim as the *de facto* head of the government. They combined under the leadership of Balban and decided to take action. Their united armies proceeded towards the capital in 1254. The sultan, thereupon, issued out of Delhi and encamped near Samana. A contest between the two was imminent but Mahmud lost heart and was obliged to agree to the proposal of the insurgents to dismiss Rayhan (1254). Accordingly, Rayhan was transferred to Badaun and from there, a little after, to Baharaich. Balban was reappointed *naib* and allowed to fill important offices with his nominees. The historian Minhaj got back his post of the chief *qazi*. The ascendancy of the Turkish nobility was now unquestioned and it continued till the end of Mahmud's reign.

Balban suppresses rebellions

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Balban now resumed his policy of consolidating the authority of the crown. He decided to put down rebellions and to force the provinces of the Sultanate to return to allegiance. Bangal had for some time been in a disturbed condition. Tughan Khan, the governor, behaved like a king and repudiated the authority of Delhi. He even invaded Awadh. Balban soon found a pretext to interfere in the affairs of Bangal when Tughan Khan, who had been defeated by the raja of Jajnagar in Orissa, appealed to Delhi for help. Balban sent an army for his assistance under Tamur Khan, who was instructed to punish Tughan and take charge of Bangal from him. He was able to accomplish this work. Tughan was compensated by the grant of Awadh and he died immediately after (1246). But Bangal was destined to give more trouble to the ruler of Delhi. One of Tughan's successors in that province, Yuzbak-i-Tughril Khan, assumed regal title, struck coins and read the *khutba* in his name about 1255. But he was killed in an expedition to Kamarupa in or about 1257 after which the supremacy of Delhi over Bangal was re-established. Within three or four years there was again trouble in Bangal. Arslan Khan, governor of Kara, occupied Lakhanauti and ruled Bangal as an independent ruler. The province continued its career of independence till the end of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud's reign.

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In the north-west, too, Balban had to deal with rebellious governors. The restoration of the Delhi authority over that region was imperfect. This was due to three causes, namely, (1) the presence at Baniyan of Saif-ud-din Hasan Qarlugh who was an ambitious ruler and wanted to extend his dominion to Multan and Sindh, (2) the constant pressure of the Mongols, and (3) the disloyalty of the local officers who were anxious to carve out a fortune for themselves by intrigues with Delhi and the Mongols in Persia. In 1249 Saif-ud-din Hasan Qarlugh occupied Multan. He was, however, compelled to abandon it soon after. A few years later, Kashlu Khan, governor of Multan and Uch, repudiated allegiance to Delhi and became a vassal of Hulagu, the Mongol ruler of Persia. He entered into an alliance with another rebellious governor, named Qutlugh Khan of Awadh, and the two made an attempt to capture Delhi. But the project failed owing to the vigilance and activity of Balban. An understanding seems to have been arrived at between Delhi and Hulagu who sent an envoy to Delhi to assure the Sultan that the Mongols would respect the north-western frontier of India. But trouble continued to reign in the Panjab. Even Lahore passed into the hands of the Mongols in 1254. Only a small portion of the Panjab, namely that in the south-east, remained a part of Delhi, while the rest, namely that in the north-west, came under the Mongol sphere of influence. Multan and Sindh, however, remained parts of Delhi.

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One of the most difficult tasks of Balban was to resist the numerous Hindu attempts to regain their independence. His first task was to subjugate the disaffected people of the Doab. This kept him engaged for months during which bitter fighting took place. Balban defeated a notable chieftain in the fertile valley of the Yamuna, whom Minhaj calls ‘Dalaki-wa-Malaki’ identified by H. C. Ray with Trilokyavarma of the Chandela dynasty (*Dynastic History*, Vol. II, pp. 720-30), slaughtered a large number of men and carried away women and children into slavery. Next, he took upon himself the task of chastising the turbulent people of Mewat, the region south of Delhi. Here, too, he displayed his usual brutality. He led numerous expeditions against Ranthambhor which was eventually conquered. In 1247 he suppressed a rising of the Chandela chief of Kalinjar. In 1251 he led an expedition against the Hindu ruler of Gwalior. But he made no attempt to establish Turkish rule in Malwa and Central India.

Death of Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud

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No information is available about the last days of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud's reign. The *Tabqat-i-Nasiri*, the only first-rate authority on the period, comes to an abrupt end about the middle of the year 1260, and our next authority, namely, Zia-ud-din Barani's *Tarikh-i-Firozshahi* commences its account from the accession of Balban. The Sultan, however, seems to have lived a peaceful life and died a pre-mature death in 1265 without leaving any male issue. He was succeeded by Balban.

The House of Iltutmish

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(1) Shams-ud-din Iltutmish

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| . . . . .
| | (2) | (3) | (4) | (6) |

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Nasir-ud-din Rukun-ud- Raziah Muiz- Nasir-ud-din Daughter din Firoz ud-din Mahmud m.

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| Bahram | (7)

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(5) Ala-ud-din Masud Baha-ud-din Balban (captures the throne)

Cites (8)